GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY
CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY
DOCUMENTS IN
MYCENAEAN GREEK
DOCUMENTS IN
MYCENAEAN GREEK
THREE HUNDRED SELECTED TABLETS
FROM KNOSSOS, PYLOS AND MYCENAE WITH
COMMENTARY AND VOCABULARY
BY THE LATE
MICHAEL VENTRIS
AND
JOHN CHADWICK
Lecturer in Classics in the University of Cambridge
WITH A FOREWORD BY
ALAN J. B. WAGE
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1959
PUBLISHED BY
THE SYNDICS OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Bentley House, 200 Euston Road, London, N.W'. i
American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New York 22, N.Y.
First printed 1956
Reprinted 1959
C&NTRAL ARCHAtOLOGlGAfc
USRAKY, NtW
Amc Mo AGG
OftCO. ....«• M* .«. ... ...... rt. ... .M
Printed in Great Britain at the University Press, Cambridgt
‘Brooke Cnitchley, Uniiersity Printer)
To the memory of
HEINRICH SCHLIEMANN
1822-1890
FATHER OF MYCENAEAN ARCHAEOLOGY
/ had always passionately longed to learn Greek; but up to the time
of the Crimean War it appeared to me inadvisable to abandon myself
to this study, since I feared that the powerful fascination of this
wonderful language would take too great a hold on me and would
alienate me from my commercial interests. But when the first news of
peace arrived at St Petersburg in January 18^6, I could no longer
contain my desire, and without delay I applied myself with great
diligence to the new study. Again I faithfully followed my old methods.
In order to master the vocabulary in a short time ( even more difficult
for me than in the case of Russian ), I obtained a modern Greek trans-
lation of Paul et Virginie; and read this from cover to cover, all
the time carefully comparing each word with its counterpart in the
French original. After a single reading I had absorbed at least half
of the words in the book, and after a repetition of this process I had
learnt practically all of them — without having wasted a single moment
in looking a word up in a dictionary. In this way I succeeded, within
the short space of six weeks, in mastering the difficulties of modern
Greek. Then I embarked on the study of the ancient language, of
which I gained a suffcient knowledge in three months to enable me
to understand some of the ancient authors — especially Homer, whom
I read again and again with the greatest enthusiasm ....
(SELBSTB10GR.A.PHIE, pp. 21-2.)
CONTENTS
Illustrations
Preface
Foreword by A. J. B. IVace
. page xi
xiii
xvii
PART I. SCRIPT, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
CHAPTER I. DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT 3
1 The Homeric Age as myth ........ 3
2 Mycenae and Knossos: the pioneers ....... 6
3 The years of stagnation . . . . . . . . . 10
4 The American contribution: preludes to decipherment . . . . 14
5 June 1952 : the language is Greek . . . . . . . 21
6 The widening of the ranks ........ 24
CHAPTER II. THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM 28
1 Chronological table .......... 28
2 Origins: the Cretan ‘hieroglyphic’ script ...... 28
3 Linear Script A .......... 3 1
4 The derivation of Linear Script B ....... 37
5 The spelling rules ....... . . 42
6 The Mycenaean ideograms ........ 48
7 Numerals and methods of measurement ...... 53
8 The absolute values of the symbols for weight . . . . . 57
9 The absolute values of the symbols for volume ..... 58
10 Possible survivals : the Cypriot scripts ....... 60
CHAPTER III. THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE 67
1 Script and language ......... 67
2 Foreign elements in Mycenaean ....... 70
3 The relation of Mycenaean to the historical dialects .... 73
4 Dialect differences in Mycenaean ....... 75
5 Phonology ........... 76
6 Morphology ........... 83
7 Syntax ......... 89
8 Vocabulary .... ...... 90
vii
CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV. THE PERSONAL NAMES page 92
1 Men’s names ........... 93
2 Women’s names . . . - . . . • . .101
3 Names recurring at different places . . . . . . .102
4 Homeric parallels . . . . - . . . . .103
5 The names given to oxen . . . . . . . . .105
CHAPTER V. THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS 106
1 The extent of Mycenaean literacy .... ..109
2 Bureaucratic methods . . . . . . . . .110
3 Mycenaean arithmetic . . . . . . . . .117
4 Social organization . . . . . . . . . .119
5 Mycenaean religion . . . . . . . . . .125
6 Agriculture and land tenure . . . . . . . .129
7 Industry and trade . . . . . . . . -133
8 Historical evidence . . . . . . . . .137
9 Geographical names . . . . . . . . .139
10 List of places named at Knossos and Pylos . . . . . .146
PART II. SELECTED TABLETS
Explanatory notes on the presentation
153
CHAPTER VI. LISTS OF PERSONNEL 155
1 Women and children at Pylos (Aa, Ab, Ad) . . . -155
2 W’omen and children at Knossos (Ai, Ak) . . . . . .162
3 Men, women and children at Knossos ( Ag, Ai) . . . . .165
4 Women workers at Knossos . . . . . . . .165
5 fVomen workers at Pylos . . . . . . . .166
6 Individual men at Knossos (As) . . . . . . .168
7 Individual men at Pylos (Ac) . . . . . . .169
8 Work groups of men at Knossos (Am, As, B) . . . . .170
9 Work groups of men at Pylos (An) . . . . . . .172
I o fVork groups of men at Mycenae . . . . , . .179
I I Lists of mixed tradesmen at Knossos . . . . . . .179
12 Lists of mixed tradesmen at Pylos . . . . . . .180
13 Rowers and troops at Pylos .... 183
vui
CONTENTS
CHAPTER Vn. LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
page 195
I
Flocks of sheep and goats at Pylos (Cc, Cn) ....
199
2
Flocks of sheep at Knossos (Da, Dg) ......
201
3
Flocks of sheep and consignments of wool at Knossos (Dk, Dl)
203
4
Miscellaneous livestock at Pylos (,Cn) ......
205
5
Miscellaneous livestock at Knossos (C, Ca, Ch, Co, Dm, Dn)
208
6
Grain consignments and rations at Knossos (E, Fj
213
7
Grain rations at Pylos (Fn)
215
8
Oil consignments or rations at Knossos and Mycenae (Fh, Fo'i
217
9
Mixed rations and consignments at Knossos (Fi ....
218
lO
Mixed rations and consignments at Pylos (Un: ....
219
1 1
Spices at Knossos (Ga, Og) .......
221
12
Spices at Pylos (Un) ........
223
13
Spices at Mycenae (Ge! ........
225
CHAPTER VIII. LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
232
I
Typical formulae on short Pylos tablets .....
239
2
The first Pylos set ........ .
240
3
The second Pylos set ........
250
4
The third Pylos set ........ .
252
5
The fourth Pylos set ........
258
6
The estates of the king ........
264
7
Knossos land-tenure tablets .......
269
8
Knossos orchards .........
. 272
CHAPTER IX. PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 275
I
The Pylos ‘dosmos' tablets .......
275
2
Proportional tribute from Pylos villages .....
289
3
The Knossos d/r-series ........
301
4
Offerings to divinities at Knossos ......
303
CHAPTER X. TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
313
I
Textiles at Knossos . . ......
313
2
Textiles at Mycenae ...
322
3
Textiles at Pylos .... . .
323
4
Mycenaean vessel names ........
323
5
Inventories of vessels at Knossos . . ...
329
6
Vessels at Mycenae .........
■ 331
7
Inventories of vessels and furniture at Pylos ....
332
8
Pylos lists of miscellaneous content ......
348
IX
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XI. METALS AND MILITARY EQ^UIPMENT page 351
1 Metals at Pylos . ..... 352
2 Metals at Knossos .......... 359
3 Swords, spears and arrows at Knossos . . . .360
4 Chariots without wheels at Knossos . . .... 361
5 Chariot wheels at Knossos ........ 369
6 Chariot wheels at Pylos . . . . . . . . - 373
7 Corslets and helmets at Pylos . ..... 375
8 Chariots and corslets at Knossos . . . . . -379
PART III. APPENDICES
I MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY ....... 385
II INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES ...... 414
Bibliography .......... 428
General Index ..... .... 434
Tablet Concordances . . ...... 442
X
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
I 46 =Aul 02 , Mycenaean tablet of ‘page’ shape .... frontispiece
II (a) 82 — Ca 895 from the Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos . facing p. no
{b) 31 = Ae 04 from the Archive Room at Pylos
(c) 270 =Sd 0402 from the ‘Arsenal’ at Knossos
III (a) 140 = Eb 35 from Pylos, recording tenure of land by a priestess facing p. iii
{b) 236 = Ta 641 , found at Pylos in 1952
FIGURES
1 Three-sided cornelian seal-stone from eastern Crete (P. 49 * in Evans,
Scripta Mima /, p. 159) ........ page 9
2 Linear B ‘ chariot ’ tablet found in the Knossos ‘ Armoury ’, 1 904 (for a trans-
lation, see 265 = Sd 0403 , p. 365) . . . . . . 12
3 The state of the ‘grid’ prior to decipherment (February 1952) . . 20
4 Proposed values of the Mycenaean syllabary ..... 23
5 ‘Hieroglyphic’ tablet from Phaistos ....... 30
6 The Linear A syllabary in use at Agia Triada (after Carratelli), with
possible cognates in the ‘hieroglyphs’ (H) and in Linear B (B) . . 33
7 The commonest Agia Triada ideograms ...... 34
8 Agia Triada tablet HT 14 ........ 35
9 The Alycenaean syllabary (after Bennett). K = Knossos, P = Pylos,
M = Mycenae, T = Thebes . . . . . . . . 41
10 The Mycenaean ideograms (after Bennett), with their most usual tablet
contexts and suggested meanings ....... 50-1
11 The Cypriot linear script, as used on the 1953 tablets from Enkomi and
Ugarit ............ 62
12 The classical Cypriot syllabary (after Mitford' ..... 64
13 Diagrammatic plan of the palace at Knossos . . . . . 115
14 Key plan of the palace at Pylos (based on the survey by Theocharis, 1954) 1 16
15 The Agia Triada sarcophagus ........ 282
16 Mycenaean vessel ideograms and their names ..... 324
17 Knossos tablet K 93 ......... 325
XI
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1 8 Contents of the Tomb of the Tripod Hearth, Zafer Papoura (Evans. Palace
o/T/znoi-, II, p. 634, fig. 398) page ^26
19 Late Helladic drinking cups . . . . . . . .327
20 Pedestalled bowl from the Fourth Shaft Grave, Mycenae . . . 328
21 The gold signet ring from Tiryns ....... 333
22 MM Illb (or LM la?) bathtub from the S.E. Bathroom, Knossos . . 338
23 Ivories from Alycenae and Dendra ....... 346
24 Typical LM II sword hilt ......... 347
25 The Mycenaean chariot, and Egyptian yoke arrangements . . . 362
26 Late Minoan and Mycenaean helmets ...... 377
xii
PREFACE
During the months following the appearance of our first article ‘ Evidence for
Greek dialect in the Mycenaean archives’ {JHS, 73 , 1953, pp. 84-103) we
received several invitations to discuss the results of our decipherment at book
length. Our first reaction was to regard the writing of such a book as premature,
in view of the uncertainty and incompleteness of much of the interpretation ;
but since 1953 there have been a number of changes in the situation:
1 . A large number of new Mycenaean tablets, found at Pylos and Mycenae
in the seasons 1952—4, have been added to the known material and must now
be taken into account. Through the kindness of Prof. C. \V. Blegen, Prof.
A. J. B. Wace, Dr Emmett L. Bennett Jr. and Dr Ch. Karouzos (director of
the National Museum in Athens), we have been able to study many of these
documents in advance of publication ; our thanks are also due to Dr N. Platon
(director of the Iraklion Museum) and to his assistant S. Alexiou for making
available to us the originals of the Knossos tablets, many of which are not to
be found in Evans and Myres’ Scripta Mima II. \Ve are indebted to them for
the photographs of tablets which appear in the Plates. While this book con-
tains a selection of all the Mycenaean tablets known at the time of writing
(Easter, 1955), it is uncertain whether the next few seasons’ excavation will
provide any material addition to their numbers, and this may therefore be an
opportune moment to review the evidence.
2. The 1952-4 tablets have enabled us to improve many of our earlier
interpretations of signs, vocabulary and grammar, and have provided new
and conclusive evidence that the language of the Mycenaean script really is
a form of Greek. The documents here published are thus of great importance
in forming almost the earliest record of Indo-European speech (of the family
to which our own language belongs), and in providing the present-day speakers
of Greek with a language history which may now be traced back more than
3350 years. A complete and detailed Mycenaean Vocabulary is becoming a
necessity for comparative purposes.
3. A large number of classical scholars, philologists and archaeologists have
begun to join in the interpretation of the documents. A general suix ey of the
evidence will, we hope, be useful as a background against which to appreciate
this new research discipline, already embodied in numerous articles dealing
with points of detail. It may also provide a useful summary’ of its first results
for those who have not the time for the cryptographic technicalities, but who
xiii
PREFACE
nevertheless wish to know more about the subject-matter that the tablets
record and of the language in which they are written. \Vhile we would be the
first to admit that our translations of the tablets are necessarily very tentative
and imperfect, we hope that this book will have the advantage over previous
articles in offering the remaining sceptics an overwhelming mass of evidence to
show that the widespread support for the principle of the decipherment is j ustified .
The book has been planned in three sections. Part I contains a retrospective
account of the half-century^ of research which has culminated in decipherment ;
a detailed discussion of the Mycenaean script, language and proper names;
and a summary of the cultural evidence which can be extracted from the
tablets. Part II, the core of the book, is devoted to the printing of 300 selected
texts from Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae in transliteration, together with trans-
lation and commentary. We have tried to include all the tablets which provide
useful material for a discussion of language, life and institutions, and have
divided these into six chapters according to their different subject-matter.
Part III comprises a complete Mycenaean Vocabulary, a selective list of
personal names and a bibliography, together with concordances to the tablet
numbering and a general index.
Our views on the detailed relationship of this Greek dialect are given in
ch. iii; but until a satisfactory terminology is agreed we have preferred to refer
to it non-committally as ‘Mycenaean Greek’, which is intended to mean no
more than ‘ that form of Greek which has so far been proved to occur in a
Mycenaean context’. It may be objected that this would leave us without a
distinguishing label for the speech of Mycenae itself, should further evidence
reveal dialect differences between it and those of Pylos or Knossos ; but similar
considerations have not prevented the term ‘Mycenaean’ from coming into
general use to describe the culture of the same wide area. Some apology is,
however, due to the archaeologists for the necessity of referring to ‘ Mycenaean ’
dialect, script or institutions at Knossos in the period whose culture is properly
known as Late Minoan II.
For the convenience of the printer and of those unfamiliar with the My-
cenaean script, texts and words have generally been printed in the syllabic
transliteration shown in fig. 4 (p. 23). Since in several respects the phonology^
of our dialect does not necessarily coincide with that of the later classical
Greek, we have reluctantly decided to print the reconstructed Mycenaean
forms in Roman letters (as in the transcription of other ancient Near Eastern
scripts) rather than by an anachronistic use of the Greek alphabet. This has
been replaced by the conventions abgdewzhethiklmnxoprstuphkh
ps 0. The labio- velar series is represented by q^h; e and 6 indicate vowels
XIV
PREFACE
in which compensatory lengthening might be expected (Attic ‘spurious’
diphthongs £i and ou). This transcription is to be regarded as no more than
a conventional approximation; the exact pronunciation of these phonemes
may be subject to considerable uncertainty (particularly in the case of z, h,
and s).
\\c have wherever possible taken account of the interpretations of individual
words, signs and contexts which have been proposed by other scholars during
the period from 1953 up to the completion of this manuscript at Easter, 1955,
and have tried to give them due credit in the commentaries and Vocabulary.
Bennett’s edition of the 1939-54 Pylos tablets unfortunately appeared too late
(February 1956) for full conformity to be ensured, particularly with regard
to his new numbering of the 1939 tablets (see p. 153). have preferred
to leave many details of the interpretation as uncertain, where the solutions
so far advanced appear to be premature or unsatisfactory. There will inevitably
be cases where we withhold credit to others for solutions at which we had
in fact already arrived independently, and for any such apparent injustice
we apologize in advance. Books and articles have been referred to in the
text merely by their author and year of publication (or other abbreviation),
for which the key will be found in the bibliography on pages 428-33.
In preparing the first draft of this book, we divided its contents between us
in alternating sections; but these were subsequently amended, and where
necessary rewritten, to take account of the other’s criticisms, so that it is hardly
possible to apportion responsibility. Continuous discussion and correspondence
have resolved most of our differences ; where we still hold strongly to opposing
views this is indicated.
We are greatly indebted to Prof. Alan J. B. \Vace for writing the Foreword
to this book, which enables us to leave in his competent hands the discussion
of the historical background to the Knossos and Mainland records; to Prof.
C. ^V. Blegen for the encouragement and generous facilities given to our studies
in connexion with his successive finds at Pylos; to Dr Emmett L. Bennett, Jr.
for his indispensable published reference works, for a prolonged and fruitful
private exchange of views, and for assistance with the tables of phonetic signs
and ideograms; to Mr T. B. Mitford for the tables of Cypriot syllabary signs
shown in fig. 1 2 ; and to Monsieur O. Masson for help with the table of Cypriot
linear signs (fig. ii).
We must also acknowledge with thanks the benefit which many different
parts of our book have derived from discussion and correspondence with
Professors E. G. Turner, T. B. L. Webster and L. R. Palmer, Col. P. B. S.
Andrews and other members of the seminar of the Institute of Classical Studies
XV
PREFACE
in London; with Professors G. Bj6rck + , P. Chantraine, A. Furumark, M. S.
Ruiperez and E. Sittig4«, Dr F. Stubbings, Mr T. J. Dunbabin^-, Herr
Hugo Miihlestein; and with many others.
Our tha nks are due to the Trustees of the Leverhulme Research Fellowships
for a grant which enabled John Chadwick to make a special journey to Greece
in the spring of 1955 to examine the original documents; and to the British
School of Archaeology at Athens for the hospitality and facilities extended to
us on this and other occasions.
’W e are indebted to the Oxford University Press for permission to reproduce
the illustration from Scripta Mima 1 shown as fig. i , and to Messrs Macmillan
for fig. 18, taken from The Palace of Minos.
We must express our gratitude, finally, to the Cambridge University Press
for the speed, accuracy and co-operativeness with which it has undertaken the
printing of our far from straightforward manuscript.
M. G. F. Ventris
J. Chadwick
LONDON
CAMBRIDGE
;p55
FOREWORD
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTE
The Aegean area divides geographically into three main regions, the Greek Alainland,
the Archipelago, and Crete. The archaeological finds from these three regions are dated
archaeologically by what are called ‘sequence dates’. From the successive strata of
the sites that have been excavated, such as Knossos, Phylakopi, Korakou, Lianokladi,
Eutresis, the succession of the different styles is known although their absolute dating
is by no means certain. For the sake of convenience the \vhole Aegean Bronze Age is
divided into three main periods. Early, Middle and Late. Each period can be sub-
divided into three sub-periods. The finds from the three main regions are thus described
as Early, Middle and Late Helladic for the Mainland, Cycladic for the Archipelago,
and Minoan for Crete. The three main periods are roughly parallel with the three great
periods of Egypt, the Old Kingdom, the Middle Kingdom, and the Late Empire. This
gives an approximate dating, which although not exactly accurate is not so far out as
to make much difference. The Late Bronze Age begins with the establishment of the
XVIIIth Egyptian Dynasty about 1580 b.c. and comes to an end in the days of the
XXth Dynasty towards the end of the twelfth century. The sub-periods of the Late
Bronze Age which most concern us. Late Helladic I, Late Helladic II and Late
Helladic III, can be dated approximately as 1580-1500, 1500-1400, and 1400-1 100 b.c.
Many points are still under discussion, but new discoveries and future study are not
very likely to change these approximate dates seriously. The sequence dates are of
course fixed, unless there is an archaeological revolution, which is hardly possible.
In 1874 Schliemann made a series of trial pits on the Acropolis of Mycenae
in order to select the most promising area for future excavations on a larger
scale. In these tests Mycenaean pottery and Mycenaean terracotta figurines
were found. ^ In 1876 Schliemann carried out his really epoch-making excava-
tion at Mycenae when he discovered the Grave Circle and the royal graves
with all their astonishing treasures. This, as he said, opened out a new w'orld
for archaeology: this was the beginning of Aegean Archaeology and the first
landmark in the revelation of the prehistoric civilization of Greece. The second
landmark came with the opening of Evans’ excavations at Knossos in 1900,
when he first discovered the clay tablets inscribed in Linear Script B, as he
called it. The third landmark came in 1952 when Michael Ventris announced
' Actually in 1809 Thomas Burgon picked up at Mycenae ‘south of the southernmost angle of the
wall of the Acropolis’ some fragments of Mycenaean pottery. These he published in 1847 in a coloured
plate in his paper ‘An Attempt to point out the Vases of Greece Proper which belong to the Heroic
and Homeric Age’ (Transactions of the R. Society of Literature, ’Vol. ii. New Series, pp. 258fr., pi. I\ .
-X, B, C) which in some respects foreshadows the results of modern research.
b
xvn
V 4 c
FOREWORD
that he had succeeded in deciphering the Linear B script as Greek. These are
the three main stages in the unveiling of the earliest ages of Greece.
In the years between these landmarks much patient archaeological work
was carried out, especially by Tsountas, but the results of this were not
immediately seen in their correct perspective. In 1884 Schliemann and
Dorpfeld excavated the fortress of Tiryns and discovered the Mycenaean palace
there. Unfortunately the interest of the architectural remains was allowed to
overshadow the purely archaeological side of stratigraphy, and the ruins of
the palace itself were interpreted in the light of the assumptions of Homeric
critics about the plan and appearance of a Homeric house. In the years 1896
to 1899 the British School at Athens excavated a prehistoric island site at
Phylakopi in Melos which gave the successive phases of the Bronze Age culture
in the Cyclades. In 1901 the excavations at Dimini in Thessaly brought the
first knowledge of the Neolithic Age of Greece, and subsequent research began
to find a place in the series for various finds from many sites which had not
been properly evaluated before.
The point which archaeologists were slow in recognizing was the all-
important one of stratification. Furtwangler and Loeschcke, publishing in
1879 and 1886 the pottery from Schliemann’s excavations at Mycenae and
pottery of similar types which had been found elsewhere, had recognized that
the matt-painted pottery was probably older than the pottery with lustrous
paint, but practically no excavator up to 1900 in southern Greece at least had
endeavoured to disentangle the order of the strata that had preceded the
Mycenaean Age, as it was called. It was customary to label everything as
pre- Mycenaean, and though much of interest had come to light at important
sites like Eleusis and Thorikos, no stratigraphic study was attempted ; even the
sequence of burials in the chamber tombs which were found at many sites
was not noted. Moreover, the pottery from the chamber tombs excavated by
Tsountas at Mycenae itself was not studied or even mended. Much valuable
evidence was thus lost.
Gradually, with the beginning of the new century and after Evans’ dis-
coveries at Knossos, a fresher spirit entered into Greek prehistoric archaeology.
The stratification of the Thessalian sites provided a guide, and the Bavarian
work at Orchomenos and the Greek work in Boeotia and Phokis showed some-
thing of the earlier periods of the Bronze Age before the greatness of Mycenae.^
The stratigraphic sequence was at last provided by Blegen’s excavations at
Korakou near Lechaeum in 1915 and 1916, where the sequence of what we
1 Fimmen’s Kretisch-mykenische Kultur, published in 1920, is a good conspectus of our knowledge down
to 1915.
xvui
FOREWORD
now call Early Helladic, Middle Helladic and Late Helladic was clearly
revealedd Four years later came the new excavations at Mycenae, which at
last began to reveal the true history of the site, and other evidence accumulated
from new excavations at sites like Asine, Eutresis and Eleusis, where the
sequences illustrated by Korakou proved of invaluable assistance. In 1939
Blegen discovered in the Palace of Nestor at Pylos several hundred clay tablets
inscribed in the Linear B script, which when analysed by Bennett proved of
inestimable value in the decipherment studies of Ventris.
By 1930 the archaeologists had, by studying the successive strata, come to
accept generally the thesis that the Greeks must have first entered Greece with
the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, deducing this from the following
archaeological facts. The first stage of civihzation in Greece is represented by
the prehistoric mounds of Thessaly and contemporary sites in Central and
Southern Greece. The earliest layers are Neolithic, and though we cannot as
yet suggest even an approximate date, they probably are not later than the
fourth millennium b.c. Their earliest inhabitants had reached a pottery stage
of development and (to judge by the presence of Melian obsidian) were able
to cross the narrow seas. We know nothing of their origin, which is still a
matter of archaeological debate. They were succeeded at the beginning of the
Bronze Age by a new people who, to judge from their artefacts, were racially
dissimilar.^ This new people used copper and later bronze and made pottery
of a more sophisticated type, but had not yet learnt the potter’s wheel. It
would appear that this people introduced into Greece many words, mostly
place and plant names, ending in -nthos, -assos, -ttos and -ene which are recog-
nized as non-Indo-European : such words are Korinthos, terebinthos, asaminthos,
Parnassos, Hymettos, Mykene. The original home of the Early Helladic people
is usually placed in south-western Asia Minor, where similar place-names
occur, but there is as yet no proof for this. This folk was akin to the contem-
porary Bronze Age peoples of the Cyclades and of Crete, and thus we can
recognize that the cultures of the Early Bronze Age in these areas were not
only contemporary but closely related. These cultures may not have been
actually sisters, but were probably at least first cousins.
The Early jHelladic people overran the Mainland, and presumably did
not extirpate the Neolithic folk but coalesced with the survivors. In any
case, as far as we can tell, they were not Indo-European. Some German
^ Wace and Blegen, BSA, xxn, pp. i75ff.
■ Some writers (Matz, Historia, i, p. 173) believe that the early stage of the Early Helladic period
overlapped with the later stage of the Neolithic period. There is, however, so far no stratigraphic
evidence in favour of this, and the stratification at Lianokladi, Hagia Marina, Tsani, Prosymna and
Orchomenos is against it.
b2
XIX
FOREWORD
scholars/ however, wish to see in the Early Helladic period two strains, one
Indo-European and one non-Indo-European, basing their ideas on the tectonic
and syntactic character of some of the ornament on the patterned pottery. To
extract ethnological conclusions from psychological speculations of this type is,
to say the least, unwise : archaeology, especially prehistoric archaeology, should
be as factual as possible and not imaginative to this extent.
With the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age on the Mainland of Greece
in the nineteenth century b.c. a new element appears. In the stratification of
excavated sites such as Korakou, Eutresis and Lianokladi it is obvious that
there is no transition or evolution from the Early Bronze Age culture to that
of the Middle Bronze Age. It is clear that a new factor at this time came into
Greece ; and since the material signs of its culture, pottery (which was made
on the wheel), house plans, tombs, and in general all artefacts, differ markedly
from those of the preceding Early Bronze Age, we assume that these differences
mean a difference of race. This new racial element presumably in its turn also
overran and amalgamated with the sur\dvors of the Early Helladic inhabitants.
From this time onwards there is no similar sign of any cultural break: the
Middle Bronze Age develops slowly and naturally into the Late Bronze Age.
This can be seen clearly in the pottery from the late Middle Helladic grave circle
at Mycenae recently excavated by Dr Papademetriou and Professor George
Mylonas.^ Likewise at the end of the Late Bronze Age there can be observed,
in spite of the more or less general destruction of the principal sites like
Mycenae and Tiryns, a similar gradual change in culture (visible most of all
in the pottery) from the end of the Bronze Age into the Early Iron Age. From
the Early Iron Age henceforward there is no break in the development of
culture in Greece: the Early Iron Age evolves naturally into the Orientalizing
and Archaic periods and so into the great Classical Age of Greece. Thus by
a process of elimination we deduce that since neither the Neolithie nor the
Early Helladic people were Indo-Europeans, that is Greeks, then the Middle
Helladic people who introduced into Greece the mysterious pottery called
Minyan Ware (the characteristic pottery of the Middle Bronze Age) were
probably the first Greeks to enter Hellas. So far no sign of their presence in
the north of the Balkan peninsula can be found, and apart from Troy we have
no indications of their presence in Asia Minor. The original home of the Greeks
still remains a problem awaiting solution.
The Middle Helladic people apparently did not immediately come into
contact with Crete and the Minoan culture; they met however in Melos,
^ E.g. Matz, Handbuch der Archaologie, ii, p. 203. He develops similar ideas in his Torsion.
^ Archaeology, v, pp. 194!?.
XX
FOREWORD
where at Phylakopi Kamares ware and Minyan ware are found side by side
in the same Middle Cycladic strata. Tow’ards the end of the Middle Bronze
Age some of the painted Middle Helladic pottery shows signs of Cretan
(Kamares) influence, but actual imports from Crete are rare. During the
transition from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age the Mainland people
became at last fully aware of the Minoan culture, which influenced the Alain-
land in much the same way as that in which classical Greek culture influenced
Etruria. Just as in Crete the latest Middle Minoan products almost abruptly
change into the new style of Late Minoan I, so on the Mainland the last style
of Middle Helladic gives way rather suddenly to the bloom of Late Helladic 1 .
The oversea connexions of the Mainland in this and the following period are
to be seen in the fact that the ‘Aegean’ pottery found in Egypt at this date
is Late Helladic and not Late Minoan.^ Little or no Middle Helladic potter}'
has been observed in Crete; ^ but Melian vases of Middle Cycladic HI date
were found in the Knossian temple repositories of Middle Minoan HI, and
a small vase of Knossian faience of the same period in Shaft Grave A of the
new Middle Helladic grave circle at Mycenae.® At all events from Late
Minoan I /Late Helladic I onwards the contacts between Crete, Knossos in
particular, and the Mainland (as exemplified at Mycenae) were frequent and
intimate. The trained eye can, however, nearly always distinguish between
Cretan and Mainland vases. The Zakro cups, for instance, are quite different
in fabric from their contemporaries on the Mainland. In the succeeding Late
Minoan H or Palace Period, actual Mainland vases are found at Knossos^
and imitations of them are common, for instance the Ephyraean goblets of
Knossos.®
As pointed out belo^v, it was the fashion down to the beginning of Evans’
excavations at Knossos to call the remains of the prehistoric age of Greece
Mycenaean or pre-Mycenaean; and thus the Late Bronze Age remains of
Crete were designated as Mycenaean, the Middle Bronze Age in Crete was
called the Kamares period, and so on. Gradually Evans by 1905 evolved the
Minoan system of sequence dating, and so thenceforward he and others
working in Crete began to speak of Early, Middle and Late Minoan for their
three phases of the Cretan Bronze Age. As Evans developed his theory that
the Late Bronze culture of the Greek Mainland was due to a Cretan or Minoan
^ Wace and Blegen, A 7 fo, XXXII (1939). pp. i 45 fF- Even the famous Marseilles ewer is Late Helladic II.
re-examined it in 1952. It was in the collection of Clot Bey which was formed in Egypt.
■ Evans notes only one sherd of Minyan ware as found at Knossos 'PM. ii, p. 309 .
® Excavated by Dr Papademetriou and Professor Mylonas.
E.g. Evans, PM, ii, p. 484, fig. 291 d and e.
^ Evans, PAT, iv, p. 360, figs. 301, 302, 306.
XXI
FOREWORD
conquest and colonization, he began to call the Late Bronze Age remains of
the Mainland Late Minoan; this nomenclature has persisted in some cases,
such as in the writings of Myres, down to the present time. After the resumed
excavations at Mycenae in 1920, it became clear to archaeologists such as Karo
working on the Greek Mainland that the culture of the Mainland, though
undoubtedly influenced by Crete, was largely independent of it; thus the
system of Early, Middle and Late Helladic was proposed as a parallel series
for the development of the culture of the Greek Mainland. Evans naturally
was opposed to this because he refused to the last to modify his views about
the relationship of Crete and the Mainland. He called those who refused to
accept his views preposterous and perverse. His pan-Minoan theories are
everywhere prominent in his Palace of Minos. ^
With the impulse of excavations such as Korakou and the new work at
Mycenae, students of prehistoric Greek archaeology began to recognize certain
facts which emphasize the differences and likenesses of Knossos and the Greek
Mainland in the second phase of the Late Bronze Age (Late Minoan H and
Late Helladic H).
In Crete at this time, which Evans called the Palace Period at Knossos, it
must be observed that Knossos differed much from the rest of Crete. The
Palace Style, as such, is practically non-existent in the rest of Crete outside
Knossos, and if examples of it are found they are generally considered as
imports from Knossos. It has long been recognized that in East Crete, for
instance, the Late Minoan 1 1 Palace Style period does not exist, but that there
is instead a prolongation of the Late Minoan I style which gradually evolves
into the Late Minoan HI style. It should also be remarked that the Linear B
script is so far known in Crete only at Knossos, whereas the Linear A script
is known both at Knossos and in the rest of Crete. The Linear B script is the
only script so far found on the Mainland, and it is far more widespread there
than in Crete, where it occurs only at one site, for it is known at Orchomenos,
Thebes, Eleusis, Tiryns, Mycenae and Pylos.
In the excavations at Korakou a type of pottery was first noticed to which the
name of Ephyraean was applied. This belongs to the Late Helladic H period
and is characterized by a class of well designed and proportioned goblets of
fine, smooth, buff fabric painted with floral and marine patterns. They are
easily distinguished by their patterns and fabric and are remarkable for their
simplicity and dignity. In 1920 it was observed that a class of vases similar to
1 Evans always refused to recognize any distinction between the Late Bronze Age pottery of the
Mainland and that of Crete. He called it all Late Minoan and thus obscured much of the historical
value of his discoveries.
XXll
FOREWORD
the Ephyraean vases of the Mainland was found at Knossos belonging to the
same general date, the second phase of the Late Bronze Age. The Knossian
examples, however, are less well made and less well designed; they also lack
the simplicity of the Mainland examples and the patterns on them are too large
in proportion. Further, it became apparent that the type of vase called by
Evans an alabastron, which occurs throughout the Late Bronze Age, is far more
common on the Mainland of Greece than in Crete. Because vases of this shape
in actual alabaster were found in the ruins of the throne room at Knossos^
it was assumed that it must be a Cretan shape; there are, however, from
chamber tombs at Mycenae excavated by Tsountas, two vases ^ of this shape
in gypsum which may well be of Mainland manufacture. The tombs ^ in Crete
in which clay alabastra are found are of this Late Minoan II period, the period
which is characterized by the so-called Palace Style of decoration for pottery.
Vases of the Palace Style, large amphorae, are on the Mainland a notable
feature of the Late Helladic II period, especially in the beehive tombs. Kurt
Muller long ago pointed out that those found at Kakovatos were of local and
not of Cretan fabric, in opposition to the then current belief that all Palace
Style vases were Cretan imports, a view which some apparently still hold.**
All the large Palace Style jars found on the Mainland are definitely of local
manufacture : those found at Vaphio, for instance, are of the same pinkish clay
as the later Laconian vases of the Orientalizing period. Careful study of these
three classes of vases indicates that in all probability their occurrence in Crete
is due to influence from the Mainland.
Other Mainland influences can be discerned. The beehive tombs so charac-
teristic of the Mainland, especially in Late Helladic II, are represented by a
few examples at Knossos; and at Knossos alone in the whole of Crete at this
time, so far as our present knowledge goes. On the other hand, on the Main-
land between forty and flfty beehive tombs are known : thus if number is the
principal test beehive tombs seem to be a feature of the Mainland, where their
structural development can be followed, rather than of Knossos.
The three palaces so far exacavated on the Mainland at Tiryns, Mycenae
and Pylos have throne rooms. Knossos has a throne room which belongs to
the latest part of the palace and seems to be a later insertion into an earlier
plan;^ the other Cretan palaces have not so far revealed throne rooms. At
^ BSA, VI, p. 41.
■ National Museum at Athens, Xo. 2769. from a chamber tomb at Mycenae 1887-88, and X'o. 3163
from Tomb 88 at itlycenae.
^ See below, p. xxv.
■’ Picard, Religions Prehelteniques, p. 282.
^ According to Evans [PM, rv, pp. 901 f.) it is a ‘revolutionary intrusion’ of the early part of LM II.
xxiii
FOREWORD
Knossos several fragmentary examples of friezes carved with rosettes or with
the Mycenaean triglyph pattern have been found. Evans wished to attribute
these to Middle Minoan III and to regard them as the models for similar
friezes from ^vlycenae and Tiryns, which are of Late Helladic III date. The
stratification of the fragments from Knossos is by no means secure : they belong
to the upper strata of the palace, and are probably due to Mainland influence.
There are fluted columns at Knossos, but these again belong to the Late
Minoan II period and we know now that fluted columns were used at Mycenae
and also at Pylos ; fluted columns are not known at Phaestus and other Cretan
sites outside Knossos.
Two other points call for mention. It has been observed that the style of
the frescoes^ of the last palace at Knossos is much more akin to that of the
frescoes of Mycenae, Thebes, Tiryns and other Mainland sites than to the style
of the frescoes found at Phaestus and other Cretan sites. The Cretan frescoes
are naturalistic in character; those of Knossos and the Mainland are more
interested in the human figure and in warlike scenes. Evans noted the military
spirit of Knossos in this time. Late Minoan 11.
In the palace at Knossos Evans found a store of blocks of green porphyry,
lapis Lacedaemoniiis, the only source of which is Krokeai in Laconia, half-way
between Sparta and the sea. This stone was popular at Mycenae and other
Late Helladic centres for making stone vases, and the raw material seems to
have been brought from Laconia to Mycenae to be worked. This porphyry
is then yet another hint of Mainland influence on Knossos in Late Minoan 11.
It was from a study of such points that several archaeologists had come to
the conclusion that Knossos at this time, the Palace Period, stood apart from
the rest of Crete and had more kinship with the Mainland. They suggested
that the factors which Evans had interpreted as proofs of a Minoan coloniza-
tion and conquest of the Mainland really pointed in the opposite direction,
and that they indicated strong Mainland influence on Knossos as opposed to
the rest of Crete. They at the same time emphasized the necessity for dis-
tinguishing between Late Alinoan and Late Helladic pottery, especially at
such sites as Phylakopi in Melos and lalysos in Rhodes. At Phylakopi Cretan
influence is first to be observed in the Middle Bronze Age, when Middle
Minoan pottery (Kamares ware) was freely imported at the same time as
Minyan ware from the Mainland makes its appearance in the island. With
the Late Cycladic period both Late Minoan I and Late Helladic I pottery are
found at Phylakopi, by Late Cycladic II the quantity of Mainland Late
Helladic II potten,' outstrips the Late Minoan II, and by Late Cycladic III
1 Band in f tpas 'Avrcoviou KEpapoirouMou, pp. 1 1 g ff.
XXIV
FOREWORD
Mainland Late Helladic pottery is dominant and there is little if anything
from Crete. In the early days before Aegean archaeologists recognized that
it was possible to distinguish between Late Minoan I and Late Helladic I
potter}^ (and the importance of doing so), practically all imported Late Bronze
Age vases at Phylakopi were called Minoan, even some which we now know
are obviously of Late Helladic H fabric.^ This gradual displacement of
Cretan influence bv Mainland influence is a point to which too little attention
has been paid.
At lalysos" the earliest Aegean settlement seems to have taken place at the
end of the Aliddle Bronze Age, for late Middle Minoan pottery has been found
there. With the opening of the Late Bronze Age both Late Minoan and Late
Helladic vases are present, with perhaps the Cretan in the lead. By the second
phase of the Late Bronze Age the story of Phylakopi is repeated and Late
Helladic II influence becomes dominant, and by that time the occupation or
perhaps colonization of Rhodes from the Mainland was so strong that
‘Mycenaean’ pottery was by then being made on the island.
At Knossos actual Late Helladic H vases have been found,® and the recently
discovered tombs also show Mainland influence. The new warrior graves,
apart from weapons, contain Palace Style vases, alabastra and Knossian imita-
tions ofEphyraean warej^ the other graves of the same date recently discovered
at Katsamba near Knossos show the same characteristics. ° Thus Aegean
archaeologists had deduced that the relations between Mycenae and Knossos
were not as believed by Evans, but rather the reverse, that the Mainland had
strongly influenced or dominated Knossos. Evans had pointed out® that in
his Palace Period (when he suggested that a new dynasty with strong military
tendencies was in power at Knossos) other Cretan centres were overthrown ,
he attributed this to the dominance of Knossos over the rest of Crete, and at
the same time he believed that this strong military Knossos had extended its
power to the Alainland and had established a colonial empire there. The
inherent natural strength of the Aliddle Helladic tradition, which persisted all
through Late Helladic in spite of any influences absorbed from Crete or else-
^ BSA, XVII, PL XI. ,
“ Monaco, Clara Rhodos, x, pp. 41 ff. Furumark's paper {Ada In^t. Rom. R. l>uecuie pp i5ofT..
on the lalysos discoveries was written without his ever seeing the actual pottery-, which my ^v•lle and I
have been allowed to studv in the Rhodes Museum by the kindness of Dr Kontes
= Evans, PM, ii, p. 485,' fig. 291 d and r. The Palaikastro ogival canopy jug abid. p. 490, fig. 29b a)
is of Cretan fabric.
* BSA, xLvii, pp. 246 ff. . D 1 Cl. I
^ BCH. 1954, pp. lyof., figs. 50, 51. The vases include Knossian Ephyracaii goblets, Palace .Style
vases and alabastra. Compare Antiquity, xxviii, pp. i83f.
® PM, IV, pp. 884 f., 944 f.
XXV
FOREWORD
where, shows clearly to those who have eyes to see that the Mainland and
Crete during the Late Bronze Age are basically and essentially different.^
Thus the general belief was spreading among those who had devoted serious
study to the problem and knew the actual objects (in short, the excavators
and field archaeologists) and who had already deduced that the Mycenaeans
must be Greeks, that at this time Knossos must have been at least under strong
Mainland influence, perhaps even under the rule of a Mainland prince.^ It
was consequently suggested that the destruction of Knossos at the close of the
fifteenth century (at the end of Late Minoan II) was not due to an invasion
from overseas or an earthquake, but to a revolt of the native Cretans, the
‘Minoans’, against the intruding Greek dynasty or overlords. The deductions
about Mainland influence at Knossos^ were based on facts, archaeological
facts, the value of which far outweighs all theories and hypotheses about
Minoan empires and colonies.
The Aegean archaeologists naturally believed that the ‘ Mycenaeans ’ of the
Mainland were Greeks, and that they would have spoken and written Greek.
Thus the discovery of the Pylos tablets in 1939 and their obvious similarity in
script and probably in language with the Linear B tablets from Knossos posed
an entirely new problem, which could only be solved by the decipherment of
the script. The ‘Minoans’ naturally held that the Pylos tablets proved the
Minoan conquest of the Mainland. One scholar even suggested that the
tablets were loot from Knossos! The ‘ Mainlanders ’ believed that the Pylos
tablets ought to be written in Greek, and toyed with the idea that the Knossos
tablets might be Greek also, though even they did not then see the wider
imphcations of the result of all this. ‘ Whether the language of the Mainland,
probably then Greek, was the same as that of Crete we cannot yet determine.’ ^
In 1952, as explained below, Mr Ventris announced his decipherment of
the Linear B script as Greek,® and many things thereupon became clear and
the archaeological deductions received linguistic confirmation, a great triumph
for both methods. Working independently, the archaeologists and the hnguists
had come to the same conclusions. It is not often that learned researches
support one another so decisively or so neatly.
Thus at one stroke what is practically a revolution has taken place in Greek
1 Compare Furumark, op. cit. pp. i86ff.
2 Pendlebur>', Archaeology of Crete, p. 229. This suggestion was rejected by Matz, Handbuch der Archdo-
logie, II, p. 271.
® Compare Kantor, The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium B.C.
^ Wace, Mycenae (1949), p. 117.
^ If the Linear B script which is that of the Mainland represents Greek, then the Linear A script
known so far only in Crete, probably represents the Xlinoan language.
XXVI
FOREWORD
studies. The prehistoric period of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages on the
Mainland (Middle and Late Helladic) must now be recognized as Hellenic;
we cannot include Crete, because we cannot yet read the Minoan Linear A
script, which represents a different language from the Linear B script, and
thus the Minoan culture cannot be called Hellenic. We must in future dif-
ferentiate between the Linear A Minoan script and the Linear B Mycenaean
script ; for the latter is far commoner on the Mainland, where it is found from
Orchomenos in the north to Pylos in the south, than it is in Crete.
We must in future speak ofpre-Classical and Classical Greek art and culture.
From the beginning of Schliemann’s discoveries at Mycenae the conservatism
of classical archaeologists has obstructed progress in the study of Greek civiliza-
tion as a whole. Because the pre-Glassical Mycenaean culture was in many
ways naturally unlike the culture of Classical Greece of the sixth, fifth and
fourth centuries b.c., archaeologists refused to believe that it could possibly
be Greek. They could hardly have expected that the culture of Mycenae,
one thousand years older, and that of Periclean Athens would be the same.
The more, however, we study Mycenaean art and culture, the more we find
in it elements that anticipate Classical Greek art.
From the first, because Mycenaean art was unlike Classical Greek art, it
was dismissed as oriental. Even when it was admitted that the Greeks might
have arrived in Greece at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, it was
stated that Greek art did not develop until one thousand years later, after an
interregnum of chaos. One writer for example says: ‘When the sun of Homer
rose out of the darkness of this wild time, it shone over the ruins of Creto-
Mycenaean culture; but the new life of pure Hellenism grew up out of its
ruins.’ 1 We are told that the first creation of Greek art was the Geometric
style, as though it had suddenly descended from Olympus about looo b.c.
These ‘orthodox’ archaeologists never reflected for one moment on the growth
and evolution of the Geometric style. We now know that it evolved gradually
from the pre-Classical culture of the Late Bronze Age, just as that in its turn
evolved from the culture of the Middle Bronze Age. Nature does not work
per saltus but by slow and sometimes painful processes of growth and change
and development. In any study of Greek art to concentrate on the Classical
period alone is a fatal mistake. The true student of Greek art must begin his
studies with the Middle Bronze Age at least; also, he must not end his studies
with the death of Alexander, as so many do, and refuse even to look at
Hellenistic art.
Schliemann in the enthusiasm of his first discoveries was overaw ed by the
1 Pfuhl, Masterpieces of Greek Drawing and Painting, pp. lof.
XXVll
FOREWORD
‘ experts who insisted that his finds could not be Greek but must be Phoenician,
Asiatic and so on. When he found frescoes at Mycenae, the ' experts ’ insisted
that they could not possibly be prehistoric and deterred him from publishing
them. Other ‘experts’ have held that there is a great chasm between pre-
Classical and Classical Greece. An Oxford professor wrote ^ as late as 1911 :
‘The chasm dividing prehistoric and historic Greece is growing wider and
deeper; and those who were at first disposed to leap ov^er it now recognize such
feats are impossible.’ It is this spirit which has impeded progress in our studies
of pre-Classical Greece. Now, with the revelation of a pre-Homeric Greek
going back to the fifteenth century B.c., we have before us a great opportunity
to discard old assumptions and the shibboleths once regarded almost as sacred
dogma.
The histor}^ of Greece and of Greek culture \v ill have to be rewritten from
the outlook of our present knowledge, and as more pre-Classical texts are found
and deciphered, so our knowledge will grow. Greek art is one and indivisible,
and has a continuous history from the first arrival of the Greeks. A fresh
examination of the legends of early Greece must also be undertaken to estimate
their archaeological and historical value.
There are three points, at least, which future discoveries and study will
undoubtedly make clearer. The orthodox view of classical archaeologists is
that there was a ‘ Dark Age ’, when all culture in Greece declined to barbarism,
at the close of the Bronze Age and in the early period of the ensuing Iron Age.
Even now, when it is admitted that the Greeks of the Late Bronze Age could
read and write with the Linear B script, it is still believed by some that in the
transition from the Age of Bronze to that of Iron the Greeks forgot how to
read and write, until about the eighth century when they adopted the Phoe-
nician alphabet. It is incredible that a people as intelligent as the Greeks
should have forgotten how to read and write once they had learned how to
do so. It is more probable that the Linear B script continued in use, and
perhaps even overlapped the first appearance of the Greek adaptation of the
Phoenician alphabet. This would have taken place in much the same manner
as that in which the native Cypriot syllabary continued in use until the third
centur)" b.c. and overlapped the Greek alphabet in the island. The Cypriot
syllabary" seems to be a development of the local so-called Cypro-Minoan
script, examples of which have been found at Enkomi and Ras Shamra.
Future discoveries may well reveal to us that the Linear B script continued
into the Early Iron Age and was then gradually replaced by the Phoenician
alphabet, which the Greeks found more convenient for writing their language.
^ P. Gardner, JHS, 1911, p. lix.
xxviii
FOREWORD
The clay tablets with the Linear B Mycenaean script so far found at Pylos,
Knossos or Mycenae are all inventories of one kind or another. No documents
such as letters or anything of a literary character have yet been found. We can
hardly doubt that such existed, though they were probably written on materials
less able to survive disaster than clay: the inventories of clay were baked and
so preserV' ed by the violent fires which destroyed so much. Letters or literary
texts may well have been on wooden tablets or some form of parchment or
even papyrus ; some fortunate discovery will possibly one day reveal them to us.
So elaborate a system of writing cannot have been employed only for recording
inventories of goods or payments of taxes, things in themselves ephemeral;
the Linear B script was probably also used for letters, treaties and even literary
texts.
Evans^^ long ago suggested that perhaps the earliest Greek epics had been
^vritten in ‘Minoan’ and then translated into Greek. There is now no longer
any need to imagine this, since we know that the Linear B tablets are in Greek
and an early epic poet, had he been so minded, could have recorded his
masterpieces on clay. Homer is the earliest existing monument of Greek
literature and the Iliad can hardly have been the first Greek poem ever com-
posed : its very perfection in language, composition, style and metre shows that
it is not the work of a mere prentice hand, but that of a master who must have
learned his art from a long succession of predecessors. We need not therefore
be surprised if excavation or some casual find in Greece gives us an early
document — a letter, or a literary text, a history or a poem — from some long-
forgotten forerunner of Homer.
As we have said, historians and archaeologists are accustomed to speak of
the period of transition from the Bronze Age to that of Iron, and of the early
years of the Iron Age, as a ‘Dark Age’ and to assume that culture in Greece
then underwent a severe recession ; thus they assert that literacy was forgotten,
civihzation declined, all was turmoil and barbarism. Actually the principal
reason why this is called a ‘Dark Age’ is that we have little or no evidence for
it in archaeolog>y in history or in literature. No inhabited site of this period
or of the Geometric period has been excavated. Our earliest sites are sanc-
tuaries like the Orthia site at Sparta and like Perachora. The evidence of the
cemeteries which have been excavated (as at the Kerameikos) shows that from
^ See Evans’ paper in JHS, 1912, pp. 277ff., especially p. 288. In this paper he rightly says (p. 277) :
'The scientific study of Greek civilization is becoming less and less possible without taking into constant
account that of the Minoan and Mycenaean world that went before it.’ He throughout emphasizes the
pre-Classical surtdvals in Classical Greek art, which in the light of the decipherment of Linear B as
Greek is almost prophetic. The reader should, however, remember that Evans makes no distinction
between Minoan and Mycenaean.
FOREWORD
the close of the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age there was no violent archaeo-
logical break, only a gradual transition or evolution from one age to the next.
Likewise in Dorian Argolis, as in non-Dorian Attica, evidence is slowly accumu-
lating to show that a similar process of evolution took place. As exploration
proceeds, evidence of the same kind will no doubt come to light from the other
areas of Greece. Tombs do not usually, even at the height of the Classical
period, yield much if any epigraphical material.
But what of the Dorians and the so-called Dorian Invasion? The effects of
the Dorian migration into the Peloponnese have been exaggerated by his-
torians. To the Greeks of the Classical period there was no great Dorian
Invasion. They called it the ‘Return of the Herakleidai’, and we know from
Homer that even at the time of the Trojan war Herakleidai were in power
in Greece : Tlepolemus,’^ the son of Herakles, the great Dorian hero, led the
contingents from Rhodes and the southern Sporades. The Dorians, according
to Thucydides, came into the Peloponnese with the returning Herakleidai.
There is nowhere in the Greek tradition any hint that the Dorians were different
except in dialect from any other Greek tribe. The Dorians were Greeks and
found Greeks already thoroughly established in Hellas. There is no suggestion
that they introduced any new or foreign culture: all efforts to find in the
archaeological remains things specifically Dorian have failed completely. There
are undoubtedly changes and developments in the artefacts from the close of
the Bronze Age down into the Iron Age and the Geometric period, but these
are natural developments and not revolutionary changes: we must not deny
to the intelligence of the Greeks any touch of inventiveness or originality.
Matz^ who says ‘ Das wirklich Neue beginnt erst mit dem Protogeometrischen ’
overlooks the clear evidence of the evolution of proto-Geometric from the
latest Mycenaean wares. The Dorian migration brought about not a cultural
but only a political change in Greece. The return of the Alkmaionidai and
their clients is a parallel event and we need not imagine that the Dorians
altered in Laconia, for instance, anything but the political structure of the
country. The Dorians on the Return of the Herakleidai to the Peloponnese
obtained political control of Corinth, Argos, Laconia and Messenia. Pausanias’
notes on the gradual occupation of Laconia by the Dorians suggest no more
than the slow winning of political control. In Argolis Mycenae remained
independent until some time after her co-operation in the victory of Plataea.
1 Some Homeric critics call him a Dorian interpolation, e.g. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, p. 47.
He occurs, however, in the Homeric Catalogue inscription of the late third centur\' b.c. from Chios
{JHS, 1954, p. 162).
- Handbuch der Archdologie, it, p. 305. Compare Furumark, Acta Inst. Rom. R. Sueciae, x (Op. Arch, iii),
p. 195 n. I.
xxx
FOREWORD
At Tiryns the palace was destroyed some time in the third phase of the Late
Bronze Age (Late Helladic III), but the megaron was rebuilt on a smaller
scale it presumably continued in use for some time thereafter. Unluckily,
owing to the circumstances of the excavation of the palace at Tiryns, we have
no archaeological evidence to tell us when the megaron was destroyed or when
it was reoccupied.
The importance of Mr Ventris’ decipherment can hardly be over-estimated,
for it inaugurates a new phase in our study of the beginnings of classical
Hellas. We must recognize the Mycenaean culture as Greek, and as one of the
first stages in the advance of the Hellenes towards the brilliance of their later
amazing achievements. We must guard against the facile assumptions of the
past and look at everything afresh from the new point of view. In culture,
in history and in language we must regard prehistoric and historic Greece as
one indivisible whole. The way has been prepared for us by the pioneer
archaeological work of Schliemann, Tsountas and Evans, and we must follow
boldly in their footsteps under the guiding light now provided for us by
Mr Ventris and Mr Chadwick.'^
^ Blegen’s suggestions {Korakou, pp. 130 ff.) are undoubtedly right. The German ideas that the
reconstructed megaron was a classical temple are untenable.
^ This Introduction was written in the winter of 1954-5 while I was a member of the Institute for
Advanced Study at Princeton. It owes much to the collaboration of my wife and to the criticism of
several friends in America who read it in first draft.
A.J. B. W.
PART I
SCRIPT, LANGAUGE AND CULTURE
CHAPTER I
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
1. THE HOMERIC AGE AS MYTH
The Hellenes of the classical period preserved no clear memory either of
a system of writing earlier than the Greek alphabet, or of a time when they
and their language were not firmly rooted on the Greek mainland.
The source of the alphabet is clearly acknowledged by Herodotus (v, 58-9,
in Rawlinson’s translation) :
Now the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and to whom the Gephyraei belonged,
introduced into Greece upon their arrival a great variety of arts, among the rest that
of writing, whereof the Greeks till then had, as I think, been ignorant. And originally
they shaped their letters exactly like all the other Phoenicians, but afterwards, in course
of time, they changed by degrees their language, and together with it the form likewise
of their characters. Now the Greeks who dwelt about those parts at that time were
chiefly the lonians. The Phoenician letters were accordingly adopted by them, but
with some variation in the shape of a few, and so they arrived at the present use, still
calling the letters Phoenician, as justice required, after the name of those who were the
first to introduce them into Greece. Paper rolls also were called from old 5 i 96 £pai by
the lonians, because formerly when paper was scarce they used, instead, the skins of
sheep and goats — on which many of the barbarians are even now wont to write.
I myself saw Cadmeian characters engraved upon some tripods in the temple of Apollo
Ismenias in Boeotian Thebes, most of them shaped like the Ionian. One of the tripods
has the inscription following:
Me did Amphitryon place, from the far Teleboans coming.
This would be about the age of Laius, the son of Labdacus, the son of Polydorus, the
son of Cadmus.
The ease with which Herodotus was able to read this and two other inscrip-
tions in the same temple, allegedly written some four generations or so before
the Trojan war, may have left him with some suspicion that their great
antiquity was only a pious fraud; and a more general feeling that writing was
tvholly out of place in the heroic age is reflected in Homer, whose only reference
to a visual message is couched in such vague terms as to leave doubt whether
true writing is intended at all {II. vi, 155-70) ;
Now Glaukos was the father of blameless Bellerophon, whom the gods had endowed
with beauty and manly grace, but whom Proitos, his overlord, expelled from Argos in
3
1-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
murderous anger. Proitqs’ wife Anteia had conceived a passionate desire to go to bed
with him secretly, but was unable to prevail on the prudent and high-minded Bel-
lerophon. So she went with a lying story to King Proitos : ‘ Alay death be yours if you
do not kill Bellerophon : he has tried to rape me.’ The king was seized with fur)" when
he heard this; taboo restrained him from kilhng him on the spot, but he dispatched
him to Lycia with a folded board, scratched with many malevolent symbols designed
to bring him ruin : he had only to show them to the king’s father-in-law for his doom
to be sealed.
But although Agamemnon, Odysseus and Nestor might have been illiterate,
and although their ancient palaces and cities had long since crumbled into
dust, it was in ancient times accepted without question that the Homeric
heroes had been Greeks in language, religion and every other distinguishing
feature, and that among their subjects were to be numbered the ancestors of
most, if not all, of the classical population. Homer possessed no term which
could be used without anachronism to refer to this linguistic unity (though
the Carians are called papPap6q)covoi in 11 . ii, 867) ; but for Herodotus the
Trojan war was a clear-cut struggle between "EAArives and Asiatics, and a direct
antecedent of the rivalry which was to culminate in the Persian invasions
(b 3 - 5 )-
Both Homer and Herodotus agreed, however, that among the segmented
and constantly-shifting population of the early Aegean there had also been
elements which did not speak Greek. This is clear from the description of
Crete in Od. xix, 172-7: ‘There is a land called Crete, in the middle of the
wine-dark sea, beautiful and rich, with water on all sides; on her are innu-
merable men and ninety cities, and one language jostles another; there are
Achaeans, and great-hearted True-Cretans, Cydonians, Dorians divided into
their three tribes(?), and excellent Pelasgians.’
In a significant passage (i, 57-8) evidently based on personal investigation,
Herodotus concludes from the speech of the ‘Pelasgians’ living in his time
on the Hellespont, on Lemnos and in the problematical city of ‘Creston’
(who in earlier times had inhabited Thessaliotis and Attica, where they had
built the wall round the Acropolis) that this widespread people had spoken
a barbarous tongue. In order to reconcile Pelasgian and Athenian claims to
autochthony, he argues that the Athenians must have been Pelasgians who at
some time adopted the Greek language; and goes on, with a disregard for his
own previous argument and for our own more careful discrimination between
‘race’ and ‘language’, to describe the Hellenic race as one which had never
changed its language, but had been ‘severed’ (ccrrocrxicrBEv) from the Pelasgians
and had increased its numbers at their expense. The same ambiguities are
4
DISCOVERY AXD DECIPHERMEXT
present in his description of the lonians (vii, 94) : ‘ When they dwelt in the
Peloponnese and inhabited the land now called i\.chaea (which was before
the arrival of Danaus and Xuthus in the Peloponnese) they were called,
according to the Greek account, “ Pelasgians of the sea-shore ”, but afterwards,
from Ion the son of Xuthus, they were called lonians.’ Both Sophocles (in his
Inachus) and Thucydides (iv, log, 4) use "Tyrrhenian’ as a synonym for
‘Pelasgian’, in allusion to the widespread belief in a Pelasgian migration from
Thessaly and the North Aegean to Italy, associated or identical with the
Etruscan migration derived from Lydia by Herodotus. This theory, found in
Hellanicus of Lesbos (fifth century" b.c.), Andron of Halicarnassus, Varro,
Diodorus Siculus, Strabo and others, has been subjected to detailed but incon-
clusive criticism both by Dionysius of Halicarnassus in antiquity (‘Pcoq. ’Apx-
I, xxv-xxx) and recently by Pallottino (1947). A germ of historical truth is
indicated by the discovery at Kaminia on Lemnos in 1885 of a sixth-centur\^
stele inscribed in what is almost certainly a language closely related to Etruscan.
The classical picture of a Greece inhabited since the birth of mankind by
a number of Greek-speaking tribes, living side-by-side with Pelasgians, Eteo-
cretans, Leleges and other obscure peoples, was to be undermined by the
Jewish-Christian cosmogony which, while retaining a finite date for the Crea-
tion, dismissed the possibility of local autochthony in favour of a diffusion of
all languages and peoples from a common centre in Asia. A long period of
unprofitable speculation on the mutual relationship of languages, in which
Hebrew played a pernicious role, continued until 1796, when Sir William Jones
gave first public expression to the view that Sanskrit, Latin and Greek had
’sprung from some common source, which perhaps no longer exists’.
In the next twenty years Franz Bopp and Rasmus Rask were able to show
conclusively that the Greek language, like its relatives, ^vas in fact the result
of a continuous evolution from a common ‘Indo-European’ ancestor, and
that it must therefore at one time have been brought into Greece from some
more central location somewhere on the great plains which stretch from Poland
to Turkestan. The age in which the hypothetical parent language had begun
to differentiate into separate dialects, and the date at which the first Greek-
speakers had entered the Balkan peninsula, could not however be determined
by any existing historical evidence; and the obvious unhistoricity of the greater
part of Greek legend made any classical testimony to the language situation
before the eighth century b.c. appear entirely untrustworthy.
The same uncertainties veiled the process by which the classical Greek
dialects, whose study was stimulated by progress in linguistic theor}' and in
the search for inscriptions, had reached their geographical distribution. It was
5
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
clear that a large and definite movement of population was necessary to explain
the occupation of the Peloponnese by the Dorian-speakers, keeping in sub-
jection a helot class, and cutting off the Arcadians entirely from the sea-coasts
from which their nearest relatives the Cypriots had evidently emigrated. But
it would have been rash to accept as historical fact Thucydides’ account of
the ‘Return of the Herakleidai’ (i, 12), or Eratosthenes’ precise dating of it
to 1 104 B.C., eighty years after the fall of Troy.
2. MYCENAE AND KNOSSOS; THE PIONEERS
In the brilliantly perceptive first twelve paragraphs of his history Thucydides
sketched the early development of Hellas, from a conglomeration of migrating
tribes without cities, commerce or security of communication, down to the
rallying of the Greek forces under Agamemnon for the Trojan war.
Mycenae was certainly a small place, and many of the towns of that period do not
seem to us today to be particularly imposing; yet that is not good evidence for rejecting
what the poets and the general tradition have to say about the size of the expedition.
Suppose, for example, that the city of Sparta were to become deserted, and that only
the temples and foundations of buildings remained, I think that future generations
would, as time passed, find it very difficult to believe that the place had really been as
powerful as it was represented to be. We have no right, therefore, to judge cities bv
their appearances rather than by their actual power, and there is no reason why we
should not believe that the Trojan expedition was the greatest that had ever taken place.
But most nineteenth-century historians (particularly in Germany) were
inclined to dismiss Troy and Mycenae as mere figments of poetic imagination;
preferring to telescope Thucydides’ narrative, by the omission of the Heroic
Age, to read as if the development of the classical city-states had been the first
interruption of that primitive state of barbarism that he so vividly described.
The first proof that a golden age of Mycenae had really existed was due to
the vision and persistence of one man, Heinrich Schliemann. Born in 1822,
the son of a poor North German pastor, he was fascinated in boyhood by the
story of Troy (which in daydreams he already saw himself excavating) and
enthralled by the cadences of Homer’s Greek, first heard on the lips of a drunken
miller. At the age of forty-six, having amassed a fortune in Russia and having
learnt fifteen languages, he retired from business, married a sixteen-year-old
Greek girl and devoted himself to archaeologv' — for which, even in those earlv
days of the science, he began wdth few technical qualifications apart from
great enthusiasm and a common-sense appreciation of stratification. After
three seasons at Troy, where the ancient settlement was triumphantly laid
6
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
bare, he began in August 1876 to excavate the citadel of Mycenae, whose great
Gate of the Lions had ever since prehistoric times been clearly visible above
ground.
Rich hoards of gold, massive architecture and sophisticated art forms soon
proved that the ‘Mycenaeans’ had reached a level of civilization which was
indeed far removed from primitive barbarism, and which fully justified Homer’s
reminiscence of it. The chronology" of his finds was not at first exactly appre-
ciated, but the Mycenaean age appeared to be approximately contemporary
with the Egyptian New Kingdom (c. 1580-1 100 b.c.). Schliemann was equally
vague about the race to which his ‘Mycenaeans’ had belonged. At the time
of his excavations he was confident that he was indeed recovering the burials
of Agamemnon and of the other Achaeans of his dynasty ; but in a letter to
Virchow nine years later (18 June 1885) he says:
I have been at pains to demonstrate that Tiryns and Mycenae must necessarily have
been built and inhabited by the Phoenicians, who in a remote prehistoric age flooded
Greece and the islands of the Ionian and Aegean seas with colonies, and who were
only finally expelled, around 1100 b.c., by the so-called Dorian Invasion.
This view, perhaps pressed on Schliemann by the ‘ experts ’, was still being
held by Dorpfeld in 1936. Reconsidering Schliemann’s discoveries, Tsountas
(1897) insisted that, although the Mycenaeans were illiterate (since no sign
of indigenous writing had apparently been found on the Mainland), they were
nevertheless Greeks; so too did Leaf in his introduction to Schuchhardt’s
Schliemann (1891):
Now we should rather suppose that the original dialect (of the Homeric poems) was
that of the ancestors of these Asiatic Aeohans, the Achaians of the eleventh century.
What the form of their speech was we cannot now pretend to say. It must have differed
greatly from Fick’s ‘Aeolic’; it was the common parent of Thessalian, Arcadian and
Cyprian, in all of which we see various points of connexion with the Epic language.
These affinities do not allow of an even approximate reconstruction of the parent
speech; but they do allow us to assume that there was once a common Achaian language
spoken by the dwellers in Mycenae and Tiryns, and over the greater part of the Greek
mainland.
In a letter (i January 1889) written two years before his death, Schliemann
confided that ‘ I would like to end my life’s labours with one great work — the
prehistoric palace of the kings of Knossos in Crete’. Since its description by
Buondelmonti in the fifteenth century", this ancient site had been known to lie
at the village of Makrotikho or Makritikhos, six kilometres south of Candia
(now Iraklion) in a sheltered valley leading into the interior, and out of sight
7
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of the sea. In 1 877 the Spanish consul Minos Kalokairinos, a native of Candia,
had made a small dig on the top of the Ke9dAa TaeAepTr-q, ‘Squire’s Knoll’,
during which he had uncovered some of the magazines with their large pithoi
and had recovered an inscribed tablet, now Ga 34 (Evans later found others
in Kalokairinos’ spoil-heaps) ; one of the pithoi then found is in the National
Museum at Athens. Three years later the American W. J. Stillman, who had
noticed the double axe signs on the masonry, applied in the name of the newly-
founded Archaeological Institute of America to the Imperial Ottoman Govern-
ment for a firman to excavate at Knossos. He was allowed to anticipate the
arrival of permission and began to dig ; but the firman never materialized and
he was forced to stop. Schliemann in 1886 confirmed the ‘Mycenaean’
character of the remains; in 1889 he tried to buy the knoll from its multiple
owners, but found their price too high for a site which ‘ I had satisfied myself
I would easily be able to excavate in a week with a hundred workmen’.
In addition to the rapacity of the proprietors Schliemann met with the usual
obstruction from the Ottoman authorities, as always highly suspicious of
archaeologists whom they suspected of subversive designs, and discouragement
from the native Syllogos that administered the Candia Museum, who were
afraid of what might happen to any treasures unearthed in the prevailing state
of political unrest. His plan to excavate Knossos was postponed in favour of
another season at Troy and cut short by his death: for this narrow escape
Evans was lastingly thankful.
In 1886 Evans, then keeper of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, was
presented by Greville Chester with a seal-stone from Crete of a type recently
publicized by Milchhoefer, engraved with unfamiliar ‘hieroglyphs’. His in-
tuition that Crete held the clue not only to a widespread system of writing
among the ‘ Mycenaeans ’, but also to the origins of their civilization, brought
Evans to Athens in 1893. He was there able to buy further specimens of
Cretan seal-stones, and also to show that among the Mycenae finds there were
in fact two vessels bearing writing. His travels to Crete in the following spring
brought sufficient new evidence of writing (largely in the form of seal-stones
similar to that shown in fig. i, worn as yaAoirETpes or milk-charms by the
women of the villages) to decide him to buy a part share of the Kephala site,
thereby forestalling Joubin of the French School; and to publish his pre-
liminary conclusions (1894). He argued that the ‘ Mycenaeans ’ must, in view
of their advanced civilization, have been literate; and distinguished two phases,
an earlier ‘pictographic’ script and a later linear or ‘quasi-alphabetic’.
There is the strongest presumption for believing that in Crete at least the race among
whom the earlier Aegean characters were originally rife was of non-Hellenic stock.
8
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
But if, at any rate towards the close of the Mycenaean period, there was already a Greek
population in Crete, it becomes probable that the mysterious characters with which
we are dealing may also have been used by men of Greek speech.
Further travels through Crete in 1895 and 1896, partly in company with the
young Myres, gave material for a further article (1897) which included the
inscribed libation table from Psykhro (Linear A). In November 1899 the
Turks finally evacuated Crete; at the New Year Evans was able to buy the
whole Kephala site; and permission was given for a Knossos excavation, under
the auspices of the British School, to be partly financed by the new Cretan
Exploration Fund.
Fig. I. Three-sided cornelian seal-stone from eastern Crete iP. 49 * in Evans, Scripta Miiwa I. p. 159'.
The first of six seasons, in which Evans was assisted by Mackenzie with
Fyfe as architect, began on 23 March 1900. Within a week the first of a very
large number of inscribed tablets (Linear B) were found : some of these depicted
vessels similar to those illustrated among foreign offerings in an Egyptian tomb
of the reign of Queen Hatshepsut (1516-1481 b.c.), which gave an approximate
indication of their date. Later evidence showed that the tablets had been
written just before the final destruction of the palace, which further Egyptian
parallels proved to have occurred early in the reign of Amenhotep III (1414-
1378 B.C.).
Evans also found, under a staircase adjoining the magazines, a deposit of
clay documents inscribed with ‘hieroglyphs’ and bearing the impressions of
seal-stones of the yoAoTTSTpa type. Injthe excavation report for 1 900 he recorded
the ‘hieroglyphic’ and linear tablets as being contemporary; explaining the
first as the product of the native Eteocretans who had been responsible for the
‘ Kamares’ pottery of the earlier period, the second as evidence of ‘ the intrusion
of a new element’ which had brought with it the Mycenaean civilization from
the Mainland.
In the 1902 report the sequence Kamares — Palace Style was amended to
Middle Minoan — Proto- Mycenaean — Mycenaean, with an indiscriminate use of the
terms ‘Mycenaean’ and ‘Minoan’ as a general label for the palace and its
9
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
treasures. From 1903 onwards the term ‘Mycenaean’ was dropped by Evans,
to be replaced in due course by the now' canonical division into the nine periods
from Early Minoan I to Late Minoan III. The civilization of Crete had proved
to be both more ancient and more autonomous than had been realized when
the earlier terminolog}' was evolved, as he emphasized in his presidential
address to the Hellenic Society (igis) :
When we come to regard the Minoan remains themselves as stratified by the various
catastrophes, it becomes evident that they are the results of a gradual evolution. There
is no break. The unity of the whole civilization is such as almost to impose the con-
clusion that there was a continuity of race. If the inhabitants of the latest Palace
structures are to be regarded as ‘Achaeans’, the Greek occupation of Crete must, on
this showing, be carried back to Neolithic times — a very improbable conclusion.
How Evans’ Knossocentric view had come to affect his perspective on the
Mycenaean civilization itself is shown a page later, where he describes it as
no more than ‘ a Minoan plantation’ and as ‘ a Mainland branch of the Minoan
culture’ :
We must clearly recognize that down to at least the twelfth century b.c. the dominant
factor both in Mainland Greece and in the Aegean world was still non-Hellenic, and
must still unquestionably be identified with one or other branch of the old Minoan
race. But this is far from sapng that even at the time of the first Minoan conquerors
in the Peloponnese, or approximately speaking the sixteenth century b.c., they may
not have found settlers of Hellenic stock already in the land.
Simultaneously with Evans’ discoveries at Knossos, tablets in a somewhat
different script (Linear A) were found at Agia Triada in the south of Crete by
Halbherr (not published till 1945) and also in smaller numbers at other Cretan
sites. In 1908 Pernier found the unique Phaistos disk, stamped in clay from
movable pictographic ‘ type ’ : its Cretan origin is still disputed. Keramopoullos
in 1921 discovered twenty-eight stirrup-jars in a storeroom of the Mycenaean
palace at Thebes, lettered in a script which proved to be identical w'ith the
Linear B of Knossos : these greatly extended the evidence for the character of
Mainland writing, previously confined to a few uncertain inscriptions with
variable forms on pots from Mycenae, Tir>ms, Eleusis and Orchomenos.
3. THE YEARS OF STAGNATION
Evans Scripta Alima I (igog) contained his collection of inscribed seal-stones,
the hieroglyphic and Linear A material from Knossos, and fourteen of the
Linear B tablets (fivT had already appeared in the 1900 dig report). No further
10
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
publication of the Linear B tablets, of which well over 3000 pieces are known
to have been excavated, was made until the fourth volume of his Palace of Minos
(1935), where a total of 120 were illustrated in line drawings with a short
commentary and sign-lists. At the same time (1932, 1936) Sundwall added
thirty-eight more which he had copied himself in Iraklion at the cost of Evans’
displeasure. At the time of Evans’ death in 1941 his notes for Scripta Minoa II,
which was to contain the Knossos Linear B archives, were still in disorder;
and the originals in the museum at Iraklion, which had never been properly
examined for joins and which had in some cases disappeared, were no longer
available for study and were exposed to destruction by war. The task of com-
pleting their publication from Evans’ drawings and photographs, fifty years
after their discovery, was then heroically undertaken by Myres.
Two generations of scholars had been cheated of the opportunity to work
constructively on the problem. Though it is difficult to forgive Evans for his
failure to complete or to delegate publication, we are now in a position to
appreciate that, even if he had made known all the tablets in an orderly way
at the time of their discovery, they would probably not by themselves have
provided sufficient material for a successful decipherment. Evans himself
realized that the chances of reading them without a bilingual were almost non-
existent, since he thought that they were written in an unknown ‘Eteocretan’
or ‘Anatolian ’ language where the words, even if one knew how they were to
be pronounced, would remain meaningless.
The only certain facts were established by Evans at the outset: the tablets
were all inventories of persons, animals and commodities; these were indicated
by pictorial ‘ ideograms ’ and counted by a decimal system of numbers, while
the introductory wording of the tablets consisted of sign-groups of two to seven
letters which were evidently words of the ‘Minoan’ language. Since there
were about ninety of these phonetic signs, far too numerous for an alphabet,
they in all probability represented syllables {ta te ti to tu, etc.). This
arrangement is clearly seen on a typical tablet from the ‘Armoury’ (fig. 2)
which lists ‘three chariots’ after a descriptive specification of twelve words
written syllabically.
The problem of decipherment posed by this new writing was too fascinating
to be resisted, in spite of the fact that the published material was too small
either for the breaking of the code or for the proof of a successful solution.
During the half-century 190 1-5 1 continual attempts were made by reputable
scholars, by talented amateurs and by cranks of all kinds from the lunatic
fringe of archaeology. Most of these followed Evans’ lead in treating the
‘hieroglyphs’. Linear A and Linear B (and even the Phaistos disk) together
II
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
as vandng expressions of the same language ; most of them took as their starting-
point apparent similarities between ‘Minoan’ signs and those of the classical
syllabary used for writing Cypriot Greek (whose values had been known since
the seventies) ; and all attempted to read into the tablets a form of some
language which was already known. The search for possible candidates
spread over an absurdly wide area, and included Hittite, Egyptian, Basque,
Albanian, Slavonic, Finnish, Hebrew' and Sumerian. Apart from Evans’
own work, nearly every attempt to discuss the script prior to 1 944 may safeh
and decently be consigned to oblivion (critical bibliography by Deroy, 1948
and 1953).
Fig. 2. Linear B ‘chariot’ tablet found in the Knossos ’.Armourv-’, 1904
Tor a translation, see 265 =Sd 0403 , p. 366).
Notable exceptions are an article by Cowley (1927) in w’hich he showed that
Knossos totals are introduced by either jq or jy, and that 9fil and 9/f
mean ‘boy’ and ‘girl’, conceivably a phonetic indication ^ as 2/for KoO-pog and
Kou-pri ’ (w’hich we now know to be correct) ; and the long series of articles bv
Sundwall, stretching from 1914 to the present. In these he has recognized
the need to examine the context of the tablets by purely internal comparisons,
to identify the objects represented by the ideograms, and to explore the svstem
of numbers, fractions and measures. His suggestions for interpretation have,
how'ever, followed a somewhat lonely path due to his beliefin the predominantlv
religious context of the tablets.
The Greek readings of the script prematurely made by Persson (1930),
Hempl and Staw’ell (1931) appeared doubtful enough for Linear B at Knossos
in view of Evans’ prevailing theories of ‘Minoan supremacy’; but thev W'ere
doubly suspect (as they would still be today) for the earlier Linear A and for
the ‘hieroglyphic’ seal-stones.
Tow’ards the end of his life the Czech orientalist Hrozny, who in 1915 had
brilhantly established cuneiform Hittite as an Indo-European language and
had later played a less responsible part in the reading of hieroglyphic Hittite
began to lose his critical faculties and embarked on a wholesale attack on the
12
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
remaining undeciphered scripts of the world. His readings of the then-published
Linear B tablets (1940-9) are a painful hotch-potch of Hittite and Babylonian
words, which has proved only too easy to discredit. From this occupational
disease of decoders we may all wish to be preserved.
More scholarly work was done by Fick (1905), Meillet (1909), Cuny (1910),
Kannengiesser (1911), Huber (1921), Hammarstrom (1921) and others in
trying to determine, from sources other than the Minoan-Mycenaean inscrip-
tions, what the early languages of the Aegean might be expected to be like.
They drew up lists of Greek vocabulary which seemed to have no Indo-
European etymology' (at least according to the evolutionary rules normal to
Greek), and catalogued the many indigenous place-names of the area. Both
these series are characterized by the endings -nthos and -ssos and show certain
controversial analogies, not only with early names in Anatoha, but also with
Etruscan; suggesting, together with the evidence of the stele from Kaminia
on Lemnos, that a language in some way related to Etruscan may have been
among those spoken in the Aegean before the arrival of the Greeks.
Ventris’ interest in the problem dates from the 1936 exhibition arranged for
the jubilee of the British School at Athens, when Evans lectured on his Minoan
section of the exhibits ; he tested the theory of an Etruscan relationship on the
Knossos tablets in an adolescent article (1940), and did not entirely abandon
it until 1952.
Kretschmer (1925) suggested that other Indo-European speakers had prob-
ably inhabited Greece before the arrival of the Greeks themselves. The Bulgar
Georgiev reconstructed a ‘pre-Hellenic language’ (1941, 1945) similar to
van Windekens’ ‘Pelasgique’ (1952), in which the aberrant Greek words
which had previously been taken as ‘Aegean’ borrowings are explained as
Indo-European forms which have followed different evolutionary rules. In his
later attempts to read the Linear B tablets in terms of this language (1949,
1950, 1953) Georgiev describes it as an ‘Aegean- Asianic dialect related to
Hittite ’, but in fact many of his readings are explained by Greek forms. In view
of his recent ( 1 954) switch to the view that the tablets contain a specifically
Greek dialect identical with that described in the present book, it is as well to
emphasize that his earlier quasi-Greek readings nowhere coincide with ours,
and that they appear to have been arrived at by quite arbitrary and unscientific
procedures.
Defying both Evans (for whom the Mycenaeans were merely Alinoan in-
vaders from Crete) and the linguists (who wished to turn them into Pelasgians,
Etruscans, Illyrians or Hittites), a number of archaeologists had arrived inde-
pendently at the same conclusion as Tsountas and Leaf — that the Mycenaeans
13
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
had spoken (and possibly written) Greek, and that they had not been subject
to any foreign domination. Disagreement with Evans contributed to Wace’s
retirement from the direction of the British School at Athens in 1923 and to
his temporary exclusion from archaeology in the field. The articles by Buck
(1926) and by Blegen and Haley (1928) emphasized the historical evidence
for placing the arrival of the Greeks about 1900 b.c., and regarded the pre-
Hellenic place-names in -nthos and -ssos as a legacy not of the Mycenaeans but
of the Early Bronze Age pattern of settlement in the third millennium b.c.
Nilsson (1927, 1932, 1933) argued that Greek religion and myth, and not only
the Greek language, had firm roots in the Mycenaean age; and Blegen and
Wace (1939) marshalled the archaeological evidence against a domination of
Mycenae by Knossos in the Late Minoan period, with arguments further
reinforced by Kantor (1947) and discussed by Wace in the Foreword to the
present book.
4. THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION: PRELUDES
TO DECIPHERMENT
In 1939, during the course of a joint Greek and American reconnaissance of
western Messenia, Blegen discovered the site of a large Mycenaean palace at
Ano Englianos, ten kilometres north of the classical Pylos (Koryphasion) . The
immediate indications were that this palace, set on an olive-covered ridge with
a panoramic view over the bay of Navarino to the south and of mount Aigaleon
in the east, was to be identified with the Pylos described in the third book of
the Odyssey as the seat of the aged Nestor. By good fortune Blegen’s trial trenches
passed through one half of the archive room, from which over six hundred
pieces of clay tablet were carefully extracted (later reduced by joins to 566)
These were cleaned and mended in Athens, and admirably photographed by
Alison Frantz before being buried away at the approach of war. These photo-
graphs were taken to America in June 1940 by Mrs Wace on the Italian
declaration of war by the last American ship to leave the Mediterranean. The
eventual editing of the tablets was entrusted to Emmett L. Bennett Jr. (without
whose contributions to Mycenaean epigraphical studies this book could not
have been written) , but preliminary work in Cincinnati was interrupted by his
crv'ptographic duties in the U.S. armed forces.
The seven photographs published by Blegen ( 1 939) showed clearlv, however
that the Pylos tablets were identical in script, layout and language with the
Linear B documents which Evans had found at Knossos, even though the
associated pottery dated them to c. 1200 b.c., towards the very close of
14
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
the Mycenaean age. This could perhaps be explained as the survival of
a Minoan scribal language or lingua franca (similar to the use of Latin in the
Middle Ages) and as confirmation of Evans’ views of Cretan influence on
the Mainland: Nilsson consequently refused to believe that the tablets had
been written at Pylos at all. The alternative possibility, that both the Pylos
tablets and the Knossos tablets might be written in Greek, was not generally
considered, least of all by Ventris.
‘In attempting to decipher documents written in an unknown language
with an unknown script, the first step is to establish the facts that are obvious
from an inspection of the available documents. The second step in the decipher-
ment is to find, by careful analysis and logical deduction, what conclusions
can be drawn from these fundamental facts.’ This prim but necessary pro-
gramme, purposely stopping short of the third and crucial step (the attempt
to substitute actual sounds and words), was undertaken by Alice Kober of
Brooklyn in a series of fundamental articles on Linear B published between
1943 and her premature death in 1950.
The first necessity was an accurate list of the phonetic signs, arranged in
a convenient and generally-accepted order for indexing. Though she pointed
out some of Evans’ errors, neither Kober nor the editors of the Pylos tablets
were able to influence the awkward and unreliable signary later published by
Myres (1946) and included in Scripta Mima 11 .
She did, however, undertake for Myres a systematic classification of the
Knossos tablets according to their commodity ideograms (included in SM II,
pp. 77—89, but now superseded by Bennett’s classification) ; and she rightly
emphasized the danger of studying words or tablets in isolation without
reference to these wider contexts with which they are associated.
Her chief contribution was to show that the tablets contained, as might
reasonably be expected, a language with grammatical inflexions; this con-
clusion was unaccountably resisted by Myres {SM II, p. 50) . Her first example
was the varying description of chariots on some tablets from the ‘Armoury’
(now known to be a difference between dual and plural) :
Sd 0401 : m>
Sd 0403 :
and she suggested that ‘it is highly likely that the forms in -’P# and are
verbal’ (they are in fact passive participles). From a number of published
tablets she gathered a series of words which significantly appear in three alter-
native forms (that the basic word is really the same in each case is proved by
15
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the fact that they recur in lists together, or in identical positions on the same
class of tablets) :
Type A
Type B
c
D
Case I:
nAI
lYAIil
ViyYAIl
ITYS
Case II:
lYAT
<fy\T 't'Is’YM
fm
Case III:
m
m
ni ¥NY1
m
E
fif
Of these triplets Case III is the shortest form, whereas Case I and Case II
regularly add the signs -g and -f respectively; in this process the -f of all the
Type A words is changed to -/i\- , and the -t) of Type B to -/t\- ; similar changes
are seen in Types C, D and E. Kober pointed out the interesting implications
of this phenomenon by the analogv' of another inflected language, Latin (not
necessarily related, of course), where words of the second declension would
appear in syllabic spelling as:
ser-vu-s a-mi-cu-s bo-nu-s
ser-vu-m a-mi-cu-m bo-nii-m
ser-vi a-mi-ci bo-ni
ser-vo a-mi-co bo-no
Like the ablative endings -vo -co -no so too the series of parallel endings
T A* might be expected to share the same vowel but different consonants;
whereas T/(l\ etc. are probably pairs sharing the same consonant but
different vowels, like vojvu, cojcu and nojnu. This result can be tabulated
in a diagrammatic form labelled by Kober ‘ the beginning of a tentative pho-
netic pattern’, and known familiarly as ‘the grid’
among the team of decoders. This diagram has
been of fundamental importance throughout the
process of decipherment. Other examples of in-
flexion, as well as other variations and errors in
spelling, give evidence of further pairs of signs
which evidently share either the same vowel or
the same consonant; and with these the ‘grid’ can
be extended in both directions as far as the number
of possible vowels or consonants will allow fin our
case five vowels and thirteen consonants, as it turned
out). During this process, the grid conveniently takes the form of a wooden
board covered with a regular pattern of nails, on which square labels bearing
the signs of the syllabarv^ can be hung and frequently rearranged to suit the
developing evidence. In the end we are left with a well-covered chequerboard
i6
Consonant i
Consonant 2
CONSON.\NT 3
Consonant 4
Consonant 5
V’OWEL
I 2
k
Y
£
T
W
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
of some sixty-five squares, from which all that is lacking is the actual pro-
nunciation of the vowels and consonants themselves (fig. 3) . This method of
attack precludes random attempts to give a premature vocalization to isolated
words (since every assumed syllabic value automatically leads to a ‘chain-
reaction’ among the signs which are grouped with it on the same vertical and
horizontal columns) , and makes it easy to disprove any such arbitrary attempts
by others.
Also of great importance was Kober’s demonstration (1949) that the words
for ‘total’ jy, like those for ‘child’ identified by Cowley fffl ^re
masculine and feminine variants of the same words. Of the surviving languages
with which that of Linear B might be compared, the Indo-European are almost
alone in forming feminines by a change of \wvel in the ending rather than by
the addition of an extra syllable: some I.-E. languages, such as Hittite and its
relatives, anticipate the evolution of English and Danish in having no feminine
forms at all, while the Semitic dialects add -{a)tu, Egyptian -(e)/.
Kober recognized that -0 was a frequent ending in the descriptions of
WOMEN, but did not see the feminine function of her Case I; it was left to
Sundwall (1948) to recognize in the -g/-f endings of Case I and Case II
an adjectival formation meaning ‘belonging to’.
A parallel analysis of the Pylos material was summarized by Bennett in his
unpublished doctoral dissertation at Cincinnati (1947), which we have not
seen. The publication of the The Pylos Tablets (spring 1951) contained a detailed
grouping of the texts according to their ideogram context by means of prefixes
Aa- Ab-, etc., and the first reliable sign-lists (whose order is preserved in
figs. 9 and 10). Both these advances were later extended to the Knossos
material in his Minoan Linear B Index (1953). In his first published article
(1950) Bennett brilliantly explained and codified the Linear B system of
written weights and measures (see below, pp. 53-5), and added them to the
evidence for believing with Kober ( 1 948) that Linear B at Knossos represents
a new language introduced from without.
The seven further Pylos tablets which thereby received advance publication
in 1950 encouraged Ventris to begin a new series of analytical studies of his
own, for which the material had previously seemed too small. These were
continued in twenty mimeographed Work Notes (of which no spare copies
remain) circulated for discussion among two dozen colleagues between January
1951 and June 1952. Several of these were taken up with the unproductive
testing of ‘Aegean’ and Etruscan parallels (Greek readings still being regarded
as out of the question, in spite of a hint by Bennett) ; but other Notes which
now seem to have been on the main line of progress may perhaps be mentioned
17
V & C
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
here. They no doubt re-trod much of the ground covered in his dissertation
by Bennett, with whom a fruitful exchange of views on decipherment technique
was maintained over the period.
Notes 2 and lo showed that the ending -O found Unking groups of Linear B
words is an encUtic conjunction ‘and’, and that '[jf© (now ‘and not’) has
a similar function.
Note 8 gave statistics for the frequency of each phonetic sign at Pylos, broken
down by position into initial, medial and final; this necessary calculation was
repeated independently by Bennett (1951 and later extended to Knossos by
Ktistopoulos (1954). The great frequency of 'ji- iJ- ft- as initials suggested,
on the analogy of the statistics resulting from other known syllabaries, that
they were the signs for simple vowels by themselves ; and for the first two the
values a- (already guessed privately by Kober, Chadwick and Ktistopoulos)
and i- were considered.
Note II drew attention to two alternating phrases and
on the long series of Pylos E- tablets (see nos. 108-154 below) and showed
them to be male and female variants of a title meaning something like
‘manservant’ and ‘maidservant of the 'kPf-’. A possible do-we-lo (cf SoOAos)
for ^ftl was thrown in as a wild guess, always of course on the assumption
that the ‘Minoan’ word had been later borrowed by Greek. The personal
names which were qualified by and ^ftli clearly had distinct endings
(as on the Knossos lists of personnel accompanied by the man or woman
sign, pointed out by Evans, PM, iv, pp. 714-15), the males characteristically
in -X -T -f, the females in -0 (cf Kober’s Case I). That 9 / 1 “ meant ‘bov,
son’ and not ‘girl, daughter’ was shown by such Pylos tablets as Ad 03 :
where three men and nine ‘ boys ’ are all described as ‘ sons of the Such-and-
such women ’ ; the words used to describe the women, which on the Aa- and
Ab- tablets with a woman ideogram are spelt here have a -[^
(-Z??) added, which is evidently the mark of the genitive plural for feminines.
Note 12 attempted a functional classification of the Pylos sign-groups, purely
on the basis of an exhaustive comparison of their contexts, into :
{a) Apparent personal names of men and women.
(b) Apparent names of departments, institutions or places.
{c) Names of trades and titles applied to men and women.
(d) General vocabulary, including adjectives, verbs, etc.
As typical of category (b) were quoted the nine names which are repeatedly
listed at Pylos (e.g. on 75 = Cn 02 , 257 =Jn 09 , 250 = Vn 01 ), and which, as we
18
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
afterwards discovered, Blegen and Bennett had already tentatively compared
either with the nine towns tributar}-’ to Nestor in the Catalogue of Ships or
with the nine iSpai in which the men of Pylos sacrificed on the seashore
{Od. Ill, 7).
It was pointed out that the characteristic ‘inflexion’ in ofKober’s
triplets seemed to be confined to words of category [b), and might therefore
be an adjective formation of a departmental or geographical kind.
Notes I, 13, 14 reviewed the now much fuller evidence for inflexion, and
showed that men’s names are declined in at least six different ‘ declensions ’ ,
generally predictable from the last syllable of the nominative :
Nominative: RlTCI YC!!!> ATT-f CtWC
Genitive: RlfKH VATMATM! CtWC-ft A
‘Prepositional’: fJfKt ^,-1 'YAW-f kT\-l CWC MV©
The same rules of declension evidently applied to sign-groups of categories (r)
and (</), names of trades and other vocabulary; and where there were numerals
on the tablets it was possible to distinguish between singular and plural forms :
Singular: t/f ?fji fAi fAk tt kM
Plural: <^ff] fAf fAk ffA Y?t2A kMT ‘V’TYT
The four examples on the right show an added syllable in the spelling, con-
ceivably the written indication of an inflexion such as the Greek
Singular: t8Ktcov =te-ko-to-ne or tek-ton?
Plural: ■xb!^'TQVis = te-ko-to-ne-se or tek-ton-es?
But the lack of change shown by the first four plurals was surprising. If
really was KoOpos (*K6ppos) as Cowley had guessed, then the spellings could
only be justified by assuming that kor-wos and kor-ivoi were written with exactly
the same letters, and not distinguished as they would be by the fuller Cypriot
spelling ko-ro-vo-se and ko-ro-vo-i. The lack of a regular written sign to indicate
the expected nominative ending -s in men’s names and vocabulary nouns
seemed in fact to militate against Greek or a related Indo-European language.
Note 9 listed scribal variations in spelling such as yXTl*/¥ftT(*, KUT/ tG)T,
etc., which enabled the alternating letters to be given adjacent positions on
the grid. This note also considered how the inflexions could be explained in
terms of Etruscan declension, which began to appear more and more unsuited.
19
2-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Notes I, 15, 17 illustrated successive stages in the build-up of the grid, and
gave the criteria by which the different columns were arranged. A detailed
summary of evidence for grid equations was printed in JHS, 1953, pp. 87-8,
and may now be supplemented from the new
Pylos material published by Bennett (1955).
Fig. 3 shows the state of the grid in February
1952. There was still uncertainty about the
number of vowel columns to be allowed, and
some signs were put into two alternative squares ;
but in spite of its incomplete nature the grid had
the virtue of being founded entirely on internal
evidence dispassionately sifted, and not on any
biased attempt to identify the language or give
values to the signs.
But almost inevitably certain ‘ hunches ’ about
possible phonetic values lurked at the back of
Ventris’ mind. V and h were simple vowels,
and initial *1^- was almost certainly a~. The
ending of the feminine adjectives in Kober’s
Case I in -/ilB, etc., might well be -i-ja (since
derivative women’s names in -ia occur in Greek,
Lycian and Etruscan) : in this case Vowel 3 (in
A, ; 1 \, etc.) was -i, and \'^owel i was -a. Vowel 2
might be -e, if the very numerous men’s names
in -Fr etc., were ancestral to Greek
-eus (Note 16) ; and Vowel 4 might then be left
with the value -0.
The value of the consonants was much more
difficult to guess. It was tempting to compare
Cypriot values fsee fig. 12), but clearly un-
realistic : might be taken at its Cypriot value
of pa, but then it was impossible to read 2 , in quite another line of the grid, as
pe by the same analogy. Consonants 11-12 might, however, be /- or since
they seemed to enter into inflexional variations of spelling involving two
successive syllables, possibly of the type -tro- -tri-, etc., which Cypriot would
have to spell -to-ro- . -ti-ri- , etc.
Vowel I
V2
V3
V4
V?
-a?
~e?
-iP
-0?
Ci
a
C2
@
A
y
C3
b ^
Y
C4
g
tl
C5
g
X-
X
T
C6
t
in i
f
C 7
u
]/
C8
7
T
Y
C9
+
ft
ft
Cio
©
-c-
T
Cii
lb
1
t
CI 2
T
T
[0
+
I
CI 3
Y
W
fh
C 14
F
A
T
CI 5
in
f
n
c?
r
In
Fig. 3. The state of the ’grid' prior
to decipherment (February 1952;.
20
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
5. JUNE 1952: THE LANGUAGE IS GREEK
Myres’ edition of the Knossos tablets appeared in February 1952, two years
before his death. That Scripta Mima II is incomplete, unwieldy and in many
respects inaccurate is not due to any lowering of his own high standard of
scholarship, but results from the enormous difficulty of interpreting and recon-
ciling Evans’ notes after his death, from the inaccessibility of the Cretan
originals during the war years, and from his own failing eyesight. Although
a few corrections provided by the first of Bennett’s two long visits to Iraklion
in 1950 and 1954 were included in SM II, the edition cannot safely be used
without taking into account Bennett’s privately-distributed Corrections of Scripta
Mima II (1952) dealing with errors in page, tablet and sign numbering; his
revised Knossos vocabulary incorporated in the Index (i 953 )> which also
references a thousand more fragmentary tablets not recorded by Evans; some
three hundred joins made by Bennett between Knossos tablets in i 954 j ^.nd
the discovery of some further fragments at Iraklion by Chadwick in i 955 - The
latter have now been incorporated in The Knossos Tablets (1956).
Though relatively little new evidence for inflexion could be found on the
Knossos tablets now added to the material, nearly all of it tended to confirm
the arrangement of the grid shown in fig. 3. There was one puzzling feature:
while some vocabulary words (like ) showed a reasonable
spelling variation in their ending between -0 {-ja ?) and — {-a?), there were
also others of the same type (like diPrJMm on the chariot tablets)
which showed an apparently indifferent variation between ~f (-so ??) and
-b’ (-1 ?)■ In an effort to introduce a more satisfactory symmetry into this
corner of the grid Ventris took up again the value jb for which had been
summarilv rejected in Note 9, and assumed the following pattern:
^ a IS ja b* 0 T JO
This would have three important consequences. The frequent -f or — f’f in
the ending of men’s names in the genitive (Note 14) would become -(o)jo
and -(i)jojo and recall Homeric forms like AutoAukoio and ’iKapioio; the
feminine genitive plural ending -flpr (Note ii) would become -f-ja-o and
suggest the archaic yaidcov, 6edcov, etc. ; and it would be possible to transcribe
the first five of Kober’s triplets quoted on p. 16 (using numbers algebraically
for the unknown consonants) as:
LMMH-ja ^a-H-^H-ja . .-IM^i-ja ^o-^o-^^i-ja A-‘MM'^i-ja
LMMH-jo ^a-H-^H-jo . .-IM^i-jo ^o-%-^H-jo A-'i-^M^i-jo
LMM^o ^a--M^o . .-IM^o A-'i-H-^^o
21
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
It did not require very great imagination to realize that if one substituted the
values 6 = k, y = m, S = n, g=p, i3 = .s', and 14 = /, one would be left with the
names of five of the most important Cretan towns (including the capital) in
the bottom line, and above these the feminine and masculine adjectives derived
from them:
AuKTiai CDaloTiai TuAimai Kvcooiai ’ApviCTiai
AuKTioi CDalcmoi TuAlaioi Kvcoctioi ’Apvicrioi
Auktos cDaioTos TuAiaos Kvcoctos ’Apviaos
By the inevitable ‘chain-reaction’ thirty-one of the signs on the grid would
thereby receive fixed phonetic values. Note 20 (June 1952, the last of the
series) discussed this new line of attack and suggested a small number of
vocabulary identifications: 9A‘=K6pfOS, 9fil=K6pfa, V ? 0 1 = Kopictwov
‘coriander’, =*<oplcxvvct5 Yi=J = t6(tctoi ‘so many TY = T6CTCTai, and
¥laTS.¥T@l{f on the chariot tablets = dpapuTai dvla9i ‘fitted with reins’.
It ended, however, with the admission that these Greek words were probably
a mirage, and that the proposed spelling rules, according to which final -j- -n
-r were not indicated at all, seemed contrary to reasonable expectation.
But while Note 20 was still in the post Ventris realized, from the application
of the new phonetic values to a larger number of tablets, that the unexpected
Greek solution was inescapable. Not only could vocabulary words be identified
(like the trades po-me, gen. po-me-no, ‘shepherd’, ka-ke-u ‘smith’, ke-ra-me-u
‘potter’, ka-na-pe-u ‘fuller’, i-e-re-u ‘priest’, i-je-re-ja ‘priestess’) which exactly
tallied with their functions as predicted in Note 1 2 (see p. 18) ; but the inflexions
codified over the past eighteen months could immediately be explained in
terms of archaic Greek declension; and some sense could already be made of
complete sentences, notably on Pylos 31 = Ae 04 , 28 =An 42 , 253 =Jn 01 and
252 =Vn 06 . It was at this stage that Myres put Ventris in touch with John
Chadwick, who had been working independently on Linear B in Oxford for
six years and whose cryptographic flair and specialist knowledge of the Greek
dialects have been invaluable in all our subsequent collaboration.
Largely through the good offices of T. J. Dunbabin (whose tragic early
death has occurred since this chapter was drafted) space was found in JHS
for a detailed article {Evidence, etc.), completed in November 1952. In this we
identified the Linear B language as a Greek dialect ancestral to Arcado-Cyprian,
proposed a large number of interpretations, and published a table of sign
values which, apart from a few additions, is identical with that here printed
in fig. 4.
22
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
As we wrote then (p. go), ‘with no bilingual or other external aids to
decipherment available, the reality of a proposed transliteration can only be
tested by applying it to the material as a whole. If consistent series of
vocabulary and grammatical forms result, which are in agreement with the
probable context of the tablets, then we may be justified in believing that even
those features which remain intractable will eventually be accounted for.’
Basic values
Homophones
a
e
A
1
0
11
a,
UjU
da
h
de
dl
rn
1
do
dll
¥
ai
ja
a
je
—
jo
T
j“
ai^?
<
ka
©
ke
AA<
ki
V
ko
t
ku
ai{f
>
ma
u
me
T
mi
mo
mil?
r
*87 lkzi'£')
na
f
tie
T
Y
no
mi
N
nzca
Y
pa
pe
D*
pi
A
po
pu
i
pa 2
•r
—
qe
0
^i
T
qo
T
—
pa{f
N
ra
[°
re
T
ri
%
ro
f
Ill
T
pie
M
%a
Y
se
r
si
Ik
so
su
E
pU 2 ?
Y
la
n
le
li
M
10
T
m
ta^Lri-ja)
n
zca
zve
1
zvi
ICO
—
ra^ (rai)
%
::a
ze
\
zi
zo
t
ZUf
ro 2 [.ti-jo)
♦22
1
*47
*49
*63
’64
N
*85 (siVaF
*65
m
*71
*82
*83
*86
L/
102
w
Fig. 4. Proposed values of the Mycenaean syllabary.
Similar reservations must be made today, for the much larger number of
texts discussed in the present book. It may be difficult to assess the point at
which ultimate scientific proof can be conceded, but a relative degree of
certainty must be granted to the theory when we tiy^ to estimate the odds
against its results having been obtained by chance, and when we consider the
success with which it has been used by independent researchers to interpret
new texts, unknown when it was first formulated.
23
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
6. THE WIDENING OF THE RANKS
The reception of our proposed Greek decipherment by our fellow linguists
and archaeologists was immeasurably more favourable than might have been
expected, considering the enormous number of ill-considered attempts which
had been prematurely publicized over the past fifty years. Already before
the publication of Evidence, lectures and an advanced summary had secured
the allegiance of Bjorck and Furumark at Uppsala and of Palmer at Oxford:
their many valuable contributions to the readings of the signs and to the
interpretation of the tablets (together with those put forward by other scholars
mentioned below) are fully referenced in our bibliography for the period up
to May 1955, and are as far as possible evaluated and acknowledged in the
commentary and vocabulary of the present book. ^Velcome encouragement
was also given at this stage by Barnett, During, Gelb, Myres, Page, Saflund
and others.
Three other works, already in manuscript or proof when Evidence appeared,
independently came to a similar conclusion from a different approach to the
evidence. Dow (1954) in a long survey of Minoan Writing, devoted largelv
to delimiting the extent of Linear A and Linear B literacy, described ‘ the
reasonings which in spring 1953 forced themselves upon me as decisive in
favor of the then (otherwise) unproved hypothesis that Linear B was Greek’.
Miss Henle’s dissertation (1953) argued on historical grounds that ‘the lan-
guage of Class B is probably Greek’, and supplied a comparative analysis of
syllabic frequencies in Linear B and in Homeric Greek. It did not arrive at
any useful phonetic values, due to her failure to undertake any detailed study
of inflexion and context, or to recognize the usefulness of the grid procedure.
Wace (1953, written 1951) hinted that the Pylos and Knossos tablets might
both be written in Greek and that ‘perhaps in Late Minoan II a Mainland
Dynasty had gained power in Crete’ — a suggestion already made by him in
1938 (Pendlebury (1939), p. 229). He was therefore particularly ready to
accept the conclusions published in Evidence ; so too were Stubbings, to whom
a similar view of Knossos had occurred, and Marinatos (1953). Criticism
from a ‘Minoan’ partisan was levelled in a review by Platon (1954), director
of the Iraklion Museum.
Although Ventris’ first 1952 proposals had received encouragement from
Blegen as fitting his own view of the Mainland language and of the probable
contexts of the tablets, he was cautious about accepting them in detail. Bennett
too reserved judgment: ‘I think there is not yet enough material available to
make a deciphering of these tablets certain one way or the other. Michael
24
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
Ventris’ theory that the language of the Minoan tablets is very early Greek
is a tempting possibility; that is all I would say at this stage’ (interview
20 November 1952).
Their caution was justified by a new factor which now had to be taken into
consideration. That summer Blegen had resumed excavation at Pylos, and the
material had been extended by a large number of new tablets (eventuallv
333 when mends and joins had been made) ; these had not yet been cleaned
sufficiently for study. Smaller finds of tablets were repeated at Pylos in 1953,
1954 and 1955. At Mycenae, too, a tablet had been found on the surface
by Petsas in 1950. In 1952 ^Vace unearthed thirty-eight more in the ‘House
of the Oil Merchant’ (significantly the first series to be found apparently
outside of the royal palaces), later edited by Bennett (1953). These were fol-
lowed in 1953 by one tablet from the ‘House of Shields’ and inscribed seal-
impressions from the ‘House of Sphinxes’; the latter in 1954 yielded ten more
tablets, edited by Bennett (1956) with vocabulary notes by Chadwick.
On his return to Athens in the spring of 1953 Blegen examined the new
Pylos tablets in detail, and was able to send us ( 16 Alay 1953) exciting news of
tablet 236 = Ta 641 which ‘evidently deals with pots, some on three legs, some
with four handles, some with three, and others without handles. The first
word by your system seems to be ti-ri-po-de, and it recurs twice as ti-ri-po
(singular?). The four-handled pot ^ is preceded by qe-to-ro-we, the three-
handled ^ by ti-ri-o-we-e or ti-ri-jo-we, the handleless pot 9 by a-no-we. All this
seems too good to be true. Is coincidence excluded?’
Almost simultaneously (22 May 1953) and without knowledge of Blegen’s
discovery, Sittig announced to us the generous abandonment of his own
previous attempt to decipher Linear B (1951), and by a remarkable coincidence
drew attention to the ideogram <j on Knossos 232 = K 875 : this is there
described as di-pa a-no-wo-to, which he rightly suggested reading as Seiras
dcvouocTov ‘goblet without a handle’, cxvouoctov and the Pylos a-no-we = 6 v€bfes
could easily be explained as variants of the same compound adjective, and gave
additional force to Blegen’s identifications.
Blegen gave 236 =Ta 641 advance publication (1953) and it was further dis-
cussed by V entris ( 1 954 a) . This striking new evidence reinforced the arguments
of Evidence, and brought agreement in principle from Bennett, Carratelli,
Chantraine, Daux, Dumezil, Friedrich, Georgiev, Lejeune, Meriggi, Peruzzi,
Sundwall and others. In January' 1954 London University’s new Institute of
Classical Studies followed Uppsala’s example in beginning (under Turner and
\Vebster) a useful seminar on Linear B studies, which among other subjects
has debated the phonological theories advanced by Andrews (see p. 46), and
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
has produced duplicated editions of the Pylos and Knossos tablets in tran-
scription. Later in the year a similar seminar was instituted in Paris by
Lejeune and Chantraine, who with Gelb had given generous support at the
international congress for classical studies in Copenhagen in August 1954; and
similar interest was taken in Switzerland. In Russia Tiumenev (1954) invoked
the new decipherment in an attack on Georgiev’s earlier theory of the
Mycenaean language situation.
Bennett’s edition of the 1952, 1953 and 1954 Pylos tablets {PT II, 1955)
provided much new material for study, special interest being aroused by the
other tablets of the Ta group to which the ‘ tripods ’ belong (see 235 - 247 , ch. x) ;
this series, with its vivid descriptions of Mycenaean furniture, was discussed in
an article by Ventris (1955). Meanwhile Evans and Myres’ edition of the
Knossos tablets was corrected from the originals in Iraklion Museum in suc-
cessive visits by Bennett, Chadwick and Ventris, during which a large number
of joins were made, and over two thousand unpublished fragments were cleaned
and catalogued (nos. 5000-6068 and 7000-8075).
The welcome co-operation of so many specialists will inevitably take the
interpretation of the Mycenaean documents far beyond the tentative transla-
tions printed in Part II of this book. But in case too optimistic a picture may
seem to have been painted of the prospects of ‘total decipherment’, it may be
as well to end this historical survey with a summary of the hmitations to our
understanding which are likely to remain in force unless a much larger number
(and preferably a different kind) of texts can be unearthed in the future.
1 . Since the tablets are without exception administrative records of a summary and
abbreviated kind (inventories, catalogues, accounts and nominal rolls, consisting largely
of proper names) , we must resign ourselves to the complete absence of literary or his-
torical matter ; to a very one-sided vocabulary deficient in verbs, adverbs, prepositions
and pronouns ; and to only the simplest patterns of syntax.
2. For a sign to be allotted a fixed syllabic value it must occur in a vocabulary word
(not merely in a personal name!) whose Greek identification is absolutely certain from
the context; or be found in a larger number of words whose identification is at least
probable; or else be shown to alternate regularly with a sign whose value is alreadv
known. There are obwously a number of syllabic signs, especially those confined to
proper names, to which we may never be in a position to assign a value ; these are shown
in the bottom section of fig. 4.
3. Even when we can transliterate our text mechanically into syllables, we are still
a long way from reading it. Owing to the latitude allowed by the spelling rules (see
pp. 42-8) the same sign-groups may often with equal justification be read as quite
different Greek words: thus pa-te as either TTcrrfip or ttcsvtes, pa-si as cpdai or iravat,
and so on.
26
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
4. Though we will probably not be justified in invoking the presence of many
‘Minoan’ or 'Aegean’ loan-words on the tablets (-inthos and -ssos do not seem to be
any commoner than in later times), their vocabulary inevitably contains many word-
stems, derivatives and compounds which are very much further removed from ‘ normal ’
classical Greek than the unfamiliar glosses recorded by Hesychius as late as the fifth
century a.d. To have to interpret them is rather like trying to read Chaucer with only
a knowledge of twentieth-centuiy English. Comparative philology is of great use in
helping us to infer the probable Mycenaean forms of known classical words, but is
notoriously misleading (as has been proved in the study of Hittite, Phrygian and
Messapian) in suggesting meanings for unfamiliar words on the basis of analogies in
other Indo-European languages.
5. Except where they are clearly pictorial (like men, womex, ch.\riots and
tripods) the meanings of the ideograms and other abbreviations are impossible to
guess unless there are generous clues in the context.
6. Even where the dictionary meaning of the words on the tablets can be established
with certainty (for example in a phrase like ‘the smiths do not give’ on 176 = Mai 2 ),
this is no guarantee that we can understand the full significance of such a remark; and
the actual situation or transaction which the scribe is recording can sometimes only
be guessed at with the aid of very distant analogies.
7. The inherent difficulty of reading these ancient syllabic texts can be appreciated
by comparing the results achieved on the classical Cypriot inscriptions (see Alitford,
1952). Though written in a known Greek dialect and in a syllabary whose values have
been established since the 1870’s, many of them are still as full of uncertainties as, for
instance, the notorious Golgi inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 685^) :
ka-i-re-te ka-ra-si-ti va-na~xe ka-po-ti ve-po-me-ka me-po-te-ve-i-se-se
te-o-i-se po-ro-a-ta-na-io-i-se e-re-ra-me-na pa-ta-ko-ra-i-to-se
o-vo-ka-re-ti e-pi-si-ta-i-se a-to-ro-po te-o-i a-le-tu-ka-ke-re
te-o-i ku-me-re-na-i pa-ta ta-a-to-ro-po-i po-ro-ne-o-i ka-i-re-te
27
CHAPTER II
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
1. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
Hieroglyphs '
'C. 2000 B.C.
\c. 2000-1925
\c. 1925-1850
c. 1850-1700
c. 1700
c. 1700-1660
c. 1660
'c. 1660-1580
c. 1600
Linear A i
c. 1580 — 1510
,r. 1510-1450
,0 1450-1405
Linear B
Mainland :
r. 1405-1340
c. 1340-1200
0
c. 1 200- 1 100
Foundation of palaces at Knossos and Alallia.
Middle Minoan la.
Middle Minoan Ib.
AIiddle Minoan II (Knossos and Phaistos only) .
I St destruction level at Knossos (Evans).
Middle Minoan Ilia.
ist destruction level at Mallia (Chapouthier), Phaistos
(Band). Minor earthquake at Knossos (Evans).
Middle Minoan Illb.
2nd destruction level at Knossos only.
Late Mino.vn la.
Minor earthquake at Knossos (Evans).
Late Minoan Ib.
2nd destruction level at Phaistos, Agia Triada, Mallia?
Late Minoan II (Knossos only).
3rd destruction level at Knossos.
L.'VTE Helladic Ilia.
Late Helladic Illb.
Destruction of Pylos, and Mycenae sites outside citadel.
L.vte Helladic IHc.
Destruction level at Mycenae (citadel).
2. ORIGINS: THE CRETAN ‘HIEROGLYPHIC’ SCRIPT
It is not easy to arrive at a detailed understanding of the way in which the
earlier Minoan scripts originated and developed. The ‘hieroglyphic’ and
Linear A inscriptions are few and undeciphered, and archaeologists are not in
full agreement on the relative dating of objects and events in different Cretan
palaces. In the absence of historical records, the Minoan ‘ periods ’ are primarilv
intended to differentiate pottery styles; one of the styles in the sequence may
be lacking at a particular site, or several may be found in use together.
It is certain, however, that the Minoan ‘ hieroglyphic ’ seal-stones — the first
28
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
evidence found by Evans in the nineties — represent the beginnings of writing
in Crete. Since most of these signets are surface finds from various parts of
the island, their dating cannot be exact; but the earliest ‘hieroglyphic’ seal-
impressions from the pre-Palatial ‘Vat Room deposit’ are assigned by Evans
to MM la {PM, I, p. 1 71). Seal-stones engraved with groups of one to six
signs of a more advanced ‘hieroglyphic’ script (‘Class B’) came into general
use in MM II; and a cursive form of this script began to be incised on clay,
mostly in the form of circular labels or rectangular bars, both of these being
pierced for attachment by strings.
In its early use the script thus served mainly as a means of identification,
discharging more efficiently the function of the owners’, potters’, bronze-
founders’ and masons’ marks of an earlier period; such marks, like those in
use down to the classical period, must be clearly distinguished from writing
in the true sense of the word, and their forms generally have only a fortuitous
resemblance to alphabetic or linear writing signs. In their shapes the Cretan
‘ hieroglyphs ’ probably show some influence from Egyptian models, either by
way of imported scarabs and other small objects, or resulting from the actual
observations of merchants travelling in the wake of the Kamares pottery now
being exported in quantity (Kantor, 1947, p. 18). There are few specific
identities, however, and we need not suppose that the actual principles of
Egyptian writing were uncritically adopted — that unwieldy combination of
ideographic, phonetic and determinative signs within the same word, common
to those writing systems which remained in the ‘word-syllabic’ stage (Gelb,
1952, p. 194), e.g.
Egyptian: IPw ‘strong’.
Hittite: ORMGOD-AM-to-i' = ‘ Storm god Tarhuntas’.
From c. 2200 b.c. onwards Syria and Palestine were the scene of successive
experiments in the design of a writing system which was eventually to oust all
its competitors. From the beginning this \Vest Semitic model was entirely
phonetic, without ideograms; and from the quasi-syllabic stage of the Byblos
script (Dhorme, 1948) it rapidly passed, influenced by the structure of the
Semitic languages, to the stage of the Phoenician and Ugaritic ‘consonantal
alphabets ’ or, as Gelb prefers it, ‘ syllabaries without vowels ’ . Evans is probably
right in deducing from the small number of signs that the Cretan ‘ hieroglyphs ’
were also predominantly phonetic in value {SM /, p. 247) . The earliest Minoan
script may have been deliberately designed as a syllabary; but it is useless to
29
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
argue, as many have done, a direct Minoan influence on the Phoenician
scripts, which are earlier in origins and more sophisticated in principle.
From the small number of ‘hieroglyphic’ inscriptions found, Dow (1954)
argues that ‘there is no ground for imagining that literacy existed in any
developed sense’. Though the absence of durable and monumental records,
so strikingly in contrast with most of the contemporary cultures, is a charac-
teristic of all periods of Minoan-Mycenaean life, his conclusion may well be
valid for this early period.
An incomplete list of ‘ hieroglyphic ’ signs was printed by Evans in SA'I /,
p. 232 and PM, i, p. 282. To the use of an embryonic syllabary for spelling
out names and titles, the requirements of the palace administration added two
mechanisms which were to remain characteristic of all later Aegean inscriptions ;
I . The development of a list of standard ideograms as abbreviations for the
commodities being counted, and as a more graphic indication of the tablets’
fig. 5. ■ Hierogl>'phic ’ tablet from Phaistos.
contents to the non-literate members of the household. With doubtful excep-
tions, ideograms (in the sense of symbols which stand for a definite word-
meaning rather than for a conventional sound-value) only occur with numerals
in all three Aegean scripts, never in the spelling of ordinary words or sentences.
Evans and Myres were often deluded by the more naturalistic signs into giving
them a symbolic value, which their frequency and use in different positions
render most unlikely.
2. A written system of numerals and fractions. In this respect the
‘ hieroglyphic ’ script differs in its conventions from those of the Linear Scripts.
1,234 is written 0 \\; ))))
and the fractional quantities appear in the forms h h t (or pf), which may
represent ^ h i {t and f are ideograms) .
The tablet illustrated in fig. 5 was an unstratified find at Phaistos (Pernier,
19355 P- 425)- After a word of two signs, the top line records quantities of
30
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
20j(?) units of each of the commodities f V. These four staples, which
there is reason to believe represent wheat, oil, olives and figs, recur
with similar symbols in both Linear A and Linear B (see p. 35). The second
may be a simphfication of Evans’ ‘jug and olive-spray’ sign.
The Knossos ‘ hieroglyphic archives ’ consist of nineteen lumps of clay sealed
with inscribed signets, and of sixty-three clay sealings tablets, bars or labels,
found in the earth fill of a chamber under the staircase at the north end of the
long corridor to the magazines {R on fig. 13, p. 1 15). First assigned by Evans
to ‘ within the limits of MM III ’ (SM 7 , p. 21, dating the fill of the chamber to
the second destruction), the documents were later placed entirely within
MM II, the use of the ‘hieroglyphs’ ceasing abruptly with the end of this
period {PM, i, p. 612). This conclusion is doubted by Chapouthier (1930),
and is based on no very certain stratigraphic evidence.
3. LINEAR SCRIPT A
Both the cause and date of the introduction of Linear A are uncertain. \ desire
to simplify the naturalistic forms of the ‘hieroglyphs’ for hurried writing on
clay is hardly sufficient reason, since even Linear B still contains a fair pro-
portion of complex signs, of a dozen strokes or more, which perhaps reflect
a calligraphic use of the script on other more perishable materials.
The earliest Linear A inscriptions were believed by Evans {PM, i, p. 612')
to be those written in ink on two Knossos cups, which he dated by their shape
to MM III a. The archives deposit from Mallia, discovered by Renaudin and
Charbonneaux in 1923, apparently dates from the reoccupation of the palace
at the beginning of MM Illb, and is significant in showing a late use of the
‘hieroglyphs’ side by side with incipient Linear A, in one case on two sides
of the same tablet. The numeration of both Mallia scripts still uses dots for
the tens (a peculiarity recurring on some Agia Triada tablets) but circles for
the hundreds. It is difficult to reconcile the Knossos and Mallia evidence with
the discovery of two dozen tablets at Phaistos in 1953 and 1955, in a level of
the First Palace dated by the excavators to MM la, which allegedly show
a transition from the ‘hieroglyphic’ to the linear script; for an illustration, see
Annuario della scuola archeologica italiana di Atene, 30-32 (n.s. 14-16), p. 418.
The latest and largest group of surviving Linear A documents comprises
150 rectangular clay tablets and a number of sealings {cretule) found in the
‘Royal Villa’ at Agia Triada associated with remains of LM la frescoes and
stone jars. They cannot at any rate be later than the destruction of the villa,
ascribed by Evans {PM, iv, p. 786) to ‘the new and aggressive dynasty’ which
31
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
he believed took power at Knossos at the beginning of LM II. CarratelU
similarly dates the Agia Triada tablets to before 1450 b.g.; but Pendlebury
(1939, p. 228) and the Italian excavators regard the destruction of Agia Triada
as contemporary with that of Knossos itself in c. 1405 b.c.
With very minor exceptions, all other Linear A inscriptions appear to be of
MM mb date. They include tablets and sealings from Knossos, Phaistos,
Tylissos, Zafer Papoura, Zakro and Palaikastro, and libation tables and ritual
objects from these and a number of other sites (see Carratelli, pp. 590-602 and
Dow, 1954, p. 1 13). Their total number is very small compared to the Linear B
material, but the language appears to be identical throughout. Carratelli
points to the word TE 4 */! H A which occurs both on a steatite libation table from
Palaikastro and on the stone ladle from near Arkhanes (Dow, p. 100), and to
the word STT-ii or 'tTYIs which occurs on no less than five religious objects
from different parts of the island. But of the words written entirely in signs
paralleled in Linear B, there are only one or two which recur on a Knossos
Linear B or Mycenaean mainland inscription. A solitary example of a possible
grammatical variation may be seen by comparing ]T+ !S^ATto[ on the fragment of
a steatite libation-bowl found by Marinates at Apodoulou (Carratelli, Ap 1)
with on the piece of a steatite libation-table perhaps from Petsofa
{Pc io)\ if mechanically transcribed with their apparent Linear B values, these
words would read no-pi-na-ma-[ and no-pi-na-mi-na.
In spite of considerable disagreement, we are probably justified in inferring
that the standardized form of Linear A came into general use at the beginning
of MM III b, and that it did not survive the introduction of Linear B at
Knossos. It is difficult to visualize the Pa-i-to = Phaistos of our Linear B tablets
as conducting its records and its correspondence with the capital in Linear A;
Dow’s statement ( 1954, p. 120) that to the end of LM II ‘ the rest of the island
continued to use Linear A’ can, perhaps, only be true of unattested writing in
the native ‘ Minoan ’ language outside the offices of the royal administration.
The Agia Triada tablets, being latest and most numerous, probably show
Linear A in its most representative form : they have been used as the basis for
the list of seventy-five syllabic signs published here (fig. 6), from which a few
rare Agia Triada signs of doubtful form and function have been omitted. The
possible similarities which have been shown with ‘Hieroglyphs’ (H) or with
Linear B signs (B) should not be taken to argue an identical sound- value ; such
an identity could only be proved by a cogent decipherment, which in view of
our complete ignorance of the ‘Minoan’ language is probably impossible. The
signs are numbered L 1, etc., in accordance with Carratelli (pp. 467-74); to
which is added Myres’ inconvenient numeration, whereby AB 1, etc., represent
32
L 1
AB 18
L 6 -
AB 44 :
L 9; cf. 28
AB 12 I
L 16
AB 54
L23
AB 57
L 25/7 u I
AB 19 Ml
L 26 T Y
AB 58 I I
L 28; cf 56/
AB 12 t
L 29 r
AB 23 t
L 31
AB 27
L 32
AB 20
L 37; cf620
AB 35 I
L 44
AB 11
L 45
AB 61
L 47
A 103
L 50; cf.92.
L 51
AB 59
L 52
AB 49
L 53
AB51
L 54
AB 31
III W III
! I V
L 35 O tfo
AB 32 T T I
^AB^12 A ^
"ab^so 4^ 4*
* 418*26 ^ 11 5 )
L 59
AB 13
L 60
AB46
C E
y
^AB 33 i J ‘J'
L 62
AB35 T 1
L 64
AB 55
<g €
U k
L 68/96
A 61
L 69 / ,
AB 16 \ \
L 72; cf. 943
AB 25 C
L 74 p
AB 14 L
L 75 □
AB 21 m
L oi Y V
AB45 A X
'L 82
AB 22
L 83
AB 62
L 84/48
A 93
L 85
AB 63
L 86
AB 39
f f
? ¥
a?
^'b*24 o o
1
L VD
A 40
¥
L 97
AB 60
f
L 98
AB 41
L 99/128 C*
A 89 n
L 100/38 W
AB 37 T
f
L 101
AB 36
0 t
5i
L 102
AB 48
^ A
L 103
AB 53
1
L 120
A 116
TIT
rs.^
Fig. 6. The Linear A syllabar>' in use at Agia Triada (after Carratelli), with possible cognates in
the ■ hierogK-phs ’ (H) and in Linear B (B).
3
33
Vi C
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
signs he imagined to be identical in A and B, while A 40, etc., refer to signs
peculiar to A. The same syllabary, with the addition of a few local variants,
underlies all the other inscriptions in Linear A. Since the signs are purely
phonetic, and since the language from which any acrophonic principle might
be derived is unknown, no useful purpose is served by discussing the objects
which the signs may originally have represented; in so far as the Mycenaean
signs are derived from Linear A, the same is true of them.
L 42 etc.
L 89 etc. i ^ %
L 67 rp
L 60 y
1 fe T® ^ 1
? 8?
L 49 etc. ^ ^
L90 ^
1 ^ f ^
L 71 etc. fy 1
L 82 etc. ^ ^
L 35 etc.
L 66 ^
L70 |nij
L73etc. ^ ^
L 88 ^
L99etc.^
Lc29etc. IX l£ a
Lc32 ^
Lc33 1
Lc38-9 ^
Lc40 g
fS ffl
Lc43 ^
Lc45 ^
Lc50 etc. ^
LcM-5 ^
Fig. 7 . The commonest Agia Triada ideograms.
The Agia Triada tablets are all of the ‘page’ shape, with space for four
to nine short lines, rather than of the frequent Mycenaean ‘ palm- leaf ’ shape
enclosing one or two long lines. The layout is consequently cramped, with
entries and even individual words often divided from one line to another. The
word-divider is written as a single dot in the middle of the line-height; the
direction of writing, which had been variable in the ‘hieroglyphs’, is now
uniformly left-to-right. The different mechanisms for indicating the com-
modities by means of ideograms already show considerable conformity with
Mycenaean practice (see fig. 10):
1 . The use of pictorial and conventional symbols restricted to an ideographic
function.
2. The employment of single phonetic signs as ideograms, presumably
starting from an acrophonic principle.
34
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
3. The telescoping of two or more phonetic signs into a ‘monogram’.
4. The attachment of single phonetic signs in and around an existing ideo-
gram in order to differentiate its meaning (‘ligatures’).
On some tablets whole words appear in small letters as ‘adjuncts’ over or
after ideograms (e.g. with the tripods and cups of HT 31 ), whereas these
qualifications would normally be written out before the ideogram in Linear B.
A single syllabic sign, most often ^ or 4, frequently stands alone after the
first word on the tablet. Myres regards these occurrences as ‘ transaction signs ’
(i.e. abbreviations for some such words as ‘has received’, etc.), and they come
near to forming an exception to the general rule ‘ no ideograms unless followed
by numerals ’. Proper names may occasionally be subject to a similar abbrevia-
tion or telescoping.
Most of the tablets from Agia Triada appear to
record rations of various agricultural products issued
to named individuals: there are no visible equi-
valents to the Linear B ideograms denoting persons
or animals. Five of the most frequently recorded com-
modities are generally listed in the order f T
(compare HT 14 , reproduced in fig. 8) : four of
these are the descendants of the ‘hieroglyphic’
(see fig. 5), whose Mycenaean equivalents
f y Y ^Iso tend to appear in the same order.
Note the progressive deformation in the shape of
the signs, which in Linear B has reached a purely
graphic symbolism — a warning against trying to
translate ideograms entirely on the basis of their
external appearance. The identification of ^ , the
product which bulks largest on both the Linear A
and Mycenaean household accounts, as ‘poppy-
seed’ (Sundwall, accepted by Myres), appears to be poppycock; the same
objection to large amounts of a laboriously-harvested substance applies in the
case of Evans’ identification of Y as ‘saffron’ {PM, rv, p. 718; this identifica-
tion may yet hold good for the Linear B ideogram T ) . The ideogram ,
apparently derived from the Knossos ’hieroglyph’ 'g, Alallia occurs on
the rim of a two-handled vase and on a pithos from the ninth magazine at
Knossos, and has been shown to represent a liquid in Linear B (Bennett, 1950) .
Sundwall’s suggestion ‘wine’, comparing the corresponding Egv^ptian 7^ up,
is ver^^ plausible.
The greatest number of ‘ ligatures ’ are added to the ideograms ^ and i , as
Fig. 8. Agia Triada tablet
HT 14.
35
3-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
can be seen from fig. 7. How they in fact differentiate the ‘grain’ and ‘oil’
is obscure, but the distinction cannot be very fundamental, since the various
ligatured amounts are totalled under the simple commodity sign (e.g. on
HT 116 b).
Two of the Agia Triada ligatures, in ^ and on HT 38 , recur with the
same ideogram at Knossos, and the ‘monogram’ ^ becomes the Mycenaean
1® . Since these Mycenaean ideograms were evidently taken over from Linear A
as they stood, it is useless to look for a Greek word to round out the component
syllables; and the same possibility must be faced in the case of other composite
signs.
Totals are introduced at Agia Triada by the word [ku-ro ??), cumulative
totals by (HT 122 b); Georgiev’s (1954) reading as m-/o = oOAov ignores
the fact that the Common Greek form should be *holwon. Subsidiary amounts,
totalled separately, are sometimes introduced by •&+ {ki-ro ??) ; this may have
a function analogous to the Mycenaean o-pe-ro ‘owing, missing’.
Except for the possible use of M to mean ‘ by weight ’ or to indicate a unit
weight, all Agia Triada ideograms are directly followed by whole numbers and
fractions, without the metrical symbols characteristic of Mycenaean accounts.
i,! 234 is written .^gr-jj or
The signs for the fractions comprise the following, singly or in combination :
LI A k T t f 2 I II 4 ^
Attempts to assign absolute values have been made by Sundwall (1942),
Carratelli (1946), Bennett (1950) and Stoltenberg (1955) ; but the summations
on HT 8, HT 9 a, HT 13 and HT 1234-124 do no more than make it likely
that L=i, 7 =i and As for the other symbols, it appears probable
that they represent a series of aliquot parts decreasing in size from to 3^2 or
less ; that smaller terms are combined with larger in order to express fractions
like I and those larger than J ; and that their descending order of size corre-
sponds very approximately to the order in which they have been printed above.
There is probably a direct connexion between 4 T 4 Z I and some of the
Mycenaean signs for weights and measures (see pp. 54-60). If we assume
that the fractional signs have been adapted to units with similar ratios, we
may guess for instance that | may have represented something like in
Linear A.
36
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
4. THE DERIVATION OF LINEAR SCRIPT B
Before it was recognized that the Linear B tablets are written in Greek, the
usual view of their script was that expressed by Evans {PM, iv, p. 683) in 1 935 :
Although Class B covers a somewhat later period and illustrates in many of its features
a more developed stage in the Art of Writing, it cannot be regarded as simply a later
outgrowth of A. It is on the whole of independent growth, though both systems largely
go back to a common prototype (namely, the ‘hieroglyphs’). . . .Apart from the absence
of hgatures, however, the general arrangement of the script remains the same, except
that in the B system it is clearer. . . . Moreover, the language itself is identical. . . . We
have not here the indications of a violent intrusion at the hands of some foreign Power.
Equally with the other, the new sy^stem is rooted in the soil of Crete itself and is part
and parcel of its history. Rather the evidence may be thought to point to a change of
dynasty.
The discovery of tablets at Pylos (1939) and Mycenae (1950 and 1952),
Wace, Blegen and Kantor’s discussions of the relation of LM II Knossos to the
Mainland, and his own work on Mycenaean weights and measures (1950)
enabled Bennett to state positively in 1953, even before the publication of
a decipherment:
It is becoming increasingly apparent that the difference between the Linear A and
the Linear B scripts is a serious one; not a matter of gradual development, nor of an
elegant variation, but of a radical adaptation of the old to the new; or perhaps even
a new construction following roughly an older model. The language also, and the names
appearing on the accounts, are clearly different, and where the same sign is used in
both Linear A and B there is no guarantee that the same value is assigned to it. At the
same time the affinity' of Knossos in LM II in script and in methods of book-keeping
is clearly shown to be with the My'cenaean mainland rather than with the rest of Crete.
Is it possible that we should speak of the Minoan Linear Script and the Mycenaean Linear
Script rather than of Minoan Linear A and B ? We cannot be sure where Linear B was
created, or when, but it need not have been at Knossos. Yet it was clearly longer and
more widely known in the My cenaean than in the Minoan civilization, and so might
well deserve a new and distinctive name.
Dow (1954), in an article written at the same time, devoted five pages to
a discussion of this problem and arrived at a similar conclusion.
Knossos tablet 231 =K 872 was believed by Evans {PM, iv, p. 729) to have
been oven-baked and was assigned, from the similar fabric of the Linear A
tablets and from the sty'le of its cups and bulls’ heads, to LM I a. W’ith this
doubtful exception, the Linear B tablets are merely' sun-dried, if dried at all,
and owe their survival to the fact that they were baked hard in the conflagra-
tions which destroyed their storage rooms. Since such tablets must have been
37
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
periodically thrown away or pulped, Myres {SM II, p. 40) is no doubt correct
in assuming that ‘ they belong to the very latest days of the Palace occupation,
and probably represent little more than the last year’s vouchers before the
catastrophe’. This is equally true of the archive room at Pylos, destroyed at
the beginning of Late Helladic IIIc, and of the tablets found in the row of
private houses (‘ Shields, Oil Merchant, and Sphinxes’) at Mycenae, consigned
to the flames at the end of Late Helladic Illb. Unless the destruction of
Knossos is to be set later than 1405 b.c. (a possibility suspected by Blegen),
these accidentally-preserved tablets thus bracket a period of a full 200 years,
from which no intermediate examples of writing survive except a few short
inscriptions on Mainland vases, notably on the twenty-eight paint-inscribed
stirrup jars of Late Helladic Ilia date {c. 1360 b.c.?) found by Keramopoullos
in the Kadmeion at Thebes {PM, iv, p. 740; Bjorck, 1954). If it were possible
to extend the area of excavation at Thebes, tablets might well come to light
there too, and possibly from this intermediate period. Myres’ view {SM III,
in MS.) that the inscribed jars from Tiryns are considerably earlier than the
Knossos tablets is probably based on a misunderstanding.
The initial stimulus to devise a writing system for the Greek language may
well go back to the events of c. 1580 b.c., which initiated the specifically
Mycenaean culture of the Mainland and the rise of Mycenae and its satellites
at the expense of Knossos — however these events are to be interpreted his-
torically {both Karo and Schachermeyr assume a Greek invasion of Crete,
not followed by an occupation). Linear B could have been devised at Mycenae
itself at any time after 1580, but Dow (1954, p. 1 17) suggests Knossos as the
most plausible place of origin, since the script is first attested there and a native
bureaucracy would have been at hand to furnish the model.
The most likely period for the occupation of Knossos by a Greek-speaking
ruling class is the beginning of LM H, which sees the appearance of Evans’
•New Dynasty of Aggressive Character’ {PM, iv, pp. 884 ff.), the introduction
of the ‘Palace Style’ and of other features with Mainland connexions (see
Professor Wace’s foreword to this book, p. xxiv) , and the drastic remodelling
of part of the western section of the palace into a Throne Room suite. Evans’
dating of the beginning of LM 1 1 is confirmed by the recent discovery that one
panel in the Theban tomb of the vizir Rekhmara, that which depicts ‘ the
peaceful embassy of the princes of the land of Kftjw (Crete) and of the Islands
which are in the middle of the sea’, was deliberately repainted between 1470
and 1450 B.C., apparently with the intention of replacing the traditional
‘Minoan’ dress of the Cretan envoys by costumes showing a more specifically
Mainland character. That this final period was not very' long is shown by the
38
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
fact that a renovation of the Domestic Quarter, regarded by Evans {PM, iv,
p. 889) as springing from the same impulse as the construction of the Throne
Room, was actually in process at the moment of final destruction. But though
the Knossos tablets may prove only to date from within one or two years of
that catastrophe, a reasonable period of experiment and experience must be
assumed for the script before its recorded appearance, in order to account for
the astonishing uniformity which the Knossos tablets show with those of Pylos
and Mycenae, in script, spelling and arrangement.
The signs of the Mycenaean syllabary which show an unmistakable similarity
to Linear A phonetic signs in use at Agia Triada are shown in the third
columns of fig. 6 above. These identifications do not entirely agree with the
AB list proposed by Myres {SM II, Table I), whose intended function as
a standard signary order is further vitiated by not distinguishing phonetic signs
from ideograms. Of the eighty-seven known syllabic signs on Mycenaean
tablets (eighty-four if we exclude possible variants) forty-five have close equi-
valents in Linear A, while ten have more doubtful parallels ; leaving twenty-nine
Mycenaean signs (or exactly a third) as apparent innovations. The last category
includes many of the rarer signs, and in a comparison of running texts the
proportion of divergent signs may be as little as 15 per cent.
What is the reason for these apparent innovations in the Mycenaean
syllabary? One might assume that its inventors, like St Cyril adapting the
Greek alphabet to the needs of a Bulgarian gospel, devised new symbols for
the Greek syllables whose vowel or consonant sounds had no equivalent in
‘Minoan’ ; but this does not fit the values of the signs as deciphered (or indeed
as arranged dispassionately on the grid, fig. 3). Thus for the syllables expressing
the Greek labio-velar sounds q^‘ and g'‘, which we might expect to be foreign to
‘Minoan’, we admittedly have innovations in qo and Y qi, but © qe is
a frequent sign at Agia Triada; mo and possibly i)? me are new, but ma
and mi are not; and so on. Such an explanation of the need for innovation
might presuppose that the value of the existing Linear A signs had suffered
a wholesale reshuffling in the process; although from its great frequency as an
initial it is likely that V, at any rate, already had its later value {a) at Agia
Triada, and § (Mycenaean ja) probably represented a closely-related syllable.
A feature of the system of Mycenaean syllabic values as revealed by decipher-
ment is the presence of a considerable number of ‘ homophones ’ {pa.^^, etc.),
which are listed in the right-hand column of fig. 4, p. 23. Palmer suggests
that these are a relic of a series of symbols for ‘Minoan ’ sounds foreign to Greek,
probably of a palatalized nature, which have been adopted for various special
uses (see also p. 46).
39
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
There is no trace in our syllabary of the practice occasionally seen in Hittite
and regularly in Japanese and the Indian scripts, whereby two related syllables
may be formed from a single basic sign by the addition of diacritical marks.
Evans’ and Myres’ theory that the modifications and innovations of Linear B
represent ‘a re-selection from the same older repertory’ is difficult to control.
Though a few seal-stones or libation-tables inscribed with ‘ hieroglyphs ’ may
have survived into Late Minoan times, it is unhkely that the scribes retained
any real familiarity or facility with their script. The forms of many of the
Mycenaean signs are undoubtedly more ornate and curvilinear than their
Agia Triada counterparts, the sign 9^ ku showing, for example, some re-
elaboration as the naturalistic ‘ flying bird ’ which the Linear A may once
have represented. But there are a greater number of examples where, far from
harking back to a ‘hieroglyphic’ prototype, the Mycenaean form has made
the naturalistic pattern quite unrecognizable. Thus the Linear A ^ , in which
Evans and Carratelli recognize the ‘cat’s head’ hieroglyph, becomes 51? [ma)
in Linear B, and is taken by Myres as a flower. Only one Mycenaean syllable,
X niva, has a close parallel in the ‘hieroglyphs’ (P 117 a, SMI, p. 177) but
none in Linear A, and even here the omission from A may be due to the
accidents of discovery.
The alternative source of innovations suggested by Evans, the repertory of
masons’ and potters’ marks in use in Crete and neighbouring areas, is even
more uncontrollable ; attempts to bring these marks into systematic connexion
with regular scripts are very uncertain, since their common denominator is
generally no more than the fact that they are the patterns most easily made by
a limited number of straight strokes. We may have to conclude that some of the
Mycenaean signs may have had no external ‘ derivation ’ at all, other than in
the calligraphic fantasy of their inventors. An attempt to explain the innova-
tions by the initial syllables of specific Greek words is not likely to be any
more fruitful.
The Mycenaean syllabic signs are printed in fig. 9 in the order of Bennett’s
numeration (see fig. 4, p. 23, for an alphabetic arrangement according to their
phonetic values) ; this indicates the main variations in their shape which have
been found at Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae, and on the Theban vases. These
variations give little evidence for a chronological development of the script,
and discoveries of new tablets have tended to show that forms we had believed
characteristic of a particular time and place are in fact only permissible varia-
tions of style, which may be shown at any period by the graduates from the
evidently conseiA'ative scribal schools. The signs painted on vases show few
features that can be attributed to their different writing materials, but some
40
K
p
M
T
K
p
M
T
K
p
M
T
I
h
1 -
V
30
r T
Y Y
YY
Y
59
K
r. K
c
2
+
+
+
t
31
Y Y
Y r
Y Y
60
Isls k
kkb
3
t
32
Ytt
Ytr
It III t
Y tT
61
feNTi
Er ti
unu
dO
4
Y
¥
t
33
TY
62
tl N
0 M
TTt
T T
TT
T
34
(
63
m
6
T Y T
t 1
Y 1 T
T
i
35
1 t
>
64
N
H
-
m m
1 1
T T
TTi
I
TIT
A
36 TTT
nx
f T
T?
65
Effi 111
8
V ¥
'f
37
A A
A A
(A
A
66
B
B
9
r r
r
r
38
A A
AM
frA&
?^A
67
IT
m
7 V
10
r
f
r
39
k tfi
A i&
A
68
i'Til;
II
^ 'i
'1 1
40
/i <(\
£i
xCA
/
69
^ f
f ¥
f
12
Y 1
7 1
7
41
AAA
/k A
/r'A/k
70
? 1
? ?
1 7
1
13
Y
Y
42
fi’ra
a' a’ 1
A A
71
?f-?'
14
f f
f-
Y-
4317 )^
n n
72
B B
D’ B
BH
15
77
T
Y
44
fn
A/K K*<
ri /r\
73
V
V V
V
16
1 1
7
45
kK
^ Y
T
74
HE
EE!
17
tif
f
46
X
75
2
2
2 2
z
18
47
76
;///;/
19
t
48
tS ■ N ■
7 ^ A
rb U
X
7 \
7-
©©
©
® ©
@
20
1 1
t
'h
1
f
49
71
78
©0
©©
0©
21
Ttl
TT
11
50
A
A A
4 A
79
,
A')
22
71
SI
-nj- i-r
(11
¥ 'A
jI
80
V AA
¥.
M
m
23
rv
TT
52
1 i
f-
ff
81
A 9 ’
1 “
24
f Y
YT
T
53
in
i i
82
'■):
a
25
T
ujo op
OjU
54
IT
Iff
tri ID
N
83
(i^
26
YT
Y
T
cpj
55
fT IT
IT NIT
M
84
* >'
C-f
27
T
u;
i
V»V<
1
56
N |:-1
H
85
t>
9
28
Y Y
Y Y
V \I/
1 T
57
S l;i
0 S
a El
86
29
Y Y
Y Y
Y Y
58
EE
E r
r:
E
87
E
Fig. 9. The Mycenaean syllabar>' (after Bennett). K = Kno3sos, P = Pylo3, M = Mycenae, T = Thebes.
41
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of them are evidently careless or semi-literate. The incised design on the rim
of ajar from Asine, interpreted by Persson (1930) as a Greek invocation to
Poseidon in a form of the Linear Script, is probably not to be regarded as
intelligible writing at all, though some of the shapes may have been suggested
by Mycenaean signs. The complete omission of a rarer Mycenaean sign from
one or another site is not significant, and is continually being corrected as new
material is unearthed.
Except where they can be shown to derive from the initial sounds of a Greek
word, the bulk of the Mycenaean ideograms or ‘commodity signs’ (see fig. 10,
p. 50) were probably adapted directly from their Linear A prototypes as
used by the earlier Knossos bureaucracy. The omission of the symbols for men,
women and animals from the surviving Linear A tablets is evidently accidental ;
the survival of the ideograms for some of the main agricultural staples has been
noted above (p. 35) ; even though their shapes, like those of some of the
syllabic signs, have been subjected to a graphic distortion which removes them
still further from their prototypes in the ‘hieroglyphs’ and in nature. Some
commodities which are themselves innovations in LM II, such as horses,
chariots, body-armour and specific vessel types, naturally require new symbols :
these, unlike the inherited ideograms, are markedly naturalistic and are often
accompanied by their Greek descriptions in long-hand.
The system of numbers was taken over from Linear A without modification,
but fractions as such have not been found on any Mycenaean tablet. The new
symbols for weights and measures (‘fractional quantities’) are discussed below,
pp. 54-60.
5. THE SPELLING RULES
The Ionic alphabetic inscriptions of the fifth century b.g. show a more faithful
and economical adaptation to the contemporary pronunciation than any other
form of written Greek before or since. At the same period, Cypriot Greek was
still being written in an archaic syllabary (see fig. 12, p. 64) whose conventions
do violence to Greek in several important respects :
1 . There are single series of syllabic signs for Kyx, 11^9, t66, so that e-ko may
represent either eydo or ix^-
2. n and V are omitted before a following consonant, so that -rrdvTa is spelt
pa-ta ; final -s shows several instances of omission.
3. Extra vowels have to be written to round out clusters of consonants:
tttoAiv becomes po-to-li-ne.
.\s might be expected, the earlier Mycenaean syllabary is even more im-
precise and incomplete in its rendering of Greek: this is due largely to a closer
42
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
adherence to what appears to have been the initial principle in the development
of syllabaries, that of writing only one sign for each syllable of the pronunciation.
The following notes summarize the conventions which we believe the
Mycenaean scribe to have followed in reducing spoken Greek to a syllabic
spelhng. They will indicate the limits within which equivalents may be found
for words in the texts transcribed in Part II of this book, and for the proper
names and vocabulary listed in the appendices. More than one equivalent
may often be possible within these rules, and the full range of possibilities may
sometimes have escaped us ; some details of the spelling rules may themselves
still require modification.
\Ve will postpone to pp. 67-75 the discussion of what conclusions may
legitimately be drawn from these orthographical peculiarities as to the struc-
ture of the earher ‘Minoan’ language, as to the precise relationships of the
Mycenaean dialect, and as to the racial character of the scribes who were
employed to record it. The following notes are based on the general assumption
that the pronunciation behind the spelling is a normal though archaic form of
East Greek, such as had already been inferred for the period by philologists.
§ I. Vowels
The syllabary differentiates five vowels -a -e -i -0 -u (for a possible sixth
vowel, see § 13 ). Long vowels are not specially indicated, nor are syllables
beginning with an aspirate: a-ni-ja=hdniai fivfai.
§ 2 . Diphthongs
au, eu, ou (both long and short) are regularly indicated with the aid of the
sign u: na-u-si — nausi, ka-ke-u-si=khalkeusi, a-ro-u-ra = aroura. This does not of
course apply to classical -ou- where it is merely the graphic indication of
a lengthened close 0 : ‘they have’ (Att. §xouai. Arc. eyovai) is written e-ko-si,
and Att. Tpirrous (Horn. Tpiiros) appears as ti-ri-po.
The second element of ai, ei, oi (both long and short) is invariably omitted
in the dat. sing, and nom. plur. of nouns and adjectives, and generally elsewhere
too (e.xcept for the regular use of the sign ai initially) . A fuller spelling with
the aid of the sign i is found in the Knossos ko-to-i-na compared with Pylos
ko-to-na = ktoina, and sometimes alternates on tablets of the same set; a-na-taj
a-na-i-ta on the Knossos ‘chariot’ tablets, ko-no I ko-i-no on the Mycenae
‘spice’ tablets. Dative singulars in -e-i are disyllabic from names in -es\
E-u-me-de-i = Eumedei. The spellings mi-to-we-sa-e (269 = Sd0404, nom. plur.
fern.), e-qe-ta-e (29 = As821), to-e (Eb842, Tcp?) are exceptional and probably
erroneous.
43
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
From the example of Pa-uto = Phaistos we had concluded that the dative
plurals in -a-i and -o-i were to be read -ais, -ois. The -ois of the instr. plur. masc.
is, however, spelt simply -o on the Pylos ‘furniture’ tablets (see below, p. 334) :
Merlingen and Andrews suggest that the datives should be vocalized -dhiy
-oihi, with loss of intervocalic -s-.
§3. ‘Glides’
Vowels following -i- are generally spelt with a j- syllable; i-ja-te = idler,
i-je-ro = hieros, i-jo = ion; those following -u- with aw- syllable; ku-wa-no = kuanos.
This rule is invariable in the endings of adjectives in -ios: ko-no-si-ja = Kndsia,
ku-wa-ni-jo = kuanios. In the middle of a word may replace yh; a-pi-a2-ro =
Amphialos, pi-a2-ra=phialai; sometimes even on the same tablet; ko-ri-ja-da-na;
ko-ri-a2-da-na on Mycenae Ge 605 (cf. ti-ri-o-we-e'ti-ri-jo-we on 236 =Ta 641 ).
A diphthong followed by a vowel may be written with the glide syllable
alone; a-ra-ru-ja = araruiai, i-je-re-ja—hiereia, e-wa-ko-ro = Euag[o)ros (but also
e-u-wa-ko-ro, e-u-we-to = Euetor) , unless an etymological *s>h intervenes;
E-u-o-mo — Eu-hormos.
§ 4. P, K, T and D
p- can represent p- or ph-\ pa-te= pater, pa-ka-na=phasgana. The only words
so far identified with b are pa2-si-re-u = basileus, po-pa2=phorbd? , te-pa2-de =
Thebans-de? for pa2 see § 13.
k- can represent k-, g-, kh-: ka-ko = khalkos, ka-ra-ive=grdwes. t- can represent
t- or th - ; te-ko-to = tekton, te-o ~ theos\ d- is invariably indicated by its own syllabic
series; ti-ri-po-de = tripode, di-do-si = didonsi, e-pi-de-da-to = epi-dedastoi.
§ 5. Z- and R
I- and r- are written with a single syllabic series, here transliterated r-\
ti-ri-po = tripos, tu-ri-so= Tulisos; tu-ro2 = turoi, pi-ti-ro2-we-sa=ptilowessa; ku-ru-so
^khrusos, ku-ru-me-no = Klumenos. Attempts to apportion the numerous homo-
phones exclusively to either I or r have not met with success.
§6. ^
U- spells a Greek 3 from *gj in me-zo = mezon ue^cov, wo-zo = worzdn pe^cov;
from *dj in to-pe-za = torpeza Tpa-rrs^a; from *j in ze-u-ke-u-si; but there are
puzzling alternations with the k- series; Knossos a-ze-ti-ri-ja!a-ke-ti-ri-ja,
Pylos ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na;ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na. Palmer regards the series as inherited
from a Minoan palatalized k, and used for a variety of Greek affricates and
spirants, including on occasion I {me-za-ne = melanes ‘black’?).
44
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
§ 7. Labio-velars
q- may represent r (> Attic T or tt) or ( > Attic 5 or P) : qe = q^e ts,
a-pi-qo-ro = amphiq'^oloi 01191110X01, qo-u-ko-ro =g“oukoloi PoukoAoi. The only appa-
rent instances of an aspirated q’^h (> Attic 0 or 9) are a few names in -qo-taj
-qo-i-ta which may represent -96VTTIS or -9oiTng; and the word qe-te-a, which
may be related to 0eo'aao0ai.
has probably become kw. pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka = T\g)i(J^\j-ava.%. No sign is
known for q‘‘a, which may already have become pa: cf. the spelling pa-ra-jo
‘old’ (probably from *q“ala-, cf. TfjAs) and pa-te ‘all’ (from '^kwantes, cf.
dirag/Skt. gdgvant-). The name of the horse i-qo = iqq“os (from *ekwos) already
shows transference to a labio- velar; the ending of the perfect participle (e.g.
te-tu-ko-wo-a = tetukhwoa) is preserved from this development, as in the classical
dialects. The classical -pdTrjS, -Porros has a different vocalism in Mycenaean :
-qo-ta, -qo-to (from
Bennett has pointed out some irregularities at Pylos: the spelling qi-si-pe-e
for xiphee] the variations ra-qi-ti-ra.^lra-pi-ti-ra.^ and qe-re-qo-ta-o'pe-re-qo-ta
(116 = En 659 ); and the names e-ri-ko-wo (masc.) 'e-ri-qi-Ja (fern.), possibly
compounded with ‘horse’.
§ 8. Final -L, -M, -A”, -R, -S
At the end of a syllable these sounds are omitted from the spelling : ka-ko =
khal-kos, a-pi = am-phi, pa-ka-na= phas-gana, a-to-ro-qo = an-thrdq^os, pa-te = pa-ter
or pan-tes, a-ku-ro = ar-guros. The clusters -rg-, -rm-, -sm- seem to receive fuller
treatment on occasion: we-re-ke = z\pYzi'^ , we-re-ka-ra-ta = wer gal- 1 , wo-ro-ki-jo-
ne-jo = worgioneios, a-ra-ro-mo-fe-me-na^ararmo-, de-so-mo, do-so-mo.
§ 9. Initial S and W
Before a consonant initial is generally omitted: ta-to-mo=stathmos, pe-ma =
sperma, etc. A possible exception is sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja (KN Dv 941 ), which recalls
Sphakteria.
On the basis of the place-name ri-jo ‘Piov {*wrison ?) and the trade ra-pte
‘tailor’ i^wrap- ?) we had assumed that initial w- before a consonant is also
omitted. Palmer (1954) denies this, adducing wi-ri-ne-jo = wrineios ‘of leather’
(fpivog), wi-ri-za = wriza. The passive participle e-ra-pe-me-na = errapmena
‘stitched’ revealed by the join of 221 =L 647 shows no trace of a digamma.
§ 10. Consonant clusters
Doubled consonants are not distinguished. \Vhere a plosive consonant pre-
cedes another consonant, it is written with the vowel of the succeeding syllable :
45
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ka-na-pe-u = knapheus, ki-ti-me-na = ktimend, ko-no-so = Knosos, ku-ru-so = khrusos.
A few irregularities are found with -kt-: wa-na-ka-te-ro = wanakteros ‘royal’,
ru-ki-to = Luktos {ru-ki-ti-jo = Luktios is regular) . Otherwise the rule is preserved
in declension (e.g. ko-ri-ja-do-no sing.. Po-ri-ja-da-na plur.), and is extended to
clusters of three consonants: re-u-ko-to-ro = Leuktron, a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo=Alektrudn.
X {^),ps (vp) and q’‘s are treated as k-s-,p-s-, q-s-: ka-sa-to = Xanthos, ke-se-nu-wo
= xenwos, ko-so-u-to = Xouthos. When final, they shed the -j- and take the vowel
of the preceding syllable: wa-na-ka = wanax, ai-ti-jo-qo = A\Q^o^J. An exception
is the Knossos ox name wo-no-qo-so = Oivo'p.
m is preserv^ed in mn- \ de-mi-ni-ja, a-mi-ni-so, etc. r in -rw- is usually omitted:
ko-wo = korwos, pa-we-a= pharwea] but it is retained in a-ra-ru-wo-a^ ararwoa
(cf the feminine a-ra-ru-ja). The group -nw- is usually written -nu-w-\ ke-se-
m-wi-ja = xenwia, pe-ru-si-nu-wo = perusinwon\ the sign nwa sometimes replaces
-nu-wa-'. pe-ru-si-nwa, pa2-nu-wa-solpa^-nwa-so, a-mi-nu-wa-taja-mi-nwa-, e-nu-
wa-ri-joje-nwa-ri-jo.
§11. Polysyllabic signs
Nearly all the Mycenaean signs indicate a simple vowel {a, e, etc.) or
a consonant-plus-vowel open syllable {ta, ka, etc.) ; there is no evidence for
syllables of the types common in cuneiform, at, ak, etc., and tar, kar, etc.
But in addition to the special sign for nwa, *62 appears to represent pte :
pe-te-re-wa'jpte-re-wa on the Knossos ‘ chariot wheel’ tablets. Two other com-
plex syllables are each confined to a single word on the same ‘wheel’ tablets,
and are probably abbreviations resulting from long repetition: o-da-*8y-ta
replaces o-da-ku-we-ta (also o-da-ke-we-ta and even o-da-tu-we-ta) and seems to
represent kwe; te-mi-*yi-ta contains a sign which looks like a ‘monogram’
of neXko at Knossos (but te^ko in the later Pylos version), though this inter-
pretation is contested.
§ 12. Poly phones
\Ve have not so far been forced to assume any cases of a sign carrying two
or more quite different phonetic values, a complication present to a high degree
in cuneiform.
§ 13. Homophones
There are a number of signs which appear to duplicate values already
covered, e.g. a^ aio pa^ pu.^? ra^ ra^ ro., ta^ on the right-hand column
of fig. 4. Andrews assumes that there is in fact a sixth vowel schwa (a), and also
allots signs for palatalized and labialized consonants; Palmer suggests that
Linear A had a series of palatalized consonants whose syllables were taken over
46
THE MYCENAEAX WRITING SYSTEM
by the Greeks for various abbreviating uses. A consistent pattern in the func-
tion of these supernumerary signs is not yet discernible.
alternates with -i-ja- in the middle of words (see § gj, especially where
an -h- may be suspected of intervening: a-pi-a^-ro = Arnphihalos. may also
represent initial ha- in a.^-te-ro~hateron. But its most frequent use at Pylos and
Mycenae is to represent the final -a of neuter -s- stems in the nominative
plural: pa-ive-a^=pharu:e^a, ke-re-a.^= skelA^a, me-zo-a^ = rnezo^a ‘larger’, te-tu-ko-
wo-a= 2 ^ = tetukhwo^a. Such words are spelt with -a at Knossos, with the exception
of ]-fl, on Le786-788 and Ldl009, which is perhaps to be restored as
pa-we-do (as on the newly transcribed Knossos fragment L 7378). The usage
may var>' within the same set of tablets: vce-a-re-jalvce-a.^-re-jo on the Pylos
tablets.
pa^ sometimes represents ba (see § 4 ), but note pa 2 -ra-to-ro = spalathron,
ku-su-to-ro-pa .2 = xumtrophd.
ra^ probably represents -ria in the ending of female agent nouns such as
a-ke-ti-ra 2 la-ke-ti-ri-ja, etc., but not necessarily in the Pylos man’s name spelt
indifferently Ta-ra^-to and Ta-ra-to.
ra^ seems to represent raijlai in pi-je-ra 2 =phielai (plur.), e-ra^-wo^elaiwon,
ku-te-ra^ and ze-pu^^-ra^ (plur.), pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja.
ro^ appears to show no differentiation in tu-ro 2 = turoi, ku-pa-ropku-pa-ro,
pi-ti-ro 2 -we-sa= ptilowessa, but to represent rio in po-pu-ro 2 cf po-pu-re-ja.
tag represents tia in Pylos ra-wa-ra-ta 2 cf. ra-wa-ra-ti-jo, a-*8§-tapa-si-ja-ti-ja,
probably not in the adjective ko-ro-ta 2 cf. ko-ro-to. The vocalization of the Pylos
man’s name (gen.) o-ta 2 -u)e-o\o-to-wo-o is quite uncertain.
§14. Incomplete spellings
In repeated writing of long words in standard formulae, a middle or final
sign may be omitted : this is probably to be regarded as a scribal error rather
than as a valid part of the spelling rules.
It is common in the ending -me-na\ a-ja-me-(na'), ki-ti-me-{na), ke-ke-me-^nay.
Note also A-irey-ku-tu-ru-wo, e-pi-{dey-da-to, Te-qi-(riy-jo-ne, to-(soy-pe-mo,
a-^rdy-ro-mo-te-me-na.
§ 15. The use of the divider
Word-division follows the classical pattern, with a few exceptions. The
enclitic conjunctions -q^e ‘and’, -de ‘but’, are always joined to the preceding
word; the adverbs ou-^ ouki- ‘not’ and ho- or hos- ‘thus’ (or ‘how’ ?) to the
word that follows. A few word-pairs recurring together in standard formulae
may be written without division: a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja = Athdnd potnia, a-ne-mo-i-
47
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
je-re-ja = anemon hiereia, to-so-pe-ma = tosson sperma. Conversely compounds
are occasionally split : a-pu I ke-ka-u-me-no = apukekaumenos , e-ne-wo j pe-za = enne-
wopeza. The divider will be indicated by the absence of a hyphen in tran-
scription.
Risch has suggested that the syllabary has an antipathy to words of only
one sign, liable to be taken as ideograms: hence such spellings as to-so-pa =
tossos pans (but to-so j pa-te = tossoi pantes) , qo-o (for monosyllabic g’^ons ?).
6. THE MYCENAEAN IDEOGRAMS
The objects and commodities being counted may sometimes only be written
out long-hand, as on the Pylos ‘furniture’ tablets or on some of those from
Mycenae which list condiments; but more often the numbers are preceded
by an ideogram, either a purely visual symbol or a syllabic sign used in
abbreviation. This is invariably the case with cereals, wine, oil and livestock;
and where groups of tradespeople are being counted, the sign for man or
w o M A N is always inserted. ‘ Thirty shepherds ’ will appear as ' poimenes M an 30
a visual parallel to the ‘classifiers’ obligatory in Chinese counting, e.g. san ko
j#« = ‘three piece man’, i p'i /M = ‘one single-animal donkey’, etc.
The Mycenaean ideograms known at Easter 1955 are listed on fig. 10 in
the numbered order agreed with Bennett, which follows in principle, but not
in detail, the referencing system proposed by Dow (1954, p. 88). These of
course represent only a fraction of the ideograms which may have been in
daily use in the palaces and merchants’ houses; the syllabary evidently forms
a virtually closed system, but new ideograms could at any time be extemporized
to describe new objects. The Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae tablets show, how-
ever, that the signs for the staple commodities of Mycenaean life were com-
pletely standardized.
Evidence for the meanings of the ideograms will be discussed in the sections
of Part II dealing with the tablets on which they mainly occur; let us con-
centrate here on the general principles of their use and derivation. The following
classification into six types does not materially affect their status (and may
have been differently appreciated by the scribes themselves), but merely indi-
cates the basis on which they appear to us to have been devised :
I . Naturalistic and self-explanatory pictorial signs
The indication of ‘foal’ [po-ro) by omitting the mane from the horse
ideogram finds an exact counterpart on the proto-Elamite tablets, chariots
48
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
are differentiated to show the presence or absence of bodywork and wheels,
and the various types of vessels, implements and weapons are specified by
detailed drawings. In all such cases a verbal description in long-hand generally
precedes the ideogram. It has been thought odd that the words ‘a small
three-handled goblet’ should require further illustration by the symbol
but no other explanation is possible where, as often, the same description
occurs with the same ideogram on tablets from different sites. In the speci-
fication of such manufactured articles, the verbal description is probably the
primary" one, the ideogram being added partly as a habitual "classifier’, partly
to aid the non-literate members of the household (which may have included
the highest as well as the lowest) in seeing the contents of the tablets at a glance.
The ideograms of this first type have of course given invaluable help to the
decipherment by indicating the general context of the tablets and specific
vocabulary equations.
2. Conventionalized and abstract pictorial symbols
The possible meaning of these ideograms may be guessed from the vocabulary
context of the tablets, or from more naturalistic counterparts in Linear A and
in the ‘hieroglyphs’, like the agricultural staples discussed on p. 35. But it
is only proved certain where the Greek long-hand spelling is itself added, e.g.
pa-we-a ‘cloths’ to □ on 214 = Ld571, ka-ko ‘bronze’ to |» on 253=Jn01, or
e-ra^-wo ‘olive oil’ to ^ on a new Pylos tablet (Gnll84). Though schematic,
the M A N and woman signs are unmistakable from their more detailed variants ;
but the difference of meaning intended by the more naturalistic man® and
MAN ^ is unknown.
3. Ideograms ligatured with a syllabic sign
Where we find a pictorial symbol differentiated by a syllabic sign ‘sur-
charged’ above or inside it, it is a reasonable assumption that we have to do
with the abbreviation of a Greek noun or adjective; this is confirmed by cases
where the same ideogram may also be described by words in long-hand. The
A written within the amphora symbol clearly stands for the amphiphorewes
of 233=Ucl60; the ko within the hide sign differentiates it as a kowos,
‘sheepskin’ (171=Un718) from the hide+wi {wrinos, ‘oxhide’); pigs + si
evidently represents sialoi, ‘fattened pigs’ (75 = Cn02); and sheep-I-ta may
be connected with the word ta-to-mo on Cn09.
But the ligatures cloth + zo and cloth + ku already occur in the same
form at Agia Triada (HT 38), and warn us against pressing the argument
too far. The frequent division of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, horses
4
49
V & c
100 A-
101 A-
102 A-
People and animals
X Ik \
m m
‘72 G-
*74 S- I b
*15 S-
*61 n &
Bunch?
103 B
104 Cn
105 Ca S- ^
105“ Ca
Ca ^
106" C-D- T
106" C- D- If T
Cn ?
7 T
*75 2 2
107^ C- ^ n
107^’ c-Mcm n
*22 'T "T
108^ c-
108*’ c- It' ^
By dry measure
120 E- F- T I' f
121 F-
122 F-U- 11 1
OLIVESi-A
SHEEP+TA
Kind of sheep
SHE-GOAT
*30 F- r Y
*65 F- ]/K ]tY\
123 G- Un A “S "A
*85 C-
109" C-
log^” C-
C-
*23 C-
T- h
¥ r
¥ Y
*
y T
Units of measurement
*70 G-
*31 G-
*81 G-
*80 G-
PIO+KA 124 G-
PIG 125 F-
OX/BULL 126 F-
? 1
OLIVES+TI
A CONDIMENT
I?1 Coriander
Coriander
Y Sesame
^ Cumin
Fennel
Cyperus
Cyperus?
Cyperus?
Month’s ration?
127 Un
128 G-
130 F-
111 Volume
112 TTTTTT T Dry
1 13 Vl Liquid
1 14 ^ Weight
*21 T Weight
^ ^ Weight
1 15 2 22 2 2 Weight
1 16 HOP tt Weight
0 Safflower
By liquid measure
OLIVE OIL
^ OIL+A
Weight
Weight
Weight
Weight
131 Fs U- m
132 Un
133 Un
134 Un
135 FsGg ^ ,
Gg ^
*13 Un
Unguent^
Amphora of honey
Honey?
50
K P M
K P M
By weight
166
Oa
Silver ingot?
140
J-
BRONZE
167
Oa
2:73
INGOT
I 4 I
Kn
GOLD
168
Pp
ta
Adze?
142
Ale
Beeswax?
169
Pa
n
*53
Ma
P
170
Ch
i
?
*44
Ala
Beeswax?
171
G Sn
T
1
I
p'
*61
Ala
P
172
U
Beeswax?
*33
Mp
TT
SAFFRON
173
Ain U
?
143
La
2
2
Silver?
174
Gv
w#
Seedhng?
By weight or in units
175
Gv
r
FIG TREE
*31
N-
r
Y
Linen
176
Gv
T
OLIVE TREE
145
L- 0 - i
I
^ WOOL
177
U
11
146
A textile?
178
u
A
>
Counted in units
179
u
a
150
Ak
¥1
Agrimi goat?
180
u
[i
?
I 5 I
Ale
Agrimi horn
181
u
Thong?
152
Al-
32 s
OXHIDE
182
u
?
153
Un
$
SHEEPSKIN
183
u
?
154
On
0
II
p
184
u
p
155
G-
A container
185
VC's
P
156
Un
CHEESE
186
VC'a
>
157
Un
?
187
Xa
cf. 130?
158
Ld
ch
Bundle
188
to •
159
L-
□
CLOTH
Vessels
L-
dl
ma
CLOTHrPA
200-
213
See Chapter to. fig. 16
L-
i
CLOTH+TE
Furniture
L
d]
CLOTH-i-ZO
220
Ta
FOOTSTOOL
L
B
CLOTH+PU
Weapons
L
SI
CLOTH+KU
230
R
SPEAR
160
La
n
A kind of cloth?
231
R
>
ARROW
I 6 I
L-
})f w*
P
232
Ta
A i
162
Sc
1
CORSLET
233
Ra
t 1
SWORD
Sc
I
TUNIC+QE
Chariots
L
M
TUNIC + KI
240
Sc
WHEELED CHARIOT
L
¥
TUNIC+RI
241
Sd Se
\X HEEL-LESS CHARIOT
163
Sh
fi
CORSLET (set)
242
SfSg
CHARIOT FRAME
164
L
0 a
A kind of cloth?
243
Sa So
e
WHEEL
165
Sc
ter
INGOT
Sa
WHEEL+TE
Fig. lo. The Mycenaean ideograms (after Bennett), with their most usual
tablet contexts and suggested meanings.
51
4-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
and ASSES into two categories by a variation in the form of the upright
(generally taken to be a sex distinction) is likely to have been inherited from
Linear A, and even there it may not necessarily have been based on a ligature
with phonetic signs.
4. Single syllabic signs used as ideograms
Here, too, the derivation of the sign use from the initials of Greek words is
proved by a number of examples, o and o-pa-wo-ta ' plates? ’ are equated on
such Pylos tablets as 292 = Sh740; similarly pa with parawaio ‘pair of cheek-
pieces’, and KO with koruthos (gen.) ‘helmet’. On the Mycenae ‘condiment’
tablets (105-107) the commodities may be written long-hand as koriandna,
sdsama, kuminon, etc., or counted by the abbreviations ko, sa, ku, etc.;
‘ coriander’ is in addition found as ko either before or inside ideogram no. 1 23.
\Vhere the syllabic and ideographic uses of the sign have evidently developed
side by side from Linear A and the ‘hieroglyphs’, the search for a Greek
derivation is of course pointless ; the syllable Y ni is also used as the ideogram
for ‘figs’, but the pronunciation of the latter is probably indicated by the quite
unrelated su-za {=suka ?). In some cases the ‘syllabic’ ideograms stand not
for the commodity itself but for an adjective describing some subdivision of it
which is being counted : they are in fact ‘ adjuncts ’ (see § 6) being counted
apart from the ideograms to which they refer. This is the case with the
secondary numbers associated with the symbol o, frequent on all classes of
Mycenaean tablets and sometimes expanded to o-pe-ro, which probably stands
for opMlontes, ophelomena, etc., ‘things which ought to have been there but
aren’t’. It will be seen that the same syllabic abbreviations may stand for
quite different meanings in different contexts.
5. Two or three syllabic signs telescoped into a ‘monogram'
The frequent ‘monogram’ ti (probably wool) is apparently inherited
from Linear A, and may originally have represented a ‘Minoan’ ma + ru;
but the process of forming such abbreviations from Greek words is clearly
seen in the alternative spellings ka-na-ko/K a 4- n a+ k o ‘ safflower ’ on the Mycenae
‘condiment’ tablets, and in me-riyiE-r-Ki ‘honey’ on Knossos 206 = Gg705,
etc. ‘Honey’ is still spelt in full me-ri-to (gen. melitos) on Pylos 171=Un718,
and this variability suggests that most of the ‘ monograms ’ are only optional
abbreviations, which may be used at the scribe’s discretion where time or
space is short.
Pylos 171 =Un718 provides the surprising examples Tu + ROg ‘cheeses’ and
a + re-Pro (or A-fRE + PA ‘fat’ ?), which are actually introduced by the full
52
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
spelling of the words on their first occurrence — as if to say ‘in what follows,
TU-rR02 is to be taken as an abbreviation for tu-ro^ . After being used for over
200 years one might have expected such abbreviations to be self-explanatory.
6. "Adjuncts', small syllabic signs written before ideograms
Apart from the ubiquitous o.- [ = ophelomenon, etc.), the "adjuncts’ are most
frequently found categorizing women, children, sheep and cloths; they
are not included in fig. lo. They probably all stand for the initial syllables of
Greek adjectives or nouns, intended to differentiate the meaning of the ideo-
grams, but their identification is largely guesswork except where they can
clearly be seen to replace a word spelt out in full. Thus mi. cloths (dis-
tinguished from pe. cloths) is proved by Knossos L 1568 to represent
mi-ja-ro (‘dirty’ ?) ; and di. women and di. children are probably connected
with the words de-di-ku-ja = dedi{da')khuiai or di-da-ka-re = didaskal- and refer in
some way to training or education. In a number of situations ne.-, pe.- and pa.-
may be suspected of standing for newos ‘young, new’, ^presgusjpresguteros
‘senior’ (or perusinwos ‘last year’s’ ?) and palaios ‘aged, old’; but proof is
difficult. The adjuncts e.- and ma.- added to the enigmatic ideogram no. 177
on Knossos U 0478 may suggest some such contrast as elakhus " sh.oxt' Imakros
‘long’.
Ideograms indicating material or contents are occasionally added in a
manner equivalent to adjuncts or monograms, e.g. : gold (?) joined to cups,
etc., on 172 = Kn02 and 238 = Tn996, bronze linked with a dipas vessel on
230 — K 740, and honey with amphora on Gg706.
7. NUMERALS AND METHODS OF MEASUREMENT
Such items as men, women, sheep, jugs or chariots are naturally
counted in units, their numbers being expressed by a simple decimal notation,
by which
12,345 is written go::'//
This system is identical with that of Linear A, though the sign for 10,000 is
not yet attested there. Dow (1954, p. 124) has described the most usual
patterns for the strokes making up the tens and units. The sign for the numeral i
is usually distinguishable from the word-divider by being lifted to the top of
the line ('), and where a list of names is so divided, for example Jn725 or
Knossos V 831 (Evans’ ‘contract or official pronouncement’, PM, iv, p. 6g8),
we must in fact read aloud ‘one’ after each item. No signs for fractions have
been found following numerals on the Mycenaean tablets, but this does not
53
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
prove their non-existence ; if we happened to have a record of such things as
‘i| loaves’ or ‘gj days’ we might well see fractional symbols used, possibly
identical with those of Linear A (see p. 36) .
When the scribe counts chariot-horses, draught-oxen, wheels
and sometimes corslets, the numerals are preceded by the signs ze or mo.
The numbers occurring with ze vary from i to 462, but only i is found after
MO, and this item always comes last if at all. Furumark (1954, p. 28) inde-
pendently recognized that ze represents zeugos ‘a pair’ and that mo stands
for monwos (Att. povos) ‘a single one’. With ‘one pair’ and ‘two pairs’ the
nouns and adjectives describing the commodity are written in the dual form
(see p. 370). ‘Five wheels’ are written or ‘two pairs and a single
one’. The typical entry" for the complement of a chariot on the Knossos Sc-
tablets (see pp. 379-81) is:
Man’s name: I"
Evans {PM, iv, pp. 797, 807) proposed to interpret ze and mo symbolically,
the ‘saw’ denoting carpentry-work and the ‘whip’ the function of the
charioteer.
For the larger number of agricultural and industrial commodities measured
by weight and by bulk, the Mycenaean scribe possessed a series of signs for
fractional quantities, whose function and ratios have been brilliantly explained
by Bennett (1950). A given weight of metal is expressed in the form
AXi I £22 1=1 2 6,
where the successively smaller measures are parallel to our ‘i cwt., 3 qr.,
20 lb., 10 oz.’, and we may assume that the Mycenaean symbols stood, like
ours, for the actual names of units. The Mycenaean practice is in striking
contrast to that of Linear A, where no such subsidiary measures are found.
The odd amounts are there expressed as fractions of the primary units, e.g.
I +4 + iTT^6= and of these units only that for weight appears to have
a distinguishing symbol. Bennett saw here a fundamental difference in methods
of measurement. The Linear A fractions imply that odd amounts of, let us say,
grain were estimated by pouring the residue once only into a number of smaller
\ essels scaled successi\el\ 2; 55 etc., of the primary umtj the Mycenaean
stewards measured grain in vessels representing and gL of the unit, each of
which was filled as many times as the residue allowed. He recognized in the
Linear B weights and measures a system introduced, together with the new
language, from outside Crete, probably from the Greek mainland or from its
trading dependencies. It should be noted, however, that several of the
54
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
Mycenaean symbols are clearly derived from Linear A fractions (see p. 36),
and possibly express analogous ratios.
The ratios of Mycenaean weights and measures established by Bennett
(1950), and revised from
more
recent material.
are as follows:
D
RY Measure
Liquid Measure
Unit:
1st
2nd
3rd
4th
ist 2nd
3rd
4th
Symbol :
None
T
None
Ty
Fraction of the preceding:
1
10
1
6
1
4
1
3
1
6'
1
4
Fraction of the whole:
I
1
1 u
1
60
1
240
I ¥
1
18
1
7 2
It will be seen that the third and fourth terms have the same ratios and symbols
in both series, and probably represent identical names and quantities : compare
our own two series, which share pint and quart but diverge to bushel and gallon.
T and ^ both represent six times < 1 , and must also be equivalent, though
probably with different names. The primars' dry unit is 3I times the size of
the liquid unit; neither of these has a distinguishing symbol, so that numbers
directly following wheat or wine apply to the appropriate largest unit.
Weight
Unit:
1st
2nd
3rd
4th
5th
Symbol :
m
t=t(t)
8.e,8
IW
Fraction of the preceding:
1
30
1
4
Probably jU
^ or less
Fraction of the whole:
1
1
30
1
120
1
1 440
8 6 40 or less
The status of the rare symbols enclosed in brackets is uncertain. The com-
modity is generally measured in whole numbers, but on several Knossos
tablets (e.g. 71 =Dkl 072 ) it is evidently weighed in units which are ^ of iXi
and are divided fractionally into Some commodities, like ri on Pylos
Ma 03 , occasionally occur in quantities like 63, not reduced to the primary
unit.
Bennett's ratios are confirmed by the summations which occur on a number
of tablets: the weight series especially by Pylos Jn 845 ; the liquid series by
200 = Fpl and 93 =Fol 01 ; and the dry series by F 51 (Bennett, MT I,
pp. 446-8) .
In order not to distort the transcriptions of the tablets in Part II, quotations
of weights and measures will be printed with the original Mycenaean symbols;
but for a fuller understanding of the texts in translation it is desirable to arrive
at approximate conversion factors which will enable us to assess the actual
quantities involved. Four types of evidence must here be reconciled:
I. The analog}^ of contemporary and classical systems of weights and
measures, especially where they show parallel ratios.
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
2 . Minoan- Mycenaean objects believed to be standards of weight or volume,
or to show serial gradation of size. Logarithmic graph paper will be found
useful in all these comparisons.
3. The use of contemporary and classical records to suggest ‘reasonable’
amounts of the commodities listed, especially where they appear to be rations
for a fixed period.
4. Cases where the scribe himself appears to record a conversion factor,
either of weight in terms of volume, or of weight or volume in terms of some
standard object.
The following comparative data for weights and measures are subject to
controversy and should be used with caution, as should those printed in works
of reference, many of which perpetuate the confusion expertly introduced into
the subject by Lehmann-Haupt and Sir Flinders Petrie. It is clear, too, that
beside the official standards a great variety of local measures probably existed
side by side for various special purposes.
Babylonia and other areas using cuneiform script {c. 1400 b.c.).
Weight: i biltu (light talent of 30-1 kg.) =60 manu = '^6oo siqlu (8'5g.); but a
kakkaru at Alalakh has only 1800 shekels.
Volume: i qurrujovR (c. 300 litres) =3 im^ru (‘donkey-load’ of c. 100 1 .) or
5 massiktu/pi = sutu/BA^- = ^00 qajsila {c. i-ol.). Thureau-Dangin first sug-
gested ^3 = 0-41., later concluded qa = c. I'ol., accepted by Lacheman (1939)
and Goetze. Lewy (1944) argues that qa = 1-34 1 .
Eg},pt [c. 1400 B.C.).
tVEiGHT: I dbn (90-95 g.) = 10 qdt {' kiP of 9-09 g.).
Volume: i hr (80 1 .) =4 oipe (20 1 .) = 16 hkt (5 1 .) = 160 hin (0-5 1 .).
Biblical measures, with traces of a similar system at Ugarit (capitals ) .
Weight: i kikkdr;KKR (34-3 kg.) =50 mdnehj’siN — '^ooo kqeli'VR'L (1T42 g.).
Dry: i homer or kor (230-400 1 .) = 2 letekjLTH= 10 'efd = ^o k’a.
Liquid: i bat {=’efd of 23-40 l.)=6 hm=i8 qab = -]2 logfo (0-3 1-0-54 1 .). The
higher figures are based on traditional Roman equations, the lower are estimated
from restored measuring vessels of the early period (Barrois, 1953) and confirmed
by Lewy (1944).
Classical Athens.
\\ eight. I talanton (c. 25*8 kg.) =60 mnai = ^ooo stateres (8-6 g.) =6000 drakhmai
(4-3 g.). Aeginetan standards heavier by f.
Dry: i medimnos (43-5 1 .) =6 hekteis = y8 khoinikes (0-906 1 .) = 192 kotylai (0-227 1 .).
Spartan (‘Pheidonian’j medimnos perhaps larger by f.
Liquio: I metretes iyi -75 h?) =8? khoes = ^61 kotylai (0-227 1 .).
56
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
8. THE ABSOLUTE VALUES OF THE SYMBOLS
FOR WEIGHT
Evans {PM, iv, p. 651) and Sundwall (1932) very plausibly identified the
‘Palace Standard’ of weight as a talent (cf. Greek TccAocvra 'pair of scales’),
equal in value to the gypsum octopus weight of 29,000 grams found in
Magazine 15 at Knossos, or to the average weight of the nineteen copper
ingots from Agia Triada (29,132 grams). The latter may admittedly not be
LM II in date, but such a talent tends to remain constant, due to its limiting
value as the largest ingot which can conveniently be shouldered by one man
(compare the Kftjw tribute-bearers on the Egyptian wall-paintings), and as
the largest unit weight which can be lifted on to the scales (which may explain
the etymology of TdAocvTov). Two Knossos tablets in fact record the weight of
ingots: Oa 730 lists sixty ingots at a total of AXi 52^, Oa 733 lists ten ingots at
a figure which may be completed as 6 or 8 AXi. If the talent AXi has a value
of exactly 29 kg., the absolute values will be as in the first column of the
following table ; but at the cost of a possible slight error, the more even figures
of the last column will be used in the translations in Part II of this book.
AXi
i
n
i
t
1= 29 kg.
1=967 g-
1 = 242 g.
I = 20-2 g.
I = 3-36 g.
(641b.)
(2 Ib., 2 h oz.)
(8f oz.)
(312 grains)
less
- 30 kg.
I kg.
250 g-
20-8 g.
3-4 g. or less
The commodity is consequently measured in units of just under 3 kg.
(6-4 lb.). As it appears frequently both on Knossos sheep and textile tablets,
it probably represents wool (as suggested by Evans, SM II, p. 28) and
‘woollen cloth’. On Alalakh tablet no. 361 (\Viseman, 1952, p. 100) 308 sheep
yield ninety shekels weight (or 760 g.) of usable wool each: the measure ^71
therefore represents approximately the wool from four sheep. Why such a unit
should be chosen is not clear, but it is perhaps significant that the units of
WOOL stipulated on the Knossos Dk- tablets are regularly f the number of
sheep (e.g. 71 =Dkl 072 ).
Little correspondence can be traced between our suggested weight values
and the miscellaneous metrical objects, of varied place and date, listed by
Evans {PM, iv, pp. 653-6) and Glotz (1925): these do not indeed form any
consistent series among themselves. A striking exception is the gold coils and
rings from the Mycenae Acropolis Treasure (see p. 359)-
The Mycenaean talent is similar in value to the contemporars' Babylonian
light talent, and its subdivision into thirty may distantly reflect the sexagesimal
57
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
division of the latter; but note that the biblical and Ugaritic talent is divided
into fifty minas, not sixty. Any similarity to the classical standards of weight
is evidently due to the persistence of the ‘talent’ in the East Mediterranean
under Phoenician trade domination, and not to the preservation of Mycenaean
standards on Greek soil through the ‘ Dark Ages ’ : the absence of any central
authority capable of enforcing such standards makes a direct survival of weights
or measures unlikely.
9. THE ABSOLUTE VALUES OF THE SYMBOLS
FOR VOLUME
The smallest unit of volume is indicated by v:?, clearly the measure of a ‘cup’,
paralleled by the Greek kotyle^ Egyptian ‘Am’, Israelite log and Akkadian qa.
If we assume that its value lies, like these, between 0-227 litre (roughly
between i pint and 2 pints), then the primary dry unit will be 240 times larger,
or between 54I and 240 litres.
Bennett (1950, p. 219) pointed out a parallel between the relative sizes of
the Ylycenaean dry and liquid units and the classical medimnos and metretes ,
but the proportion he quotes for the smallest unit of all, the kyathos, is incorrect.
Sundwall (1953) identified -o as a kotyle of 0-227 litre, giving a dry unit of
320 kotylai=i ‘Aeginetan’ medimnos of 72-48 (?) litres, and a liquid unit of
96 kotylai=i Attic metretes of 21-75 litres; but his number of -o is based on
a divergent and probably erroneous scheme of ratios. He suggests a direct
link between the Mycenaean and classical systems.
On the ‘condiment’ tablets from Mycenae (ch. vii, pp. 225-31) the com-
modity kndkos eruthrd (the red florets of Carthamus tinctorius) is measured by
weight, in some cases paired with dry measures of kndkos leukd (the seeds of
the same plant).
The weights of eruthrd vary from i i to 3 (967-2900 g.), the volumes of
leukd are regularly <1 i. If we assume for the sake of argument that eruthrd has
a density of about 15 lb. per cubic foot ( = 240 g. per litre), and leukd of about
40 lb. ( = 800 g. per litre), and that the recorded amounts of both substances
fall approximately within the same range, then tw'o possible sets of limiting
values for the primary dry unit are suggested:
1. If <1 I of leukd is equal in bulk to / 1-3 of eruthrd, then the dry unit has
, pq67 to 2900 ^
a value ol >; 60 = 240-72^ litres.
240 ^
2. If i I of leukd is equal in weight to i 1—3 of eruthrd, then the dry unit has
, r967 to 2900 ^
a value ol x 60 = 72-216 litres.
.a8
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
These wide limits, which are compatible with those deduced from the
parallels oikotjle, etc., can be narrowed somewhat by considering the evidence
for rations, in the light of the following parallels ;
Mesopotamia (2100-1400 b.c.) : The tablets from Ur (Legrain, 1947, nos. 894-1189)
and Lagas (Genouillac, 1909, p. xxxv) agree with the later Nuzi texts (Lacheman,
1939, p. 6) in fixing the monthly grain ration of women slaves and menial workers at
30 qa (40 1 . on Leww’s equation, with a daily value of c. 2845 calories, 30 1 . on Thureau-
Dangin’s), of their children at 20 or sometimes 10 qa, and of artisans at 40-120 qa
according to skill and status. Let\y suggests that the 30 qa workers ate their grain
roasted, while the higher social groups received a larger amount to allow for milhng
and baking; but the latter may equally have been designed for the support of families
and for the priUlege of bartering the surplus.
Estimate for the Persian army (Herodotus vu, 187): at least i khoinix of wheat a day
= 27! 1 . per month. This same figure is assumed as the Athenian daily ration, and
implicit in the Homeric use of the term.
Spartan army at Sphakteria (Thuc. iv, 16) : 2 khoinikes of barley a day, or 55 1 . per month.
There are three Mycenaean contexts where groups of people, not individually
named, have rations listed after them:
1 . The Pylos Ab- tablets, where numbers of women and children are credited
with equal amounts of w h E a t and figs. No exact ratio per person is observed,
but though some groups receive up to 50 per cent more, the basic or minimum
allowance seems to be T 2 per woman and T i per child (see p. 157). If this
T 2 is equated with the Mesopotamian women’s ration of 30 or 40 1 ., the primary
dry unit will have a value of 150-200 1., within the range of our ‘cup’ and
kndkos analogies above ; but a somewhat lower value may be suggested by the
fact that most of the women actually get more than T 2, and a ration of figs
as well.
2. Knossos 35 =Am 819 , where eighteen men and eight boys receive fitos
CRESCENT I BARLEY gj’. As hinted by Myres {SM II, p. 9) the crescent
may mean ‘one month’s work’, for which each person receives an average of
exactly T 3I, perhaps between 56 and 75 1 . on the equation just proposed.
3- Pylos An 31 , where fifty-two men apparently receive 2 f units of wheat,
2| of FIGS and of barley; the combined cereal ration would be only
T 1 1 per man (perhaps between 22i and 30 1.), which is on the low side and
perhaps not the scale for a full month.
The most frequent size of Mycenaean stirrup-jar, such as have been found in
quantity in the basements of the Mycenae houses excavated bv ^Vace since
1952, and at many other sites both in Greece and in the Near East, has
59
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a capacity of approximately 12—14 1 . Like our own quart and pint bottles,
it is likely that this stirrup-jar represents a unitary quantity in the system of
liquid measure, and the most probable value seems to be one liquid ^
(equivalent to one dry T, which we have seen to have a possible value of 1 5 1 .
or less). In the translations of Part II, the value of ^ will be taken at the
convenient figure of 12 1.:
Dry Measure Liquio Measure
I unit= 120 litres i unit = 36 1.
T I = 12 1. 11=12 1.
<1 I = 2 1.
xy I = i L (approx, i pint)
A more accurate determination must await further evidence ; the 1 954 Pylos
tablet Gnll 84 may conceivably be taken to show that the normal volume of
the stirrup-jar in fact contains 111 (see p. 217), in which case all the above
figures must be reduced somewhat. The difficulty which results from these
conversion factors in interpreting pe-mo on the Pylos land tablets as ‘ seed corn ’
will be discussed below (pp. 237-8).
Evans {PM, iv, p. 648) states that the later pithoi in the Knossos magazines
normally contain about 185 litres, or the contents of about fourteen stirrup-
jars; but their recorded dimensions and illustrations suggest that their volume
is in fact about 50 per cent larger than this, and nearer to that of Xht pithoi from
the basement of the House of the Oil Merchant at Mycenae.
It will be noted that the ratios and volumes of the biblical system for liquids
show some analogy with the Mycenaean: there are reasons for regarding the
former as survivals of a general Canaanite system, traces of which can be seen
in use at Ugarit, but a direct influence on Mycenae is perhaps doubtful. The
primary dry unit also corresponds, perhaps accidentally, with the Babylonian
imeru or ‘donkey-load’, which is similarly subdivided into ten.
10. POSSIBLE SURVIVALS; THE CYPRIOT SCRIPTS
No evidence has been found for writing in Greece between the Pylos tablets
of c. 1200 B.c. and the introduction of an alphabetic system based on the
Phoenician in about 850 b.c. Wace (1954) is unwilling to accept this
e silentio for a break in Greek literacy, but this is not the only field in which
sub-Mycenaean culture appears to show a retrogression. Though recent excava-
tions have tended to show that the break caused bv the ‘Dorian invasion’ is
60
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
less fundamental than had been thought, the great palaces which had fostered
(and perhaps monopolized) the art of writing certainly ceased to exist.
A possible descendant of Minoan-Mycenaean writing is, however, to be
found in Cyprus, where a linear syllabary was in use during the Late Bronze
Age. First identified on three clay balls from Enkomi found by Alurray in
1896, it was named the ‘ Cypro-Minoan script’ by Evans (SM I, p. 69) : this
term begs the question of a possible relationship, and it would be safer for the
present to refer to it simply as the ‘Cypriot linear script’. The material
admirably reviewed by Daniel (1941) has been considerably increased by
excavation (see Masson, 1954) and falls into six groups:
1. Signs incised on the handles, or painted on the bottoms, of Cypriot potten,' in
both the Mycenaean and local styles (from many sites in Cyprus and the Near East).
2. Signs incised on copper ingots.
3. Signs written with a blunt stylus on clay balls, afterwards baked (twenty-seven
from Enkomi, one from Hala Sultan Tekke), or engraved on seals.
4. Three baked clay tablets found at Enkomi in 1952-3, and dated to 1225 b.c. or
earlier (Dikaios, 1953, p. 237). Two are much damaged, but the third preseiv'es twenty-
two continuous lines of text, representing the surtaving quarter of an opisthographic
tablet of two columns, which must have contained some two hundred lines, probably
of a literary nature. The very small characters are written left-to-right with jabbing
strokes of a sharp stylus, and are separated by word-dividers but not by guide-lines.
Masson is probably right in considering that they represent a more advanced stage in
the use of the script than (3).
5. A fragmentary tablet, with seven lines on each face, found by Schaeffer in a
private house at Ras Shamra (Ugarit), together with records in Ugaritic and Akkadian
(to be published in Ugaritica, m).
6. Three lines of a baked tablet, found at Enkomi in 1955 and kindly communicated
to us by Dr Dikaios. The signs are more than twice as large as those of (4), and are
freer, more continuous and more ‘linear’ in outline; there are guide-lines but not,
apparently, word-dividers. It is dated by its Late Cypriot I context to c. 1500 b.c.
Our signary (fig. 1 1 ) is restricted to the fifty-seven syllabic signs so far clearly
differentiated on the later Enkomi tablets (4) which constitute the most exten-
sive examples of the script; appended to these are the twenty-five signs which
can be isolated on the Ugarit tablet (5), kindly supplied by Masson. It will
be noted that there are divergences as well as identities between the two series ;
the scripts of the other categories of Cypriot inscriptions also show a general,
rather than a detailed, relationship with each other, and more examples of
each are required before we can judge whether they in fact represent successwe
stages of a single development.
61
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The bulk of the Cypriot material comes from Enkomi, a site which Schaeffer
regards as the seat of a Mycenaean king. The theorv' of an Achaean settle-
ment of part of Cyprus between 1400 and 1350 b.c., contemporary with the
sudden preponderance of Mycenaean potterv^ is also accepted by Myres,
Gjerstad, Furumark and Stubbings, and finds some support in Hittite references
to the activities of Ahhijawd. Sittig (i 955 ^) already attempted to read the
1953 tablet in Greek, but the material will hardly be sufficient to offer hope
Enkomi
15
X2
29
x6
43
u
x 5
57
W
<7
12
Ifl X.
1
1
<2
16
0
6
30
’V
12
44
10
58
K
9
13
f I
2
Y
13
17
5
31
3
45
11
Ugarit
14
n
T 1
3
4
7
18
3
32
0
21
46
M
1
-t-
2
15
Y .
4
4
7
19
13
33
i
47
S
2
h
3
16
T ,
5
7
9
20
11
34
41
1
48
1
3
4 =
5
17
ii; 3
6
9
21
5
35
6
1
49
•1*
10
4
i
1
18
-»!<■ 3
7
r
1
22
10
36
e
9
50
t»i
5
5
f
19
TA 3
g
r
2
23
A
2
37
B*
6
51
V\
7
6
r
3
20
M :
9
4
24
?
5
38
1
52
Vf
12
7
(\)
3
21
'
10
•n
25
V
14
39
©
3
33
m
8
111
22
^ .
II
r
3
26
M
6
40
*>
54
1
9
th
IIJ
!
23
^ I
12
u
14
27
1
41
7i
•)
55
10
LU
f 1
I
24
.
14
n
13
28
A
A
12
42
M
1
56
1 1
ff)
2
2 v
A 2'
Fig. II. The CN'priot linear script, as used on the 1933 tablets from Enkomi and Ugarit.
The smaller figures show the number of recognizable occurrences.
of decipherment until the discovery of the main Enkomi archives confidently
predicted by Schaeffer. It is clear, at any rate, that the Cypriot linear script
is far from being merely a local variety of Linear B. Though analogous in its
general layout, word-division and predominantly left-to-right direction, it
shows few exact resemblances in the forms of the signs; and if the Enkomi
tablets really contain an ‘Achaean’ dialect brought from the Greek mainland,
it is surprising that they are not written in Linear B, which at all other
Mycenaean sites shows such complete uniformity. At best one might suppose
62
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
that the Achaeans arrived in Cyprus at a time when Linear B had not yet come
into general use in Greece, and that they adapted an indigenous script already
in use in the island.
Writing does in fact seem to have been known in Cyprus before the proposed
date of the Mycenaean influx. The American excavations at Bamboula
(Kourion) were said to reveal a use of the Cypriot linear script extending from
Late Cypriot Ia:2 {c. 1500 b.c.) down to about 1150 b.c. (Daniel, 1941,
pp. 251, 270); the bulk of this material consists of single potters’ marks
(notoriously untrustworthy as evidence for a developed script), and the vessels
earlier than 1400 b.c. merely carry the elementary patterns -f-, X or But
Dikaios’ 1955 tablet (6) may proGde conclusive proof that the Cypriot linear
script was already in use before the evolution of the Mycenaean syllabary^, and
may lend support to Evans’ view that it was derived directlv from the Linear A
of Crete.
The latest use of writing at Enkomi is found on bronze ingots of the twelfth-
eleventh centuries (Cypriot Iron I), i.e. from after Schaeffer’s suggested occu-
pation of the city by the ‘Sea Peoples’ prior to its final destruction about
1050 B.c. There are no certain examples of non-Semitic writing in Cyprus
between this date and the first occurrence of the classical Cypriot syllabary
on pottery of the seventh or eighth century'. ^Ve are thus faced with a problem
of interrupted literacy similar to that in Greece itself, and aggravated by' the
fact that the eleventh century is precisely the date generally assumed for the
larger influx of population which gave classical Cyprus its predominantly
Greek character.
The Cy'priot syllabary', first detected by the Due de Luy'nes in 1852 and
partially deciphered by George Smith in 1871, has fifty-five signs. More than
500 inscriptions are known, extending in date down to the end of the third
century B.c. The majority contain the local Arcado-Cyprian dialect of Greek
(whose affinities with the dialect of our Mycenaean tablets will be stressed in
ch. Ill), but never the koine] the syllabary is also used for an indigenous lan-
guage which has been called ‘Eteocyprian’ [corpus in Friedrich, 1932) and
which remains incomprehensible in spite of a bilingual from Amathus. It is
often a matter of dispute whether a particular inscription is written in Greek
or in ‘Eteocyprian’ (as pointed out in the good general review of Cy'priot
epigraphy by Mitford, 1952). It is a surprising fact that Cy'prus, part of which
was occupied by the Phoenicians from at least the ninth century, was the area
in which a non-alphabetic writing of Greek survived longest.
The published signaries of the syllabary uncritically' lump together forms of
widely differing place and date, and are misleading as a basis for comparison
63
Fig. 12. The classical C>-priot syllabary (after Mitford).
64
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
with earlier scripts. T. B. Mitford has kindly supplied us with the material
for fig. 1 2, and with the following explanatory notes :
(i) These two tables are composed at first-hand from the following inscriptions :
Table A:
1. An unpublished epitaph from Marium of the mid-sixth century.
2. The ‘Bulwer Tablet’ from the Western Karpas {Sitzb. Berl. 1910, pp. 148 ff.).
This is thought by^ IVIeister to be of sixth-century^ date, and is probably early.
3. The Bronze Tablet of Idahum [SGDI, 60), dated either to the time of the
Ionic Revolt (so E. Meyer, Oberhummer, Gjerstad) or to the mid-fifth
century (so Hill). Cf. G. F. Hill, A History of Cyprus, i, pp. 153 ff.
4. An unpubhshed epitaph from Marium which is probably early'.
5. The Bilingual of Idalium (SGDI, 59), dated to 389/8 b.c.
Table B:
6. Unpublished inscriptions from the Kouklia siege-mound constructed during
the Persian investment of Old Paphos in 499/8 b.c.
7. JHS, 9 (1888), p. 256, no. 2 (Hoffmann, Gr. Dialekte, 59, no. 109), from the
Aphrodite temple at Old Paphos and probably of fourth- or fifth-century
date.
8. The First Stele of Agia Moni (Meister, Gr. Dialekte, 2, no. 36a), of the late
fourth century.
9. The Second Stele of Agia Moni (Meister, Gr. Dialekte, 2, no. 36b), of the late
fourth century.
10. An unpublished inscription of New Paphos of the late fourth century'.
11. The First Inscription from the Grotto of Apollo Hylates at New Paphos
(SGDI, 31), of fourth/?) -century date.
12. The Second Inscription from the Grotto of Apollo Hylates (SGDI, 32), of
fourth/?) -century date.
13. The Khapotami Stele (Anatolian Studies presented to W. H. Buckler, pp. 197 ff.),
of the late fourth century.
14. An unpublished inscription of Lapithiou, of the fifth or sixth century.
(ii) In these tables signs taken from (2) and (6) are not specially numbered.
(iii) There is no significance in the order in which the variants of each sign are
presented.
In spite of the missing historical links, the small number of signs which
correspond exactly, and its generally' right-to-left direction, Masson ( 1954, p. 444)
is probably correct in assuming that this Cypriot sydlabary' represents a direct
descendant of the linear script of the Enkomi tablets. W^e may well expect
a few changes and substitutions in the interx'ening 700 years, even if both
systems contain Greek; and we must also reckon with the influence of varying
writing materials. Myres thought that the Cypriot syllabary' forms were
5 65
V & C
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
determined, like those of the Northern runes and oghams, by being cut on wood ;
the same influences might account for the divergence of the ‘ Cypro-Minoan ’
forms from the more flowing lines of the supposed ‘Minoan’ prototypes; and
the script of the Enkomi tablets is clearly somewhat specialized in being
minutely written on clay (less than half the normal size of Linear B), its outlines
being dissolved into patterns of small jabbing incisions.
It will be clear, then, that the attempt to trace a continuous and detailed
descent ‘ Hieroglyphic ’ — Linear A — Linear B — Cypriot linear script — Cypriot
syllabar\" is fraught with obstacles which are likely to remain insuperable so
long as evidence for the successive links is missing, and until more of the
successive phases have been deciphered. One can have little confldence in an
apparent similarity between a Linear B sign and a sign of the Cypriot syllabary
if no plausible intermediate form can be recognized among the Enkomi signary
of fig. II. The most ambitious tabulation has so far been Daniel’s (1941, figs, i,
2, 3, 9). He believed with Evans that the Cypriot scripts were derived from
Minoan Linear A rather than from Mycenaean Linear B; Casson (1937) on
equally slender grounds derived the Cypriot linear script from Greek mainland
forms.
But it is only fair to admit that Daniel, in tracing what may appear rather
superficial similarities, did succeed in deducing correct Linear B values from
the Cypriot signs for da ta, lo, na,pa,po, se and ti. These are in fact among the
simplest patterns (common to both Linear A and B) which might occur spon-
taneously in any ‘ linear’ script; but the fact that the phonetic values also agree
does indicate some fundamental connexion; further explanation must await
the decipherment of the Enkomi tablets. The more complex Cypriot signs
a, e, ka, ke, ku, la, me, pe, pu, ra, si, su, te, tu, zo led Daniel to erroneous equations,
as might be expected.
The known syllabic values for the half-dozen or so simplest Cypriot syllabary-
signs played no deliberate part in our decipherment of Linear B, which on
principle excluded evidence from outside scripts. That is not to say that
suggestions like Evans’ = rrcoAos ‘foal’ {PM, iv, p. 799) may not have
been an unconscious influence in our choice of sound-values for testing.
6b
CHAPTER III
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
1. SCRIPT AND LANGUAGE
The account of the decipherment has shown how the idea that the language
underlying the script was Greek first gained credence. It seemed obvious that
a solution which yielded immediately recognizable Greek words could not be
totally wrong, and this was confirmed by two other factors: the possibility of
explaining the pattern of declension by archaic Greek models, and the subse-
quent discovery that many at first sight aberrant forms agreed with the hypo-
thetical reconstructions of the comparativists.
On the other hand the inadequacy of the script led to considerable un-
certainty about the exact form of many words, which could only be given an
intelligible shape by the assumption of certain rules of orthography. The
suspicion therefore arose whether the attempt to force Mycenaean spellings
to fit classical forms might not be a Procrustean operation which would arbi-
trarily produce far greater similarity than in fact existed. Mycenaean might
be a non-Greek, but closely related Indo-European language; or it could be
an aberrant dialect of Greek, showing, like the dubious remains of Macedonian,
a general resemblance but considerable difference in its specific forms.
If there were reason to believe that the script was evolved originally for the
recording of Greek, we might argue that its inadequacy for classical Greek
proved that Mycenaean was radically different. But in view of the certainly
Minoan origin of the Linear Scripts, this argument is unfounded. Any script
-3 better than none, and the Mycenaeans cannot be criticized for having failed
to adopt the refinements which made syllabic writing a more serviceable
instrument for the later Cypriots. The suggestion that documents of the type
so far found require a less accurate notation than continuous prose is true, but
dangerous in view of our restricted knowledge of the extent of literacy; we
have already one sentence running to twenty-three words, and another of
complicated construction has seventeen.
We may first examine the claim of Mycenaean to be a dialect of Greek.
This will be justified if we can demonstrate enough features which are known
to be typical of Greek. The material, though scanty, is none the less sufficient
to show some of the principal phonetic changes : loss of initial and intervocalic
67
5-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
*-s-; loss of initial *j- or its replacement in some words by devoicing of
I.-E. voiced aspirates (concealed by the script except in the case of the dentals) ;
the development of *kj, *tj before vowel to of *gj, *dj to the vocalism a
(in some cases o) from syllabic liquids or nasals. Typically Greek features of
morphology are: the wide extension of stems in -sug; the 3rd sing, of the present
indicative of the thematic verb in -e ( = -si); and the form of the infinitive in
-{e)en. It is, however, the vocabulary that is most strikingly Greek. It contains
a considerable number of words which are known in Greek, but have no certain
cognates in other languages: e.g. ova^, PaaiAeug, S^ag, eAaiov, pdpoOov,
crsAivov, CTiTog. It could be argued that these are pre-Greek and therefore
without significance. But a much larger number, although belonging to well-
known I.-E. families, appear in forms which are specifically Greek. A few
examples must suffice: dp9i9opBjg, dvlai, ypctug, 6e6g, 6 pavug, xapu^, ijie^cov,
TrSg, Tplirog, 9doyocvov, yoc^Kog.
This evidence taken together proves beyond reasonable doubt that Mycenaean
is a form of Greek. It remains therefore to establish its affinities within that
language. Study of the historical dialects had long since led to the conclusion
that Arcadian and Cypriot were the relics of a dialect once widely spoken over
Southern Greece. Since this was largely replaced by Doric dialects, and the
end of the Mycenaean age was identified with the legend of the Dorian
invasions, it was a natural conclusion that the dialect of Mycenaean Greece
would be an ancestor of Arcadian. This view, however, has been challenged
by Merlingen ( 1 954, 1 955) and by P. B. S. Andrews in discussions at the London
Seminar and elsewhere.
Before we turn to the positive evidence we must therefore discuss certain
objections. While a few modifications of the traditional view of the prehistory
of the Greek language seem possible, the main outlines are well established.
The historical distribution, with dialects as widely separated linguistically as
Attic and Megarian in close geographical contact, could not have arisen with-
out considerable movements of population. The position of the West Greek
dialects strongly suggests that they were newcomers displacing other dialects
or compressing them into small areas such as Arcadia and Attica, where the
local traditions agree in representing the inhabitants as ‘autochthonous’. But
at the time of this Dorian migration. East and ^Vest Greek must already have
been differentiated; therefore the period when all Greeks spoke a common
dialect {Urgriechisch) must have been considerably earlier, and it has been
generally supposed that it preceded the arrival of the first Greeks in Greece,
but the theory of Risch (1955) makes this unnecessary. Merlingen (1954, p. 4)
assumes from the mutual intelligibility of the historical dialects that their
68
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
break-up could not go back as much as looo years; but this is to ignore
the effects of convergence, which was certainly at work long before the influ-
ence of Attic became dominant. Another factor bearing on the chronology
of the dialect distribution is the close agreement between Arcadian and
Cypriot. This impHes not only that Arcadian was once spoken on the coast
of the Peloponnese, but, since the colonization of Cyprus took place in
Mycenaean times (Schaeffer, 1952, i, p. 343), that it was the dialect spoken
at that period. Any attempt to displace Mycenaean from its assumed position
of ancestor to Arcadian and Cypriot must demonstrate circumstances in which
the ancestral dialect could have occupied Southern Greece. Such a dialect
must have existed in that area in the Mycenaean period, and the tablets give
clear evidence of the language in use at three of the principal sites ; the con-
clusion of their identity seems inescapable.
If the script represents accurately the phonetics of Mycenaean Greek, then
it follows that this dialect had no descendants recorded in classical times. If the
Mycenaeans confused the sounds of I and r, then their descendants could never
have separated them again correctly. We have therefore to reconcile our
suggestion that Mycenaean is likely to be the ancestor of Arcadian with the
admitted difficulties of the script.
It is certain that Linear B is derived from an earlier Minoan script, probably
represented by Linear A. It is therefore a reasonable assumption that the form
of the syllabary reflects not Greek but another language, which we may for
convenience designate ‘Minoan’. This may perhaps have resembled the Poly-
nesian type, consisting mainly of open syllables, final consonants being either
absent or at least not significant, after the pattern of hula hula or kia ora, rather
than that of Kvcbvp or Likewise the oppositions of the stops — voiced,
unvoiced, aspirated/unaspirated — seem to have had no place in the system.
But examples from other scripts warn us against explaining as linguistic evidence
features that may only be economy measures. Many cuneiform signs are used
with a lack of discrimination between bjp, djt, etc., which (except in the case
of Hittite) does not necessarily reflect on the language being written; and the
lack of written vowels in Phoenician does not imply the previous existence of
a language without them. On the other hand ‘Minoan’ may have contained
oppositions of a different kind, which would make little impression on ears
accustomed to the phonemic distinctions of Greek. Two signs have been identi-
fied of a second series for r ( = /), and it seems almost certain that these
represented in ‘Minoan’ some sort of palatalized liquid (see p. 47). Similarly
Palmer (1955151, p. 42) has suggested that the syllabary contains a whole series
of doublets based on an original opposition between palatalized and non-
69
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
palatalized consonants. On the value of ^^2 below (p. 8i). The opposition
of d'tiji) is probably not to be referred to ‘Minoan’; rather we may suppose
that language to have had two dental sounds distinguished by their place of
articulation, and this distinction being useless in Greek, the signs were adopted
to represent an opposition which was important for Greek. This is the more
probable in view of a precisely similar development in the adaptation to Greek
of the Phoenician alphabet. The opposition of tit being unknown in Greek, the
sign for t was superfluous ; but it was seized upon to represent the distinction
of t, th, which was important for Greek. This value of 6 is common to all the
earliest Greek alphabets, and the corresponding sounds ph and kh are either
not distinguished from the unaspirated or are noted by the digraphs TTH, KH.
2. FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN MYCENAEAN
It has been suggested that Mycenaean is a mixed language, containing both
Greek and other elements. It is hardly necessary to point out that a completely
‘pure’ language is virtually unknown; and that Greek itself contains a large
number of vocabulary elements which cannot be certainly traced in the other
I.-E. languages. It is possible that the proportion of non-Greek words was
higher in Mycenaean than in Attic, or even Homeric Greek; but it would be
rash to assume that all the words that so far defy interpretation were of foreign
origin. Experience has shown that they often prove to be unfamiliar forms or
derivatives of known Greek roots; or to be explicable with the aid of dialect
words preserved in Glossaries. The final classification of a language depends
ultimately on its grammar and syntax, and it will be shown in what follows
that in this respect Mycenaean displays undeniably Greek features. Even
without the supposition of extensive borrowing, a considerable alteration in
the vocabulary may be expected in the period intervening between the
Mycenaean tablets and classical texts and inscriptions. The links would be
even fewer if the epic dialect did not constitute a bridge between the two,
enshrining as it undoubtedly does many relics of the Mycenaean vocabulary
which would otherwise be quite unknown to us. Nor must we forget that the
dialects most likely to be descended from Ylycenaean are among the worst
known.
It cannot be denied that there are Mycenaean words which appear to have
no relati\ es in Greek , but this cannot be asserted unless we can determine
independently the meaning of the Mycenaean word in question. One example
may suffice: the word a-ja-me-fio (fem. a-ja-me-na) occurs in contexts which
allow us to deduce the meaning. It is frequently, though not always, con-
70
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
structed with a dative (instrumental), e.g. e-re-pa-te = elephantei\ and it must
mean ‘ decorated or possibly decorated in some special way, perhaps by inlay.
No one so far has been able to suggest a Greek word with \vhich it can be
associated ; nevertheless it has the appearance of a passive participle of the
ordinary Greek type; the spelling a-ja- may conceal a reduplicated form [aiai -) ;
and it appears to have as its opposite a-na-i-ta, which shows the familiarprivative
a{n)- combined with an unreduplicated base and a -to- suffix. In such cases it
is tempting to scour the I.-E. languages for a possible etymology (Georgiev
has in fact found a possible parallel in Hieroglyphic Hittite) ; but the etymo-
logical method as a means of interpretation in the absence of contextual con-
firmation is rightly out of favour, and has recently been strongly condemned
by Friedrich (1954, pp. 123-8). There are many factors which can have con-
tributed to the loss of Mycenaean words from the later Greek vocabulaiA\
Some speculation has centred round the question of the native language of
the scribes. If more than one language were in use in Mycenaean Greece,
this would lead to interesting historical conclusions. It may be deduced from
the areas of non-Greek speech in historical times that such communities also
existed at the earlier period. There is, however, nothing in the tablets to con-
firm this except the undoubted presence of non-Greek names. There are no
tablets of reasonable extent which do not give some sign of being written in
Greek, though of course lists of names may well have a foreign look. Merlingen
(^ 955 ? P- 45) supposes the Greeks to have been a subject class, who kept all
the accounts, under the rule of non-Greek ‘Achaean ’ masters ; Andrews prefers
to make the rulers Greek, but the scribes foreigners obliged to write in their
masters’ language. There is not a scrap of real evidence to support the former
hypothesis; only some rather questionable deductions from a group of w'ords
in Greek alleged to be borrowings from a hypothetical I.-E. language. Even if
this language really existed, there is no reason to assign it to the rulers of
Mycenaean Greece. Nor does this theory account satisfactorily for the clearly
Greek names borne by some of the leading citizens of Pylos; E-ke-ra^-wo is
a man of great importance and may even be the king (see p. 265), but it is
hard to believe that he has not a Greek name, Ekheldisjon. It does not seem
possible to correlate the Greek names of the tablets with any social class.
The contention of Andrews is based upon rather more solid evidence, namely
the apparent blunders in spelling and grammar which mar the texts. It is of
course true that in the early years of Greek rule foreign scribes may have been
employed. But even if such a situation is conceivable at Knossos at the end
of the fifteenth centurv^ it can hardly have been true of Pylos also two centuries
later. There is of course a serious objection to the acceptance of the theory' that
71
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the scribes were not fully conversant with Greek. It will allow every incon-
venient form to be set aside, and great liberties can be taken with the interpreta-
tion. At one stroke Andrews would thus destroy the discipline that we have
imposed on the solution: that the forms should be consistent and explicable
in terms of comparative or historical parallels. Any new form which does not
fit into the accepted pattern has been rigorously tested before being admitted,
or is regarded merely as tentative and provisional. Whereas, if Andrews be
right, it is unnecessary to frame any theory to explain these forms, as each can
be explained away separately as an incorrect form due to the ignorance of the
scribes. This is not to say that scribes make no errors; they are as frequent
as in any other group of documents not intended for publication — the non-
literary papyri would afford a close parallel. Such erroneous forms have
frequently caused us much trouble. The curious wo-zo-e, obviously connected
with the finite verb wo-ze and the participle wo-zo, was at first thought to be
an optative; but the discovery of further similar texts has revealed that it
should be an infinitive, and the expected wo-ze-e has now been found. Similar
errors may underlie some of the other isolated forms which still cause difficulty.
Certain writers have shown a cavalier attitude to the strict linguistic tests
which we have tried to apply. Admittedly no promising interpretation should
be abandoned merely because it conflicts with a suggested but not well grounded
etymology. But equally no interpretation can afford to ignore hard facts, such
as the digamma in lAaiov (Carratelli, 1955, p. 3) or the original long e of
dv£ 0 qK£ (Meriggi, 1954 a, p. 69). Where the interpretation conflicts with an
accepted but not certainly proved view, this should be noted and some explana-
tion attempted; contrast Furumark’s casual omission to mention the difficultv
of finding the suffix -teos (believed to be from * -ref 05) in the word qe-te-a
(1954, P- 42).
A further point which may be debated is the language of the inventor of
Linear B. Here all evidence fails us and we can only argue from general
probability. Since the script is derived from a Minoan source, the adapter
must have been to some extent bilingual ; whether Greeks would have learned
Minoan or Minoans Greek depends upon the circumstances in which thev
came into contact. Furumark (1954, p. 107) attributes the formation of
Linear B to the mainland at the time when Cretan influence was strong in the
shaft-grave era ; this view is supported by Carratelli ( 1 954, p. 1 1 6) , who adduces
as further evidence the mature style of writing on the mainland vases, which
he dates early. If this assumption is correct it is perhaps more likely that
a Minoan craftsman should have taught his Greek employers the secret of
writing ; but in making deductions about speech habits from writing habits we
72
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
must not lose sight of the fact that the codifiers of the ancient scripts were
experts in neither phonetics, comparative philologv" nor time-and-motion study,
and their solutions are not always those which a UNESCO sub-committee
might have proposed.
3. THE RELATION OF MYCENAEAN TO THE
HISTORICAL DIALECTS
It cannot be denied that during the Alycenaean period the differences of the
Greek dialects then in existence must have been much less strongly marked.
The digamma has left traces in every branch of the language ; only in Attic-
Ionic is it never found, but its presence at no very remote date may be deduced.
The form Koprj implies that Attic preserved f after p until the change of d
to T) was completed, a change which in central Ionic was not complete at the
end of the seventh century. The Ionic form of the same word with compensatory
lengthening shows that the loss of f took place after the separation of Attic
from Ionic, which is almost certainly post-Mycenaean. Thus many of the
distinctive dialect features will vanish as we approach the period of Common
Greek. The preservation of an archaic form, which is often distinctive in the
historical period, ceases to have any significance at such an early date. The
only criteria for this purpose are those in which the dialect has made an
innovation or a choice between two available forms. It need scarcely be added
that the material is still too scanty to answer many of the questions we should
like to ask.
Most significant is the change in certain circumstances of -ti to -si. This is
characteristic of the fundamental division of the dialects into East and \\ est
Greek. It is certainly present in Mycenaean, though it must be stressed that
since the interpretation of the script is empirical, the sibilant may represent not
the a of classical Greek, but some intermediate stage such as ts. Examples are :
3rd plur. of pres, indie, act. e-ko-si, di-do-si, etc.; verbal nouns a-pu-do-si (Latin
and Sanskrit -ti-) the preposition po-si = 'noTi (Arcad., etc., ttos) ; derivatives
of stems ending in t‘. ra-iva-ke-si-jo {ra-iva-ke-ta) , e-qe-si-jo [e-qe-ta), pa-qo-si-jo
{pa-qo-ta), u-wa-si-jo iu-wa-ta), e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo (cf. Kopus, -u6os), ke-10-si-ja
( = y8pouCTia< * gero7it-id ) , ko-ri-si-jo [ko-ri-to = K6piv6os) , zd-ku-si-jo (cf. ZdKuvdos) .
The classical forms in -vOios are analogical or borrowed from West Greek,
cf. Att. ITpopaAiaios from ITpopdAivfios (Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 272). Parallel
to this is the change in the divine name po-se-da-o = Poseidddn (\\ .Gk. TTot-,
E.Gk. TToct-) ; perhaps influenced by the adjective po-si-da-i-jo = Epic TToo’iSriios.
There are, however, some signs that the development was not complete in the
73
DOCUMENTS IN' MYCENAEAN GREEK
Mycenaean period, -ti- followed by a vowel survives in some proper names:
e.g. pa-i-ti-jo (from pa-i-to = (tiaicrros) as in classical CDaio-nos, as regularly
following j-, ti-ri-ti-ja [ti-ri-to) ^ra-ti-jo (ra-/o = Aorrco) classical Adxios; mi-ra-ti-ja~
Alildtiai (MlApTog); men’s names o-ti-na-wo perhaps = ’OpCTi-, ta-ti-qo-we-u =
Ztcccti- (Stpcti-)? In two cases the word shows both forms: the man’s name
tu-si-je-u is also written tu-ti-je-u, and the feminine ethnic adjective ti-nwa-si-ja
has its genitive plural written ti-nwa-ti-ja-o.
Other evidence for Mycenaean’s affinities with East Greek is to be found
in the form of certain words: i-je-ro (and derivatives) reflects E.Gk. ispos not
W.Gk. iapos; and a-te-mi-to = Artemitos E.Gk. ’'ApTepig, not \V.Gk. ’'ApTapis.
Proceeding by elimination we can next point to several differences between
Mycenaean and Attic-Ionic, although, as indicated above, the proto-ionic
which presumably existed in the Mycenaean period would not be strongly
differentiated from other forms of East Greek. The preposition a-pu is the most
striking instance, agreeing with Arc., Cypr., Lesb. and Thess. diru against
Att.-Ion. drro. This is surely not to be explained as due to the Arc. -Cypr.
change of final -o to -u, since it is shared with the Aeolic dialects. The develop-
ment of the vocalism o instead of a from a syllabic liquid or nasal is a feature
of both Arc. -Cypr. and Aeolic. The circumstances of this are not yet fully
explained, but it is unnecessary to adopt the suggestion of Merlingen ( 1 954,
p. 3) that the spellings reflect the presence of the unmodified sounds, qe-to-ro-
q'‘etro- is exactly paralleled by Thess. Trexpo-, and if the other examples are not
directly attested this is only due to the lack of adequate dialect records. The
treatment of the contract verbs is still too obscure to use in evidence; but the
form te-re-ja, if rightly interpreted as 3rd sing. pres, indie., seems to suggest an
athematic conjugation (see Vocabulary, p. 409). The infinitive, however, is in
-en, as probably in Attic where *-a£v>-dv (Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 807). The
athematic conjugation of these verbs is found in Arc., Cypr., Lesb. and Thess.
The form i-ja-te inter agrees with Cypr. against Att. ierrpos. Ion. ir|xp6s; but
since agent nouns in -ter are common in Mycenaean and the type in -xpog is an
innovation, this may not be conclusive.
We are left then with a probable connexion \vith two dialect groups : Arcado-
Cyprian and Aeolic. On historical grounds we might expect the affinities of
Mycenaean to lie rather with the former, and Palmer has expressed his support
for that view. But although there is some positive evidence, there seems as
yet to be little certain indication which dissociates Mycenaean from the Aeolic
group. This may be partly due to the difficulty of reconstructing a common
ikeolic from dialects which have been strongly influenced bv West Greek
We can, however, point to a few features of Mycenaean which are especiallv
74
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
typical of Aeolic: adjectives of material in -siog and -los (see p. 89); and the
use of patronymic adjectives in place of the genitive of the father’s name,
v\hich is not found in Arc. or Cypr. On the other hand the evidence of vocabu-
lary seems to emphasize rather the connexion with Arc. -Cypr. Such words
as Ss-rras and 9doyoa;ov are said to be Cypr. The form of the temporal adverb
o-te = hote agrees with Arc. -Cypr. (and also x\tt.-Ion.) 6t£ against Lesb. oto.
The probable presence of primary medio-passive endings of the 3rd person
in -toi rather than -tai is not significant now that Ruiperez (1952) has demon-
strated that these are not innovations of Arc.-Cypr. but inherited.
The traditional view of the Aeolic dialects has been surprisingly changed by
Porzig (1954) and Risch (1955), who have demonstrated that East Thessalian
preserves a purer form of the dialect than Lesbian. On this theor^^ the Aeolic
dialects belong to the group which retain -ti (e.g. in ttoti, against Lesbian irpos,
which may be borrowed from Ionic) . The effect of this change is to emphasize
the affinity of Mycenaean to Arcado-Cyprian, and to suggest that Ionic may
in fact be no more than a subsequently differentiated branch of Arcado-
Cyprian. Certainly the Mycenaean vases from Boeotia and Attica, which
might be assumed to be Ionic at this period (cf Herodotus v, 58, 2), show no
traces of significant variation in the dialect, though their evidence is too meagre
to afford any satisfactory proof.
4. DIALECT DIFFERENCES IN MYCENAEAN
It would not be surprising if Knossos and Pylos, in view of their separation in
time rather than space, showed differences of dialect. In fact the dialect
appears to be extremely uniform, and the differences Avhich have been found
are more likely matters of orthography than phonetics. Pylos makes much
greater use of 0.2 than Knossos (e.g. in the plural of neuter s'-stems), and Knossos
often prefers the fuller spelling of an /-diphthong (KN ko-to-i-na PY ko-to-na,
KN a-pi-qo-i-ta PY a-pi-qo-ta — if this is the same name) . But some differences
have been shown by new finds to be merely a matter of personal choice : the
Knossos spelling ko-ri-ja-do-no with ja but Pylos ko-ri-a.^-da-na with 03 has been
shown to be without significance by a tablet from Mycenae (Ge 605 ) which
exhibits both forms.
Since the bulk of the material so far comes from Pylos it is not always possible
to confirm particular features at Knossos. But nothing has emerged so far
which seems likely to be significant. The material from Mycenae is much more
scanty, and hardly allows the drawing of any conclusions about the dialect
in use there; but with one exception the forms found there agree very closelv
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
with those at Pylos. The exception is the distinct preference shown by Mycenae
texts for the third declension dative singular in -i instead of -e (see p. 86).
But datives in -i are not unknown at Pylos (e.g. ko-re-te-ri OnOl), and Mycenae
also has examples of -e, so there is no consistent differentiation. Fresh finds
may lead us to revise our views on this point; but at present the dialect pre-
sents an extraordinary^ degree of homogeneity compared with classical inscrip-
tions as widely scattered in time and space. Not until Hellenistic times was
Greece to recapture such linguistic unity.
It is possible that this is a false appearance due to the conservatism of the
scribal schools; thus the texts may represent not the actual state of Greek at
1200 B.C., but that at some earlier date — perhaps the sixteenth-fifteenth cen-
turies — when the spelling was fixed. Aberrations from the standard would then
be explicable as due to the influence of the actual speech of the period. Certainly
such a theory^ will help to explain the problems of and pa .^ . On the other
hand a strong central influence has a stabilizing effect on a language, and
spoken Greek too may have remained at an archaic stage throughout the
Mycenaean period, only giving way to innovative change in the chaos following
the dissolution of the Achaean empire.
5 . PHONOLOGY
This section collects representative examples from the vocabulary to illustrate
the relationship of the Mycenaean spelling to the historical development of
the sounds as far as known. Only the most restricted use has been made of
proper names. References for all the words quoted will be found in the
Vocabulary, or in the case of proper names in the Index of Personal Names,
or the lists of place-names at the end of ch. v (pp. 146-50).
V OWELS
a, 3-2 = d, a: a-ke = agei, rna-te = mater ;
= 3: pa-te= pater-,
-=rn, n: a^-te-ro^hateron, a.cc. pe-re-u-ro-na = Pleurona, a-ki-ti-to = aktiton-,
a~r-=r, 1 : ta-ra-si-ja = talasid, pa-u:e-a^= pharuea, cf a-re-pa (in ligature,
see p. =aleiphar.
e = G e-. e-ke = ekhei, pa-te= pater-,
= z: ku-te-so = kutisos-, ='prothetic’ e: e-ru-ta-ra = eruthrd.
J\'ote. Most of the certain examples of f = Gk. 1 are in proper names or non-Greek
words; i-pe-me-de-ja = (not from Icpi, contrast vui-pi-no-o = ’\<p\voo';) , me-nu-wa
= Mivuas, ai-ke-wa-to = ai-ki-wa-to, pa.^-me-si-jo = pa^^-mi-si-jo (cf. ndiiiaosi de-ko-to
76
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
= di-ko-to (?), e-pa-sa-na-ti - i-pa-sa-na-ti (where an error is excluded by the deliberate
correction of e- to i-) . Examples in apparent diphthongs are not easily explained ;
mi-to-we-sa-e, e-qe-ta-e, to-e {wo-zo-e is erroneous). On the question of datives in -e
see p. 85. Cf. z = ^“.
i = 2 , f: e-pi=epi, si-to = sitos ;
= e: di-pa = depas.
J\'ote I. i = Gk. £ is less frequent than the reverse, see above. Also perhaps in i-mi-ri-jo
= Himerios. It is a possible explanation of = 11x7705 < *ekwos, but this is Common
Greek. For a possible dissimilation of e-e > e-i, cf. KN a-pe-i-si ? = PY a-pe-e-si = apeensi,
and the dative singular of stems in -7 (see p. 86).
}(ote 2. Confusion of i and u is not only found in the koivt), but also in pre-Greek
words and names: e.g. "EXeuovvios (Olus, Thera), ’EAsuhuvia (Sparta) =’EA£Uo-(vios
(Att., etc.) ; Lacon. Tiv 5 api 5 av for more usual Tuv6-; |r 6 Ai) 3 ( 5 )os = poAupSos, pipAos =
pOpAos. There seem to be rare examples of this in Myc.: man’s name ta-ni-ko —
ta~nu-ko, place-name u-ta-no = ‘'\i:cxvo’i-, cf. mo-ri-zvo-do = moliwdos (?) = poAupSog.
0 = 0, 0 : po-de=podei, do-se = ddsei.
^d: <r, 1: qe-to-ro ^Thcss. mTpo- Att. xsTpa-, to-pe-za = torpeza (TpocTrs^a),
wo-ze = worzei<*a'rgj-, o-ka-=orkhd (apXTi; but perhaps from m) ; <m, n:
a-no-wo-to — anouoton {<* n-ousn-to-, cf. gen. ouotTOs), a-pi-qo-to = amphig^otos
{<*-g^rn-to-), e-ne-ivo- — ennevco- {<* {e)nevi'n-) of uncertain origin: pa-ro =
Trapd, ko-voo ~ Kcoas ( < ^?) , ko-no-ni-pi (kovcov?) , place-name u-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja =
u-po-ra-ki-ri-ja. Similar alternations occur in Arc., Cypr., Lesb., Thess. and
Boeot. ; also in words of uncertain etymologsc e.g. dcrrccKOS 'octtcckos,
daTa9is(6oTa9is.
= u: e-wi-su-zo-ko = e-wi-su-zu?-ko = -zugo-\ possible in po-ro-du-ma-te, po-ru-da-
ma-te, see Vocabulary s.v. du-ma.
u = M, u: e-ru-ta-ra — eruthrd, tu-ro 2 = iuroi;
as silent vowel: before w: ke-se-nu-wi-ja = xenwia-, before m?: see du-ma in
Vocabulary; cf. anaptyctic ii in Lat. dracuma, etc.
= f: see above.
= 0 : u-ru-pi-ja-jo = ’OAupmaloi .
Diphthongs
almost certainly not two syllables in pa-i-to = (l>cxi(n6s- Alternates with a:
a-na-i-ta = a-na-ta. On the dat. plur. of a-stems see p. 84 .
a-j = af: in adjectives from feminines in -a (e.g. a-ko-ra-jo = agoraios) .
ai: ai-ka-sa-ma = aixmans. Very rare except as initial. The identification of *54
as ai^ depends on the equation of *g 4 -ke-u in PA 237 = Ta709 with ai-ke-u
in 236 = Ta641, and is otherwise very dubious.
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-u : pu-ra-u-to-ro =puraustrd, ka-ra-u-ko = Glaukos.
e-i; usually to be interpreted as two syllables, pe-i may represent Arc. 09615.
Final -ei in verbs is always written -e.
e-u: e-u-da-mo = Euddmos, re-u-ko = leuko.
e-w; probably for eu in e-we-pe-se-so-me-na=eu hepsesomena, e-VDa-ko-ro = e-u-wa-
ko-ro=^Euag[o)ros, but this may be phonetic.
o-i: ko-to-i-na — ko-to-na = ktoind\ ko-i-no = ko-no = skhoinos. For -o-i in the dat.
plur. of o-stems see p. 84.
o-j: te-o-jo = theoio.
o-u: negative o-u-, a-ro-u-ra = aroura{ns).
u-j: fern. perf. part. a-ra-ru-ja = araruia.
Vowel Contraction
Elision of short final vowels is sometimes found in the compounded forms of
the prepositions: e.g. a-pe-e-si {ap- = apu-), pa-ra-wa-jo^par-dwaio, me-ta-no =
Met-dnor, e-pe-ke-u = Ep-eigeus ; but in many cases the vowel is maintained, not
only when an etymological -h- intervenes: po-si-e-e-si=posi-eensi, o-pi-a.2-ra =
opi-hala, e-pi-ja-ta = Epi-haltds.
Vowel contraction of the types found in Classical Greek seems to be unknown ;
cases like ko-to-na-no-no = ktoind andnos, ko-to-no-ko = ktoino-okhos are isolated and
probably faulty. Even like vowels are regularly retained in contact, though
this would be explained if, as is not unlikely, intervocalic -h- survived: e.g.
ko-to-no-o-ko = ktoino-{h)okhos, e-ma-a^ = Herma{h?)di, e-ke-e = ekhe{h)en. The pre-
Greek contractions are exemplified by no-pe-re-a.2_ = ndphelea from *ne-ophel-.
Spurious Diphthongs
The ‘ spurious ’ diphthongs are of course represented in Mycenaean by the
pure vowels, and where there is no contraction it is impossible to tell whether
lengthening had taken place, -o-sa in the fern, participle probably represents
-onsa (as in Arcadian) ; in other doubtful cases such vowels have been tran-
scribed with a circumflex accent: e.g. a-ke-re = agirei, wo-ra-we-sa = u.'dldwessa.
Semivowels
j: used to indicate diphthongal i (see above) or as a glide: e.g. i-je-re-u = hiereus
This is sometimes omitted and we find i-e-re-u as an alternative spelling, just
as in Cypr. IspEus as well as yspEog.
The loss of L-E. -j- in intervocalic position is proved by the first component
of a man’s name a-e-ri-qo-ta = Aeri- (cf. Horn, ppi, pspios, Avest. ayaf)
78
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
-sj- appears usually to yield -j- as in the gen. of the o-stems: -o-jo<*-osjo.
Although we have transcribed this form as -oio on the Homeric model, it
may be questioned whether -j- has not here a consonantal value, thus
accounting for the metrically recoverable Homeric forms in -oo. A similar
wavering between the two values may explain the alternation of -e-jo and
-e-o in the formation of adjectives of material (see p. 89). Similar alterna-
tions in spelling are not infrequent in names : e.g. a-ti-ke-ne-ja but a-pi-ke-ne-a =
-geneia, re-wa-jojre-wa-o. Advantage has been taken of this to put for-
ward some interpretations: e.g. ke-ra-ja-pi = keraidphi, Horn. Kspaog, a-ta-o =
Antaios.
The existence of medial -ivj- seems likely in two words which have alter-
native spellings: me-u'i-jo me-u-jo di-wi-ja di-u-ja probably = Aifia.
Cf. [pa.2\-si-re-wi-jo-te = basilewjontes i^{ 3 aaiAeuco).
Initial y- occurs in the adverb jo- (also 0-), probably = /zJ< Other
cases where it appears optional a.re:ja-ke-te-re = a-ke-te-re, man's name ja-sa-ro
= a-sa-ro.
w: initial: wa-na-ka = ieanax, ice-to = tvetos, ivi-pi-no-o= Wiphinoos, wo-ze = ivorzei,
u:o-i-ko = ii'oikon. From "^sw-, perhaps to be interpreted kw-: ivo-jo = hwoio (?),
we-pe-za = hweppeza (sk-tTisS-). Before r: wa-ra-u'i-ta-=u:rdwista ‘damaged’,
wi-ri-ni-jo = u'nnio-, cf. o-u-ru-to=ho wruntoi, u being written as there is no
sign for wu. After d\ du-ivo-u-pi = divouphi (?), du-ivo-jo = Dwoios.
Intervocalic : ka-ra-ivi-po-ro = A laiviphoros, ka-ke-we — khalkeives.
With consonants: -die-', wi-do-ico-i-jo^ U idwoios; -wd-: mo-ri-ico-do =
moliwdos {?) = n 6 'Xi^ 5 os; -me-: ke-se-rm-ici-ja = xenu:ia, pe-ru-si-nu-ii'o = peru-
sinwori’, -rw-: do-tx'e-jo = dorweios, ko-ii'a = koru.'d, pu-ivo — Purwos {<'^pursicos) ;
-wr - : e-tui-ri-po = Ewrlpos (or = Eu-wripos ?) ; -su'- : ici-so-wo-pa-na = iciswo- (icro-)
but also e-wi-su-: -thiv-: ma-ra-tii-u'o = marathivon (in a loan-word, but te-o =
theon if from *dhiL'es- shows loss of iv in an inherited word).
As a glide after w. tu-ii'e-a~thuea, ta-ra-nu-iL'e = th}'dnues, ku-ix:a-iio = kuo.ndi,
a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo = Alektruon.
A'ote. In several words we have ‘intrusive ii\ where not expeettd from the epmologv
or dialect forms ^ e.g. pe-TU-st-iiii-ei'o^ uie-wi-jo* In others the expected iv is absent .
e-ne-ka = heneka (not *henii'ekd), o-ro-nie-no = oromenos, i-je-re-ja = hiertia, po-se-da-o —
Poseiddon (Corinth, -afcov). On these see Chadwick (1954^, pp. 6—7) and p. 8g.
w used to represent ii before a vowel seems probable in e-u.'e-pe-se-so-nie-na = eu
hepsesomena^ e-wa-ko-ro = Euag{o)ros, a-no-ico-to = anouoton. Cf. the alternations
in proper names: Tu-ko-ivo-fo )'u-ko-u-TO = LukouTos, rci-iva.-vd-tQ.p(i-u-r(i-tci
Laurantha ?, adj. ra-u'a-ra-ti-jo, ra-wa-ra-tao; ra-u-ra-ti-jo, -ja.
79
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
r = r, /: re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo = lewotrokhowoi. See p. 44.
m = m: ma-te = mater.
n = n: ne-wo = newos.
Spirants
s: initial only in words of foreign origin or due to development from other
sounds : si-to = sitos, sa-sa-ma = sdsama, se-ri-no = selinon, si-a^-ro = sialons, su-za =
suka (?). su-qo-ta-o=sug^otddn (av^cbiTis) is a familiar if inexplicable form.
Preceding a consonant it is sometimes apparently dropped: pa-ka-na =
phasgana ; written in do-so-mo = dosmos. In ai-ka-sa-ma = aixmans it is preserved
where classical Greek only retains its trace as an aspirate (alxi-i'n)- Inter-
vocalic -s-<t before j or in some cases i (see p. 73) : to-so = tossos, e-ko-si =
ekhonsi', <kj: pa-sa-ro=passalo, wa-na-se-wi-ja from f^ovacraa.
h: There is no sign for the aspirate, nor are any aspirated consonants dis-
tinguished. In the absence therefore of any notation, interpreted forms have
been given the form which agrees most closely with classical Greek: initial h-
and aspirated consonants are written where expected on later or comparative
evidence, intervocalic -h- is omitted, except in a few cases of compounds.
This is not intended to express an opinion on the extent of psilosis in
Mycenaean, but merely to accommodate the reconstructions to a familiar
pattern. The absence of contraction (see p. 78) is a slight indication in
favour of retention of intervocalic -h- ; but where the etymology is uncertain
or disputed the choice is not easy; should we for instance be justified in
writing dohelos? (Cf. Chadwick, 1954, p. 14.)
The use of where we expect ha does not involve any departure from the
principle laid down. It is reasonable to suppose that ‘Minoan’ distinguished
no aspirates, and the opposition of a'a.^ may have corresponded to some-
thing like the Hebrew S/y. It is noticeable that ag sometimes alternates
with ja (see p. 47) . Andrews’ theory^ of a sixth [schwa) vowel is not yet
supported by convincing examples, and the variations in spelling are better
explained as due to uncertainty in the use of signs having an original value
without phonemic significance in Greek.
z : .c has been used to transliterate the consonant which has obvious affinities
with the Greek 3 (see p. 44). This is not to say that its sound was identical,
but it serv es as a useful symbol. The cases of alternation with k suggest
a palatalized k', g' ; but the fact that it also represents *dj in -pe-za<*-pedja
seems to prove that it was already some sort of sibilant. A theory which
would account for its behaviour as observed so far is that in ‘Minoan’ it
80
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
had the value k', which was occasionally substituted for k by Greeks, the
distinction of velars and palatals having been lost in Common Greek; it was
correctly used for *gj but with assibilation of this sound it was extended to
similar sounds with a different history. So far it seems to be restricted to
voiced stops, which, like d, conflicts with the theoretical basis of the syllabary.
This is, however, the natural result of the development of *kj to ss in Greek
(cf. p. 8o), which is a further proof that was a sibilant in Mycenaean.
is also used in those words which show 3- initially from I.-E. *j-:
ze-u-ke-u-si = zeugeusi, z^ abbreviation oi zeugos, e-wi-su-zu?-ko (also -zo-ko)~
-zugo--, ze-so-me-no, a-re-pa-zo-o, zo-a from the root of ^eco.
The use of ^a = ya in Cypriot may be connected, but Lejeune rejects the
transliteration za in favour of kar.
Stops
p, k, t, d: the use of these is shown on p. 44, §4. A theory to account for the
separation of ditih) is suggested above (p. 70). The question of pa^, is
discussed in the next section.
Labio-velars : q. The presence of labio-velars in Urgriechisch has long been
accepted. The date at which they were lost no doubt differed in the dialects,
Aeolic confusing them with the labials, while Arcadian maintains a distinc-
tion before s and i in the early inscription from Mantinea (Schwyzer, Dial.
661). In Cypriot the labio-velar is confused with j-: si-se = -x\%. Their sound
in Mycenaean can only be conjectured ; the interpretation assumes that they
remained at that date more or less unchanged (hence written p‘, g^ or q’^h,
as devoicing of mediae aspiratae is assumed, see p. 68). Palmer (1954^,
p. 53), however, suggests that they were already assibilated, hence his
identification of the man’s name a-i-qe-u as Aisseus and the verbal form
e-ke-qe as {ntnxc — hexei. Against this it may be observed that q-s- is once
used to write v {qi-si-pe-e = xiphee) , though this does not necessarily exclude
a sound such as ks. The identification of = M 64-05 = Hitt. Muksas
was discussed by Chadwick (1954^, p. 5).
The same signs evidently do duty for *kiv as for the labio-velar : i-qo = iii 1105 ;
hence we may legitimately expect to find them used also for *ghw in com-
pounds of 6f|p; see entries beginning qe-r- in Index of Personal Names, p. 424.
As stated above (p. 45) there is no sign for qa, hnt pa is regularly used to
denote the initial syllable of 1105, if this is correctly derived from *kivdnt-.
It is possible that before a the loss of the velar element had already begun,
though the distinction remained elsewhere. Thus if pa.2 were originally qa,
phonetic change would have made it a homophone of pa. pa.2 occurs in
81
6
VAC
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a number of words in which we postulate a labio-velar: e.g. o-pa^-wo-ni
Opdwoni (but o-pa) ; but in most cases the etymology is too obscure : e.g.
pa^-si-re-u = ^a.(j\KBj<;„ ti-ri-jo-pa^=T pi 6 ’na<i, pa^-ra2 = T[aKKa<i. In pa^-ra-to-ro
the variants crrrdAodpov, crKdAoxr6pov, etc., point to sq'^a-. But ku-su-to-ro-pa^ =
xunstrophd is derived from *strebh-.
In other positions too there are some signs of an alternation of p and q.
In PY 116 = En 659 the man’s name Qe-re-qo-ta-o (gen.) is apparently re-
peated in the dative as Pe-re-qo-ta, though their identity is not certain (see
p. 245) . If this name represents classical *Tr|A£q)6vTTis or the like, the develop-
ment of the labio-velar before e to p would be surprising as this is found
in Aeolic but not Arcadian. Easier to accept is the alternative spelling
ra-qi-ti-ra^ for ra-pi-ti-ra^^raptriai, since the development to p before a con-
sonant is universal. As the traditional etymology of pdirrco is disproved bv
the lack of the initial digamma, there is no external evidence to prove which
spelling is the original one ; but the masculine rapter is spelt with pte, and the
participle e-ra-pe-me-na also shows p instead of the expected assimilation.
Thus the use of q here seems to be the abnormality, whereas in the former
case it is the use oip. These examples are perhaps to be explained by a theory
of traditional spelling (see p. 76) ; this would imply that the pronunciation
was at least in a transitional phase. If this is really so, it is remarkable that
there is so little inconsistency in the spelling.
Although the decipherment has confirmed the etymology of many words
containing labio-velars (note especially a-to-ro-qo dvdpcoTros) there are a few
surprises, to-ro-qo is plausibly identified with Tpoiros, cf. to-ro-qe-jo-me-no and
the man’s name e-u-to-ro-qo, which conflicts with Skt. trdpate, Eat. trepif,
if correct we must accept Meillet’s connexion with Eat. torqueo : see to-ro-qo
in VocabulaIy^ If the equation of qe-to with 711605 be right, this destroys
another accepted etymolog\'; but it should be noticed that the spelling
with e for i may indicate a foreign origin.
Assimilation
Evidence of assimilation of another consonant before p is fairly extensive,
though the nature of the resultant group can only be conjectured from the
notation. A stop- 4 -j 6 appears to yield -pp- (cf. Horn. KdiTTreCTS, etc.) : po-pi<pod-
phi, e-ka-ma-pi<ekhmat-phi (or egma- ?), ko-ru-pi<koruth-phi; u:e-pe-za<{h)ivek-
pedja. Wo may assume partial assimilation oin>m-. ki-to-pi<khitun-phi; and of
nt>m: re-u.'o-pi<lewont-phi (cf. re-ivo-te-jo = leivonteios) , a-di-ri-ja-pi 'Zandriant-phi.
It is hardly without significance that Homer has no examples of the -91 ter-
mination with stems in stops or liquids (ecr)(ap69i and KOTuAriSov69i are plainlv
82
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
secondary) ; was *A60iJcpi too far removed from AeovTcov and too easily replaced
by Aeouai?
Assimilation before the -si of the dative plural can sometimes be assumed :
pi-we-ri-si is probably from piwerid-si, cf. dat. sing, pi-we-ri-di', pa-si <pant-si
(presumably , de-ma-si<.dermat-si\ pi-ri-e-te-si (cf. nom. plur. pi-ri-je-
te-re) is ambiguous.
On the other hand ‘etymological’ spellings are found where we should
expect assimilation; possibly merely as a convention to avoid confusion.
po-ni-ki-pi<phoinik-phi may be an exception in a foreign word. More surprising
are e-ra-pe-me-na-<errap-mena (perf. pass, of pdirrco); a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na where
the variant a-ra-ro-mo-to-me-na points to -tm-.
Initial pt-
Initial pt- for classical it- seems to occur in two personal names : po-to-re-ma-ta
= Ptolemdtds, \e-u\-ru-po-to-re-rao-jo=Euruptolemoio. Another apparent instance
is po-to-ri-jo~Ptolionl KN 39=Asl517, but until the context is clear this must
remain tentative. This feature cannot be used to determine dialect affinities,
since its use in proper names is much more widespread than in vocabulary
words.
6 . AIORPHOLOGY
Nouns
The case system is remarkably close to that of Homer. Four cases can be
distinguished in the singular, five in the plural, the instrumental being marked
by the suffix -pi in the first and third declensions. In the sing, the instr. coalesces
with the dat. in all declensions.
Feminine a-stems
Sing.
Dual
Plur.
Nom.
j i-je-re-j
a
to-pe-z 0
a-ni-j
a
1 po-ti-ni-j
a
Acc.
ta-ra-si-j
a
ko-to-n
a
Gen.
i-je-re-j
a
ko-to-n 0 ?
ko-to-n
a-o
Dat.
po-ti-ni-j
a
a-ke-ti-ri-j
a-i
Instr.
a-ni-j
a-pi
This may be interpreted according to the spelling rules as : sing, -d, -an, -as, -di ,
plur. -ai, -ans, -don, -d'i, -dphi.
83
6-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Dual : the extension of -ai as the nom. plur. termination led to its replace-
ment as the inherited dual ending. This gap was filled by Attic with -d on
the analogy of the o-stems. Mycenaean appears to have borrowed the ending
of the o-stems -o; cf. fern, dual KoAuvpapevco (Hes. Op. 198), and the use of tco
as feminine even in Attic. The restoration of the genitive is less certain; -oin
is possible under the spelling rules. Other examples of the dual are i-qi-jo,
pte-no, and adjectives agreeing with these substantives.
Acc. plur. : ko-to-na seems to be acc. plur. in PY 43 = Sn01 ; other examples
are a-ro-u-ra PY 15A = 'E.c\Q\ , o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja (acc. of respect) PY 243 =Ta708,
ai-ka-sa-ma PY 257 =Jn09.
Dat. plur. : on the interpretation of this form see below.
Masculine a-stems
These follow exactly the pattern of the feminines except that the gen. sing,
is in -a-o = -do\ there is no example of an instrumental plural. Two obscure
forms in -a-e may be duals: e-qe-ta-e KN 29 = As821, we-ka-ta-e KN X 1044;
possibly to be explained as an extension of the dual ending of the consonant
stems. This might account for the Homeric dual of masculine stems in -d
(not -r|) ; and it may be significant that Homer never uses the dual of a feminine
<2-stem. The presence or absence of final -s in the nom. sing, cannot be tested;
in view of Homeric and dialect forms without -j, it may well have been absent.
In interpreted forms, however, this -i' has been restored to mark the distinction
from the feminines.
Sing.
Dual
Plur.
Nom.
ko-w 0
pa-sa-r 0
ko-w 0
Acc.
te- 0
si-Oo-r 0
Gen.
te- o-jo
a-ne-m 0
Dat.
da-m 0
te- o-i
Instr.
e-re-pa-te-j 0
Neuters :
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
ko-ri-ja-do-n
0
ko-ri-ja-da-n a
Acc.
a.,-te-r
0
do-r a
These may be interpreted: sing, -os, -on I'neut. -on), -oio, -oi; dual -0; plur. -oi,
-ons (neut. -a), -on, -0/’/ (?), -ois i?j.
Dat. plur. : the spelling -o-i is clearly parallel to -a-i in the a-stems and must
represent a similar form. We originally interpreted these as -ois, -ais (-ois, -dis?),
84
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
the I.-E. instrumental ending (Skt. -ais). But the new Pylos furniture tablets
have shown that the ‘instrumental’ of o-stems is in -o, not -o-i or -o-pi (e.g.
e-re-pa-te-jo a-di-ri-ja-pi re-wo-pi-qe 243 =Ta708). Since this case is distinguished
in the spelling from the dative (e.g. pa-si-te-o-i) it is probably different in form,
though we cannot exclude the possibility that -o and -o-i are merely alternative
spellings of -ois (cf. p. 44 ) . Theoretical considerations have led to the postula-
tion of a dative (originally locative): *-oihi<*-oisi, which was later restored
by analogy. Merlingen and Andrews have therefore suggested that this is
what the spelling implies. A definite decision is hardly possible on the evidence
so far, but -odi has been adopted as the interpretation in order to maintain the
distinction. In any case the a-stems must here be copying the o-stems, and we
have written -d'i to match.
Instrumental: a very few cases of the termination -o-pi have been found,
only at Knossos, so that this may be a dialect difference. At least it is clear
that this termination was not restricted to consonant stems, as proposed by
Shipp ( 1953 , p. 9 ). KN Sel042 (joined with 1006) contains the words:
e-re-pa-te-jo-pi o-mo-pi, where the latter word may be hormophi] e-re-pa-te-jo-pi
is repeated in line 2 , but here unfortunately we have lost the noun in agreement.
i-ku-wo-i-pi KN 207 = V 280 is an isolated form of uncertain meaning; Ventris
proposes an instrumental dual.
Locative : Ventris suggests that di-da-ka-re (seep. 162 ) is a locative didaskalei of
the type of oiKSi. A termination -01 would be indistinguishable from the dative.
Note. Compound adjectives in -os (often used as substantives) have two terminations:
e.g. a-ka-ra-no agreeing with to-pe-za PY 241 = Ta715; a-pi-qo-ro ko-wo = amphiq’^olon
(fern. gen. plur.)
korwoi PY 1 1
= Ad690.
Consonant stems
Sing.
Dual
Plur.
Nom.
( po-me
1 wa-na-ka
ti-ri-po-d \ e
po-me-n
e
Acc.
pe-re-u-ro-n
a
pa-ki-ja-n
«(?)
Gen.
po-me-n
0
ka-ra-ma-t
o(?)
Dat.
( po-me-n
e
pa-
si
\ko-re-te-r
i
Instr.
po-
pi
Interpretation: sing, zero or -.t, -a, -os, -ei or -f; dual -e; plur. -es, -as, -on,
-si, -phi.
Dat. sing. : two explanations of -e are possible. It may be part of the general
confusion of e and i (see p. 76 ), and stand for the original -i of the locative.
85
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
This seems to be certain in those cases where the script has -i. This is much less
frequent than -e at Pylos and Knossos, except in the i--stems (see below).
Mycenae, however, shows a marked preference for -i (e.g. ka-ke-wi, ke-ra-me-wi,
pi-we-ri-di) , though -e does also occur {o-pe-ra-no-re) . Alternatively we may
interpret -e as -ei, the old I.-E. dative termination preserved in Old Latin and
other languages, and in traces in Greek. The latter has been adopted in this
book, but again without any desire to prejudge the issue.
Stems in the type in -es shows the declension: nom. -e (neut. -e), gen. -e-o,
dat. -e-i', dual -e-e (all genders); plur. neut. -e-a or -e-a.^, dat. -e-si { = -essi),
instr. -e-pi { = -esphi). The neuter di-pa = dipas has dual di-pa-e. Comparative
adjectives do not show -n- in the declension: me-zo, me-wi-jo {^mezon or mezds?
etc.) have dual -o-e, plur. -o-e, neut. -o-a.^ [ = -oes, -oa, Att. -ous, -co). Perfect
participles in the masculine and neuter show the same declension : neut. plur.
a-ra-ru-wo-a, te-tu-ko-wo-a^ .
Stems in i: some examples are found in the nom. sing., e.g. a-pu-do-si =
apudosis; but there is no evidence of the declension except instr. plur.
po-ti-pi=portiphi.
Stems in u : evidence is very scanty. Nom. sing, ta-ra-nu has plur. ta-ra-nu-we,
-ues, like otoxus; gen. sing, in man’s name e-te-wa-tu-o = Etewastuos. The dative
ka-ru-we (instr. plur. ka-ru-pi) presumably also belongs to this type; cf. Pylos
place-name a-pu.^^-u'e. There is no evidence of the ablaut declension: -us,
-eLp-Jos, except perhaps te-re-te-we and pa-ke-we=pakhewes.
Stems in du: nom. plur. ka-ra-we= grdwes.
Stems in eu\ sing. nom. -e-u, gen. -e-wo, dat. -e-we (MY -e-wi); dual -e-we;
plur. nom. -e-ive, dat. -e-u-si, instr. -e-u-pi. To be interpreted: -eus, -ewos, -ewei
or -ewi; -ewe; -ewes, -eusi, -euphi.
Xote I . Adjectives of the type in -went- have feminine -we-sa = -wessa with analogical
e for a<*-wntja. The masculine is typified by the man’s name ko-ma-we — Komdwens ,
gen. ko-ma-we-to = Komdvoentos. Examples of the feminine are : pi-ti-ron-vce-sa, ko-ro-
no-we-sa, mi-to-we-sa. The perf. participle has fern, a-ra-ru-ja = araruia ( < *-usja ) ;
pres. part, of verb "to be’: a-pe-a-sa — apeassai {<*-esntja), masc. a-pe-o-te = apeontes .
JS'ote 2. The case and number of the termination -/?; = -cpi. It will be observed that
the term ‘instrumental’ has been applied to the case formed by this suffix. This
follows the generally accepted view that it is a relic of an I.-E. instrumental (cf. Skt.
-bhis) , and is supported by its use after passive or intransitive verbs such as ‘ equipped
with’, ‘inlaid with’. Its frequent use with place-names seems equally to prove that
it also has the value of locative.
Its number is proved to be plural ( or dual) by the opposition of ka-ru-we j ka-ru-pi,
a-di-ri-ja-te!a-di-ri-ja-pi, e-ka-ma-te;e-ka-ma-pi, po-ni-ke 'po-ni-ki-pi, po-dejpo-pi in parallel
86
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
contexts on the furniture tablets. Cf. also du-wo-ti-pi te-re-ja-e PY 148 = Ep04 with
e-me-de te-[re^-ja Eb40.
This conclusion agrees as regards case, but not number, with that reached on the
Homeric eudence by Shipp (1953, p- 15).
Pronooys
These are very rare and mostly doubtful.
mi=mini da-im-de-rni pa-si~ddmos de min phdsi (?) PY 135=Ep704; cf.
e-ke-de-mi PY 196 = Ya70.
pe-i—spheis, sphii ? Dat. plur., cf. Arc. o'9£is, Att. a9iai.
to-e PV ILb84r2 = fo-me PY 148=Ep04 in identical context (see p. 263). The
phrase is obscure, but to-ejto-me may represent the dative of a demonstrative.
If not erroneous to-e may be toi or ^Ji-^ = *TCpi (cf. Elean toi, Boeot. toii, etc.).
to-me may be explained as to-{s)me with the suffix -((T)pi found in Cret. 6tipi =
cpTivi, cf. Skt. loc. tdsrnin.
to-jo : possibly genitive of the demonstrative.
to-i-qg z d2.t. plm. toii-q“e?
to-to: ‘ tbis ’ = Toi/To ; see Vocabulary, p. 410.
wo-jo: = h)u:oio = oio, gen. of pron. adj. ‘his own’ ?
Pfote. ft seems most unlikely that any forms are to be explained as a definite article,
since tbis is clearly absent from many contexts where its presence would be demanded
by classical usage.
Numerals
These are poorly represented, mostly in compounds.
I : dat. e-ne—hernei shows preservation of the original -m- replaced by -n- in
all dialects.
2; instr. du-ivo-u-J)i; see Vocabulary, p. 391.
3: in compounds ti-ri- = tri-.
4: in compounds qe-to-ro-^q'^etro- {-ro-<*r).
6: in compounds we-= {h)wek- (Cret., etc.,
9: in compounds e-ne-ivo- = ennewo- {o<*n).
The Verb
Terminations
The tbeoiy' of R-uiperez (1952) that the Arcadian medio-passive primary
terminations in -toi were original and not, as had been supposed, secondary is
supported by the new evidence. As the final -i is not written and there is
ordinarily no augment (see below), it is impossible to distinguish a present
from an imperfect. But two considerations seem to indicate that we are right
87
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
in taking these forms as present. ( i ) e-ke-qe e-u-ke-to-qe . . . e-ke-e PY 140 = Eb35 ;
if both verbs are imperfect, then the e-ke of the common formula must be so
too; but present is much more likely in such a formula. ( 2 ) to-sa-de o-u-di-do-to
PY 198 = Ng02 is plainly parallel with to-sa-de na-u-do-mo o-u-di-do-si PY 189 =
Na65, etc.; since di-do-si cannot be anything but present, so presumably is
di-do-to. In many other passages a present is preferable, and e-pi-de-da-to is
more likely to be perfect than pluperfect.
Augment
The syllabic augment is normally absent, such forms as a-pu-do-ke = apu-doke
being regular in the secondary tenses. An apparent exception is a-pe-do-ke
in a new Pylos tablet (Gnll84), which at present remains isolated. The tem-
poral augment would of course be concealed by the notation.
Reduplication
Reduplication in the perfect follows the regular pattern; a-ra-ru-ja and
a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na show the special ‘Attic’ reduplication of verbs beginning
with a vowel plus sonant, e-ra-pe-me-na has the ordinary form of reduplication
= £pp-.
Verbal forms
No finite forms other than third persons occur.
Active: thematic present: sing. e-ke = ekhei, plur. e-ko-si = ekhonsi; infin.
e-ke-e = ekheen, a-na-ke-e — anageen, wo-ze-e = worzeen] part. ivo-zo = worzdn, e-ko-te
= ekhontes.
Athematic present: Ang. pa-si =phdsi (?), plur. di-do-si = dido [n] si, ki-ti-je-si =
ktiensi; part, i-jo, i-jo-te = idn, iontes.
Future: sing. do-se = dosei, plur. do-so-si = dosonsi part, de-me-o-te = demeontes .
Aorist: a-ke-re-se = agrese (?), wi-de = wide { = £i5e), o-po-ro = ophlon\ part.
a-ke-ra.^-te = agerantes ?
Perfect: part. a-ra-ru-ja = araruia, te-tu-ko-u'o-a.^ = tetukhwoa.
Middle: thematic present: e-u-ke-to = eukhetoi, e-ke-jo-to = en-keiontoi (?); part.
wo-zo-me-no.
Athematic present: plur. di-do-to = dido {n)toi, -u-ru-to = wruntoi ; part, ki-ti-
me-na = ktimend.
Future: part. e-pe-se-^o-me-na = hepsesomena, zc-so-me-no = zesomeno-.
Aorist : de-ka-sa-to = dexato, pa-ro-ke-ne-\to^ = paro-geneto, de-ko-to = dekto, ze-to =
gento; infin. wi-de-ta-i = widesthai (?).
Perfect: e-pi-de-da-to = epidedastoi; part. de-de-me-no = dedemend.
The contract verbs are barely represented, but we may detect one in te-re-ja,
88
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
which seems to be 3rd sing. pres, indie. { = teleid, like the proposed reading
Sdjjiva for 6a|Jiva in Homer, cf. Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 659); infin. te-re-ja-e =
teleiaen (as Att. TiiJica’< *TiiJid8v, cf. Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 807).
The verb ‘to be ’ :
Present: plur. e-e-si=eensi (also ap-, en-,posi-)', dual e-to = eston (?).
Imperative: 3rd plur. e-e-to=eento (? or imperfect?).
Part.: e-o, e-o-te = eon, eontes (also ap-)‘, fern. a-pe-a-sa = apeassai.
Imperfect: sing. a-pe = ap-es (?).
Future: e-so-to = essontoi (?).
Word- Formation
Only a few points deserve special comment.
( 1 ) Feminines in -eia from masculines in -eus. These forms have been discussed
by Chadwick (1954^;, p. 7). The clearest is i-je-re-ja = hiereia, and it is now
evident that contrary to all supposition the feminines do not contain the -w-
of the masculine. Other e.vamples are: the names i-do~me-ne-ja — Idomeneia
(MSopsveus), ke-ra~me-ja = Kerameia iKipasxeai) , e-ro-pa-ke-ja {e-ro-pa-ke-u) . Other
occupational names are do-qe-ja (cf. man’s name do-qe-u), ri-ne-ja-o, i-te-ja-o,
pa-ke-te-Ja, ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o, a-ra-ka-te-ja, e-ne-re-ja, ko-u-re-ja, o-nu-ke-ja, te-pe-ja-o.
Contrast the adjectival formations pa^-si-re-wi-ja, i-je-re-wi-jo, where the termi-
nation is -ewios; cf. Cypr. i-e-re-vi-ja-ne ‘sanctuary’.
(2) Adjectives of Material. These show an alternation between -e-jo, -e-o,
and -i-jo, which recalls the similar variation between -sog and -sios in Homer.
Forms in -los are also found in Lesb. and Thess. One word exemplifies all
three forms: wi-ri-ne-jo, ivi-ri-ne-o, wi-ri-ni-jo = wrmeos.
(3) Adjectives in -teros. wa-na-ka-te-ro appears to be wanakteros ‘royal’. The
objection of Aleriggi (1954, p- 34) that in PY 130 = Eo 371 (Ea 24 ) ke-ra-me-u'o
wa-na-ka-te-ro shows lack of concord is hardly sufficient to outweigh the neuter
wa-na-ka-te-ra. Such cases of grammatical oversight are not uncommon (see
p. 72); and cf. PY 108 = Ea 817 , where we have po-me qualifying genitive
mo-ro-qo-ro-jo instead of the correct po-nie-no found on 109 = Ea 782 . Less certain
is po-ku-te-ro , which appears to be formed from po-ku-ta of unknown meaning.
7. SYNTAX
There are several examples of perfect participles active used in the intransitive
sense familiar in Homer: a-ra-rii-ja, a-ra-ru-wo-a ‘fitted (with) , cf. oxoAoirscrcnv
dpripoTa [Od. vn, 45); te-tu-ku-ivo-a ‘well made’ (of garments and wheels),
cf. (3065 pivoio T£T£U)(cbs {Od. XII, 423)5 possibly de-di-^daj-ku-ja taught .
89
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
An idiom familiar in Sanskrit, the use of a reduplicated locative such 2 &pade-
pade ‘ at every step varse-varse ‘ every year’, is found for the first time in Greek :
we-te-i-we-te-i ‘annually’ (see p. 279).
pa-ro governs the dative, where Attic rrapd would demand the genitive;
cf. the use of the dative with dnv in Arcadian, rne-ta also appears to govern
the dative in the phrase me-tape-i, where the dative is Homeric. The accusative
and infinitive construction appears to be proved by PY 140 = Eb35, cf 135 =
Ep704. One other subordinate clause has so far been identified, a relative
temporal clause introduced by o-te = hote PY 235=Ta711.
The development of prepositions is already complete, as might be expected
from comparative evidence. The instrumental -91, however, often stands alone,
and w'here accompanied by a preposition we may detect a relic of the earlier
independence : o-pi . . . qe-to-ro-po-pi o-ro-me-no PY 31 = Ae04 suggests the ‘ tmesis ’
of the Homeric etti . . . opovTOi {Od. xiv, 104) where there is no noun expressed.
Word order would seem to be of importance where the inflexions are so
largely hidden by the script. There seems to be some consistency in the
formulas, though divergent orders are not to be excluded. The order: subject,
verb, object, is regular. But the common introductory word 0 - {jo-) seems
usually to have a verb following; possible exceptions are KN 260 = 0g0467,
213 =L 641. The order then may be either subject, object (e.g. PY 257 =Jn09)
or object, subject (e.g. PY 75 = Cn02) depending which is being listed. The
clauses beginning o-da-a^ show more freedom; the subject usually follows
immediately, the verb, if expressed, being postponed; but in PY 151=:Eb36
we have object, verb, subject. Adjectives tend to precede the noun, but this
is often obscured by the fact that when items are being listed the noun naturally
takes precedence. Two or more adjectives applied to one noun show asyndeton
(e.g. PY 241=Ta715. 2); but a series of attributive nouns are coupled with
-qe (e.g. PY 242 = Ta707, 246=Ta722). On occasion two instrumentals may
be balanced on either side of a participle: se-re-mo-ka-ra-a-pi qe-qi-no-me-na
a-di-ri-ja-pi-qe PY 243=Ta708.
The definite article as such is clearly absent. Where forms of 6, f), to appear
to occur they are probably demonstratives and are listed under Pronouns.
8. VOCABULARY
It was shown above (p. 68) that the vocabulan,^ was essentially Greek. It re-
mains here to discuss its affinities inside Greek. Of the wwds identified
a remarkable number are rare and poetic, while some are known only from
sources as late as Hellenistic times. It is most revealing to find that words we
90
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
had thought to be post-classical are of such venerable antiquity; it should
never be assumed that absence from the literary^ record implies absence from
the vocabulary. A good example is the word pu-ra-u-to-ro in a list of vessels
and implements; it can hardly be anything hnt puraiistro ' 2 l pair of fire-tongs’,
found in Herodas (third century) and an inscription of the fourth century b.c.
Such a humble item of furniture might well escape mention in literature
altogether, and its late appearance can now be seen to be without significance.
The words ^vhich we know only in Homer and in poetry are archaic survi\-als
of an earlier period, and there is nothing surprising in finding them in ordinaiy
use in Mycenaean documents. The words for ‘ swords ’ and ' spears ’ {phasgana,
enkhea) both belong to this category. The names of vessels are numerous and
some of them cannot be identified with classical words ; a-pi-po-re-we is especially
notable as showing the Homeric form without haplolog)'' [amphiphorewes) , and
its replacement by a-po-re-ive = amphorewe at Mycenae, and perhaps at Pylos,
shows that the classical form is also of great antiquity. A few words are
recorded by glossaries as Cypriot: di-pa ^sivas, pa-ka-na 9dcryavov. The name
of the ‘king’ wa-na-ka = wanax was by classical times obsolete (except in special
uses) in the whole of Greece but Cyprus.
Of special interest are the Semitic loan-words, which prove that Phoenician
influence had begun in the Mycenaean period. The Greeks had already
borrowed from them the names of two luxury articles: ku-ru-so = khrusos, and
ki-to = khiton ; and of at least two spices : ku-mi-no = kuminon and sa-sa-ma — sdsama ;
probably also ku-pa-ro=kupairos. The word po-ni-ke =phoimkei ‘griffln’ (?) and
po-ni-ki-ja=phoinikia ‘red’ also probably imply contact with Phoenicia.
The following particles are found :
-de~de ‘but’, ‘and’.
o-,jo- = hd ( = cbs) attested as Doric by grammarians, and found in the com-
pounds Attic d)- 5 £, Aleman w-t’.
o-da-ap. probably a strengthened form of the preceding; see Vocabulary,
p. 400.
o-te = hote ‘when’.
o-u- = ou ‘not’.
o-u-ki = oukhi ?
-qe^q'^e (te) ‘and’. For usages where the meaning is obscure see p. 246.
Suffixes of motion :
-de~-de ‘towards’.
-te = -then ‘from’: a-po-te = apothen? , a-po-te-ro-te = amphoterothen, e-te = enthenl
A number of place-names ending in -te are more likely datives (locatives) of
consonant stems.
91
CHAPTER IV
THE PERSONAL NAMES
At least 65 per cent of the recorded Mycenaean words are proper names, the
interpretation of which is beset by even greater difficulties than those en-
countered in the interpretation of the vocabulary. The place-names are dis-
cussed elsewhere (see ch. v, pp. 139-50). The personal names, which occur on
almost ever}^ tablet and often comprise the greater part of the text, are ex-
tremely numerous; well over a thousand have so far been recorded. A com-
parison with known Greek names, both legendary and historical, leads to many
tempting identifications ; but whereas the identification of a vocabulary word
can be checked by its meaning as determined by context, that of a personal
name must always depend entirely on the superficial resemblance. All the
parallels proposed in this chapter must be regarded as subject to this quali-
fication, and thus in a different class from the vocabulary words.
The degree of probability increases with the length of the word, for the
longer the word, the less chance there is of a different word resulting in the
same spelling. Thus the interpretation of e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo as the patronymic
adjective from TtsokAps can be regarded as certain; but shorter words often
admit of several identifications, and when, as is frequently the case, only the
nominative is recorded the range may be wide.
The methods adopted to distinguish personal names require description.
The most obvious is the association of single words with the ideogram for man
or WOMAN and the numeral i, a feature of the long lists such as KN 38 =
Asl516, MY 46 = Aul02. In other cases the context clearly demands a name,
as in the lists of persons in the Pylos Eo- series ( 1 1 8-1 30 ), or the names of smiths
in the Pylos Jn- tablets ( 253 - 257 ). Similarly some tablets appear to have
a consistent formula, such as the Knossos D (sheep) series ( 64 - 70 ), all of which
begin with a personal name. If names thus proved are found in other lists,
there is a strong presumption that the remaining words in the same list are
also names; though cases do occur of composite lists containing also places
or trade-names (e.g. PY 258 = Kn01). In a few cases the identification of
a name depends chiefly on its resemblance to a known Greek name.
In the present state of our knowledge there are many doubtful cases, and
the catalogue has been compiled so as to err on the side of exclusion rather than
92
THE PERSONAL NAMES
inclusion. Many more words, especially on small fragments, are probably
names, but evidence that might justify their inclusion is lacking. On the other
hand it may be hoped that few words have been wrongly admitted, though in
some cases doubt exists whether the name is that of a person, or is that of
a place, an ethnic adjective, or a title.
One important question which we might expect to answer from a study of
the names is the extent of foreign admixture among the Mycenaean Greek
population. Unfortunately the problem admits no easy solution. If the Greek
language were imposed on a foreign population, the subsequent generations
would doubtless show progressively higher proportions of Greek names. But
even in classical times there are large numbers which do not seem to be
significant in Greek. Thus no exact correlation between names and origins
can be expected. There is too a further problem: where do we draw the line
between Greek and foreign? There must inevitably be disagreement about
the degree of resemblance necessary to establish a Greek origin for a name;
and when the effects of ‘popular etymology' ’ are taken into account, it is
obvious that the basis for a statistical survey is lacking. Similar considerations
apply to the Mycenaean names with even greater force ; for we can only con-
jecture the form that underlies the spelling. The longer names are mostly
explicable as Greek; the shorter ones offer such a range of possibilities that
there must be few which the exercise of sufficient ingenuity will not allow us
to derive from a known Greek base. The negative evidence is therefore lacking
to permit a proportional calculation; we can only point to names which are
clearly Greek and to others which have an unfamiliar aspect. Certainly the
names cannot be used to support a theory' that any language other than Greek
was in actual use in the Myxenaean kingdoms.
It should be pointed out that the list of names given in the Index of Personal
Names (pp. 414-27) is biased and must not be used for statistical purposes.
It does not represent the complete catalogue from which this chapter has been
compiled, but only the names occurring in the texts printed in Part II, and
a selection of the more interesting ones from other tablets.
1. MEN’S NAMES
Names ending in -a
Some of these names may in fact be unidentified feminines, owing to the
impossibility of distinguishing the gender in the nominative (see \Vomen’s
Names, p. loi) . Otherwise these are mainly names corresponding to the Greek
masculines of the first declension (-a(s), gen. -do). In view of the existence of
93
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
masculines in -a in Homer, Boeotian and Elean, it seems very doubtful if we
are justified in restoring a final -s in the nom. sing. The -s has been restored
here in the forms quoted in interpretation merely as a convenient means of
distinguishing masculines and feminines; it is not intended to imply any judg-
ment as to the probable form (see p. 84). The other main type represented
is that in -ctvs (gen. -ccvtos) ; there are also a few anomalous types such as
pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka, where the final -a is only a device of the spelling to suggest
the double consonant of the ending -fova^.
Compared with later Greek names the most notable absence is that of names
ending with the patronymic suffix - 5 ds (classical -dSrjs, - 15 ris) . The few names
ending -a-da, -i-da do not appear to be of this type except possibly da-i-ta-ra-da
(cf. Homeric AaiTcop). The same is, however, true of the Homeric names,
where these patronymics are either epithets or used as substitutes for the real
name.
There is a large group (50) ending in -a-ta, some of which seem to be the
representatives of the classical suffix -fjTris: a-ra-ta== Aldtds (’AAdxas Pindar),
ko-ma-ta = Komdtds (KopfiTps), ko-}ie-iva-ta = Skhoinewdtds? (cf. rna-
ka-ta = Makhdtds?, po-to-re-ma-ta = Ptolemdtds (Boeot. TToAepdras) ; po-to-ri-ka-ta
= Ptolikhdtds? , ra-u-ra-ta = Laurdtds?, re-u-ka-ta = Leukdtds, se-ri-na-ta = Selindtds,
ta-ra-ma-ta= Thalamdtds (ethnic of ©aAdpai).
A smaller group in -e-ta contains probable representatives of the classical
in -krrYi, -V[Tr\'^: a^-e-ta = Aetds, i-ke-ta = Hiketds\ a-ke-ta = Agetds'\ , e-n-me-ta
= Eumetds. Other interesting names of this class are: o-pe-ta (cf. o-pe-re-ta,
which may not, however, be the same word) = Opheltds (Thess. and Boeot.),
o-re-ta = Orestds ; ko-ma-we-ta = Komawentds ?.
Finally there is an important group ( 1 5) in -qo-ta, one of which has at Knossos
the variant -qo-i-ta. (See p. 43 on the possible significance of this as a spelling
variant.) 0^ving to the ambiguity of the spelling and the peculiarity of the
dialect this can correspond to four Greek suffixes: -g^otds = -^an:v\<; (for change
of a and 0 see p. 77, and cf. a-pi-qo-to in Vocabulary) or -pooTris, -q'^hontds =
-96vTris, or = -901x115. The variant -qo-i-ta can only represent the last
possibility. The following is the list of names with this suffix, together with
some suggestions for the identification of the first part of the compound;
a-e-ri-qo-ta = ’Aepi- ('"’Hpi-).
a-na-qo-ta = ’Ava-.
a-no-qo-ta = ’ Avco- ?
a-pi-qo-ta = ’Apq)i-, variant a-pi-qo-i-ta.
a-tu-qo-ta
da-i-qo-ta = Ar\i- i AriKpovTrjs).
94
THE PERSONAL NAMES
do-qo-ta
e-u-ru-qo-ta = E\jp\j- (Eupu|3onT)s Horn.).
pa-qo-ta
pe-ri-qo-ta-o (gen.) =TT£pi-.
po-ru-qo-ta =Y[oK\j- (rfoAucpovTTjs Horn.).
qe-re-qo-ta-o (gen.) =TriAe-.
qo-ta
ra-ivo-qo-ta = Aao- (cf. AaocpovTri fern.).
ro-qo-ta
u:i-jo-qo-ta = ’\o- (ids ‘poison’; cf. ’Io(3dTri5).
Names ending in -e
Of the several possible Greek types which this spelling may represent onlv
two seem to be directly attested in the personal names : -r)S> gen. -sos, and -evs,
gen. -EVTOS. Any others occurring are not attested in an oblique case which
would reveal the declension. The most common tvpe is that in -e, gen. -e-o,
dat. -e-i (not apparently -e-e).
There is a group of names in -me-de corresponding to the Greek -pfiSps:
a-no-me-de = Ana- ?
a-pi-me~de = Amphimedes (possibly not a name but a title).
e-ke-me-de = Ekhemedes (cf. ’EyeppSa fern.).
e-ti-me-de-i (dat.).
e-u-me-de = EuppSps (Horn.) .
pe-ri-me-de = Wip\\i.r\Zr\s (Horn.).
There is one certain name in -me-ne: e-u-me-ne — Eumenes. The other names
with this ending may represent different formations: ri-me-iie = Limnes? ;
a-re-me-ne (with an apparent variant a-re-zo-nie-ne) on the jars from Thebes.
The suffix -ke -re-we — Greek -kAeps, -KAfjs is found in : e-ri-ke-re-we = Erikleii'es ?,
[da?~\-mo-ke-re-ive-i {da.t.) = Damokleurs (AapoKAfjs), ke-ro-ke-re-ive-o (gen.) =
Eheroklewes'^ , 7ia-u-si-ke-re-\ive^=yausikleu'es-, and the patronymic e-te-wo-ke-re-
we-i-jo presupposes the name Etewokleurs ( = ’EteokAps).
The other type of declension seems only to occur in names which are
etymologically adjectives in -went- (-psiSj -ohs) : ko-ma-we (gen. ko-rna-we-to,
dat. ko-ma-we-te) =Komawens (KoppEis), ai-ta-ro-we = Aithalowens (aiSaAoEis).
Names ending in -i
Hardly any of these names reveal their declension by oblique cases, and in
many instances the gender is obscure; it is likely that a number of these are in
fact feminine. Some are clearly shown to be masculine by association with the
95
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ideogram man, or by their trade: ke-ki and to-ro-wi in lists of smiths (KspKis is
attested only as a woman’s name), ka-ra-pi an e-te-do-mo.
It seems likely that to-ro-wi-ko PY 62 = Cn655. 2 is the genitive of to-ro-wi-,
if so this is presumably a stem in We might expect a spelhng '^to-ro-wi-ki
on the analogy of wa-na-ka ; but the latter is more likely a deliberate anomaly
due to the ambiguity of *wa-na.
Names ending in -o
As might be expected this is by far the largest class of masculine names.
On the basis of the inflected forms they may be subdivided into six groups :
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Greek
(«)
-0
-o-jo
-0
-OS
-010
(b)
-0
- 0-0
-cos
-oog
(«■)
-0
-o-no
-o-ne
-cov
-ovog or -covog
id)
-0
-o-ro
-o-re
-cop
-opog
(^)
-0
-o-to
-o-te
-cov
-ovTog
(/)
-qo
-qo
-qe
- 04 ;
-OTTOg
{a) o-stems. The great bulk of names fall certainly or probably into this class.
For convenience of treatment these will be further subdivided. Owing to their
great numbers only a small selection of the more interesting names is here
analysed.
There is a large class which are known in Greek as common nouns (both
substantives and adjectives), some at least being also attested as personal
names. In the latter case the Greek word is given a capital letter.
Titles: pu-ra-ko CDuAockos (Horn.), wi-do-wo-i-jo Widwoios (cf i 6 uToi, (3i5uioi
etc.).
Animals: e-ki-no ru-ko Aukos (or Aukcov?), ta-u-ro ToOpos.
Other objects: ai-ta-ro AiOaAos, ku-pe-se-ro KuysAos, rna-ma-ro Mdppapos,
pe-po-ro flETrAos, ru-ro Aupos, ti-ri-po-di-ko TpiiroSiaKos (also as common noun
MY 234 = Ue611), ze-pu.,-ro Zscpupos.
Adjectives of colour: e-ru-to-ro “EpuSpos, ka-ra-u-ko FAccukos (Horn.), ka-sa-to
5av6os (Horn.), ko-so-u-to SoOflog, pu-wo Corinthian Fluppog (=nuppos)
re-u-ko-jo (gen.) AeuKog (Horn.).
Other adjectives: de-ki-si-wo = Dexiu:os (As^iog), de-ko-to beKTog or SsKOTog
( = SeKCXTog), di-so SioCTog, du-wo-jo = Dwoios (Soiog), mo-ro-qo-ro = Moloa^ros
(iJoAoPpog), na-pu-ti-jo = Xdputios (vTyiruTiog), pe-se-ro TsAAcg, pi-ri-to-jo ^gen.!
OiAicrrog, po-ti-jo Ffovriog, si-mo (cf. woman’s name si-ma) Slpog.
Derivatives in -log (excluding those from place-names, see below) : a-ka-ta-jo
96
THE PERSONAL NAMES
’AKTaios, a-ko-mo-ni-jo = Akmonios (’'AK^cov), a-ko-ra-jo dyopaios, a-pa-i-ti-jo =
Hdphaistios (“Hcpaicrros), a-wo-i-jo = Awoios (’Hwos?), ai-ki-jo Aiyiog, ai-so-ni-jo =
Aisonios (Aictcov), e-ko-to-ri-jo = Hektorios {e-ko-to ‘’Eicrcop; Horn. 'EKTopeos as
adj.), e-ni-ja-u-si-jo "Eviocuaios, ka-ri-si-jo Xapiaiog, me-de-i-jo MfjSsios, o-pi-si-jo
’'Ovpios, pa-na-re-jo=Panareios (rTon^dpris), pa-ra-ti-jo (variant pa.y-ra^-ti-jo) TTaA-
\a^nios, pa-qo-si-jo = Pang^dsiosl (cf. pa-qo-ta),qe-ra-di-ri-jo=(P‘elandrios (Tf|Aoa;-
Bpos) , sa-u-ri-jo = Saurios (ZaOpos), wa-du-ri-jo= Wddulios [°V{^\jKo<p) ,we-we-si-jo =
Wervi'esios (sipos, cf. eipeaicovn), wi-tu-ri-jo= Witulios (’'ItuAos).
A group of names in -me-no appear to be medio-passive participles : a-me-no
"Appevos?, a^-nu-me-no — Arnumenos (dpvupai) ?, ai-nu-me-no = Ainumenos (aivu-
pai) ?, e-u-ko-me-no = Eukhomenos (£uxopo^0» ku-ru-me-no KAupevog, o-po-ro-me-no =
Hoplomenos (orrAopai) ?, wa-do-me-no=Wddomenos (p5opai). Others less easy
to explain are: ka-e-sa-me-no, ke-sa-me-no (possibly variants of the same name;
cf. Kaacrapevos) , pi-ra-me-no, and *ku-sa-me-no to be deduced from the patro-
nymic ku-sa-me-ni-jo (kuveco?).
Compound names of the typical Greek form and with obvious meaning
are frequent; but both here and in other sections compounds occur one
member of which seems obvious, while the other remains obscure. Some of
these are here listed exempli gratia :
a-ke-ra-wo Ageldwos ’AyeAaos
a-ko-ro-qo-ro Agroq^olosl (cf. Latin Agricola)
a-pi-a.-^-ro ’AM 9 iaAo 5
a-pi-do-ro ’Ap9iScopos (cf woman’s name a-pi-do-ra)
a-pi-ja-ko-ro-jo (gen.) Amphiagros or Amphiagoros
a-pi-ja-re-wo Amphiarewos ’Aii9idpr|os
a-pi-ra-wo Amphildwos
a-pi-wa-to Amphiwastos ?
a-ti-pa-mo Antiphdmos ’AvTi9ripos
a-tu-ko Atukhos?
a-u-po-no Aupnos
a-wi-to-do-to Awistodotos?
[de]-ke-se-ra-wo Dexeldwos Ae^iAaos
e-ke-da-mo ’ExeSapos
e-ri-we-ro Eriweros ( = Horn. Epiripos) ?
e-ti-ra-wo ? -Idwos (cf e-ti-me-de)
e-u-da-mo EOSapos
e-u-ka-ro Eukdlos (euktiAos)
e-u-ko-ro EukoAos, Euyopos, EokAos?
e-u-na-wo Eundivos Euvqos
e-u-po-ro Eu9opos, Eurropos
e-u-po-ro-wo Euplozvos EurrAous
7
97
Vi C
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-u-ru-da-mo Eupu6a|ji05
\e-u\-ru-po-to-re-mo-jo (gen.) EOpuiTToAepios
e-u-to-ro-qo Eutroq'‘os EurpoTTos
e-u-wa-ko-ro Eudyopos, Eucxypos
i-su-ku-wo-do-to Iskhuodotos ?
ma-na-si-we-ko AIndsiwergos MvqCTiEpyos
ne-wo-ki-to jXewo- ?
o-ku-na-u'o Okundivos
o-pi-ri-mi~ni-jo Opilimnios (cf. 'EiTiAipvios)
0- ti-na-u'o Ortindwos?
pe-ri-to-wo Perithowos TTsipiQoos
pi-ro-we-ko Philowergos cDiAoupyog
po-ru-ka-to Polukastos? (cf. TToAuKdcrTri)
ra-wo-do-ko Ldwodokos AaoSoKog
ra-wo-po-qo Ldwopoq^os? (cf. Atipo-kottos)
ra-wo-qo-no Ldwog'Ponos (cf. AscocpovTcij)
m-ko-wo-ro (variant ru-ko-u-ro) Lukoworos (cf. AuKoupia)
ti-ri-da-ro Triddlos (cf ’Api-6-nAos, etc.)
xi'a-du-ka~sa-ro lVddu~?
wa-du-na-ro IVddu-l
wa-tu-o-ko Wastuokhos ’Acnvoyo^
wi-pi-no-o Wiphinoos ’l9ivoos
The following names are identical with or are derived from place-names :
ai-ku-pi-ti-jo ASyurmos
ai-ta-jo Aithaios (AiOaia)
1- wa-so Iivasos (cf "laaov "Apyog Horn.)
ka-so Kanos
ko-ru-da-ro-jo (gen.) Kopu 5 aAA 6 s
ku-pi-ri-jo KOirpios
ku-ra-no KuUdnos (KuAAfivri)
ku-ta-i-jo Kutaios (Kuraiov)
ku-te-ro Kutheros (Ku 9 f)pa)
ma-ra-ni-jo MaAdvios
Q-ka-ri-jo Oikhalios (OixccAiri Horn.)
pa.,-me-si-jo (variant pa.,-mi-si-jo) Pamisios (TTdpiCTOs)
pdo-ra-jo Oapaios
po-i-ti-jo Phoitios (OoiTiai)
ra-pa-sa-ko AdpvpoKOS
re-pi-ri-jo Leprios (AeTrpEOv)
re-u-ka-so Leukasos ( AcuKaaia)
ru-ki-jo Aukios
ni-na-so Lurnassos (Aupvtiaaos)
98
THE PERSONAL NAMES
tu-ri-jo Tuples?
tu-ri-si-jo-jo (gen.) TuAiaios
Names attested in Greek, but not otherwise classified; a-nu-to "Avutos,
ko-do-ro K65pos, ko-ka-ro KcoKaAos, mo-qo-so = Moq^sos ( ; cf. Hittite Muksas) ,
pi-ra-jo OiAalos, pi-ri-no cPiAivos, pu-wi-no = Purwinos (TTuppivos) , SiAdvos,
wi-ri-ja-no = Wrianos ( = 'Piovos ?) .
{b) -cos, -60s. These are very rare; perhaps genitives to-ro-o (Tpeos, Tpcoos ?),
a-pi-qo-o.
(c) -cov, -ovos or -covos. Most prominent is a class of names in -a-wo, though
the identification is often uncertain in default of evidence of declension. Among
those plausibly identified or certified by inflexion are: a-ka-wo (dat. -m) =
Alkdwon?, a-mu-ta-wo (gen. -«o) = ’Apuflacov (Horn.), a-re-ta-wo = ’
(Horn.), a-ri-ja-wo (dat. -ne), a-ti-ja-wo = Antidwon ( = ’ Avticov) ?, e-ke-ra.y-wo
(gen. -no, dat. -ne) = Ekheldwdn (cf. ’EysAaos), Mccyacov, me-za-wo
(dat. -ni) = Mezdwon? , o-pa^-wo-ni (dat.) = Opdwon? , pi-ri-ta-wo-no (gen.) =
Brithdwon?, pi-ro-pa^-wo ^ Philoppdwdn (cf OiAokttipcov) ?. The type with
genitive -covos is represented by the divine name po-se-da-o (dat. -ne or -ni)
TTooeiSdcov; and is to be inferred from identifications such as de-u-ka-ri-jo
AsuKaAloov.
{d) -cop, -opos. There are two probable uncompounded names in this class :
a-ko-to = "Aktcop, e-ko-to = "EKTCop (cf. e-ko-to-ri-jo) ; and a compound of uncertain
identity: e-u-we-to (gen. -ro) Euetdrl. Apart from these most names belonging
to this group are compounds ending in -a-no ( = -fivcop) :
a-ka-sa-no Alxdndr (Naxian ’AAyafivop)
a-ta-no (gen. -ro, dat. -re) = ’AvTf|vcop
do-ri-ka-no Dolikhdndr?
e-ka-no Ekhdnor (cf. 'EydvSpa)
me-ta-no (dat. -re) Aletdndr (cf. METCtveipa)
ne-ti-ja-no (dat. -re) Nestidndr'?
o-pe-ra-no (dat. -re) Opheldndr (cf. ’OtpAavSpos)
ra-ke-da-no (dat. -re) ? -dndr
(e) -cov, -OVTOS. The only proven examples are i-na-o (dat. i-na-o-te), and
a-pi-(j)o-to (gen.) perhaps Amphiontos (classical ’Apepiovos).
(/) -ocp, -OTTOS. The presence of -0 in the spelling of the nominative is purely
formal; cf. the final -a of wa-na-ka = fcxva.^\ ai-ti-jo-qo (gen. ai-ti-jo-qo, dat.
ai-ti-jo-qe) =Ai9io<4;; po-ki-ro-qo probably Polkilorps.
99
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Names ending in -u
These are comparatively rare except for the stems in -e-u (see below) . It is
possible in default of inflexional evidence that some conceal consonantal ter-
minations; e.g. ko-ku might be kokku^ used as a name. Others have a foreign
look: e.g. o-tu which is perhaps the name ”Otus attested as Paphlagonian.
Apparently Greek are: e-te-wa-tu-o (gen.) =Etewastus?, o-ku=Okus?, re-u-ko-o-
pu^-ru (read as Leuk{r}ophrus by Palmer), wa-de-o (gen.) = Wadus (fi5us).
There are over lOO names in -e-u, corresponding to the archaic Greek type
in -eus- Some have clear etymologies (e.g. do-ro-me-u = Dromeus from Spopog) ;
others, as in the historical names, are apparently foreign. An interesting group
is formed by those derived from verbal stems with a -s- suffix: a-re-ke-se-u
(oAek-), a-we-ke-se-u (de^co), de-ke-se-u (6^o|jiai), e-ne-ke-se-u (cvsyK-), ka-ri-se-u
(xapi;§opai ?), o-na-se-u (6vivr|pi), pa-ra-ke-se-we (dat.) (TTpaocrco), pi-re-se-\u\
( 9 iA£Co), qo-wa-ke-se-u = G'^ow-axeus (dyco), te-se-u (Ti0T|pi).
A full list of these names in -e-u follows :
a-i-qe-u
e-ta-je-u
a-ka-re-u
e-ta-wo-ne-u
a-ke-u
e-te-we (dat.)
a-ki-re-u
e-wi-te-u
a-na-te-u
i-mo-ro-ne-u
a-pa-je-u
i-ne-u
a-pe-te-u
i-te-u
a-re-ke-se-u
ka-e-se-u
a-ri-ke-u
ka-ke-u
a-ro-je-u
ka-nu-se-u
a-ta-ma-ne-u
ka-ri-se-u
a-ta-ze-u
ka-te-u
a-to-re-u
ke-me-u
a-we-ke-se-u
ke-re-te-u
ai-ke-u
ke-re-u
ai-ki-e-we (dat.)
ke-ro-u-te-u
ai-re-u
ki-e-u [ki-je-u)
da-to-re-u
ko-pe-re-u
de-ke-se-u
ko-te-u
do-qe-u
ku-ke-re-u
do-ro-me-u
ku-ne-u
e-do-mo-ne-u
ma-re-u
e-ne-ke-se-u
me-re-u
e-ni-pa-te-we (dat.j
me-te-we (dat.)
e-o-te-u
me-to-qe-u
e-pe-ke-u
mo-re-u
e-po-me-ne-u
ne-qe-u
e-re-u (?)
no-e-u
e-ro-pa-ke-u
o-ke-te-u
lOO
THE PERSONAL NAMES
o-ke-u
o-ko-me-ne-u
o-na-se-u
o-ne-u
o-pe-te-re-u [o-pe-to-re-u)
pa-da-je-u
pa-de-we-u
pa-ra-ke-se-we (dat.)
pa-sa-re-wo (gen.) (?)
pe-ke-u
pe-qe-u
pe-ri-te-u
pe-te-u
pi-ke-re-u
pi-re-se-\u?~\
pi-ta-ke-u
po-i-te-u
po-ke-we (dat.)
po-ro-qe-re-je-wo (gen.)
po-ro-u-te-u
po-ru-we-wo (gen.)
po-te-u
pu-te-u
qe-re-me-ne-u
qe-ta-ra-je-u
qe-ta-se-u ( = qe-te-se-u?)
qo-wa-ke-se-u
sa-ke-re-u
ta-mi-e-u
ta-re-u
ta-ta-ke-u
ta-ti-qo-we-u
te-pe-u
te-po-se-u
te-se-u
te-te-re-u
te-te-u
to-ke-u
tu-ke-ne-u
tu-ru-we-u
tu-si-je~u
tu-ti-je-u
u-re-u
wa-di-re-we (dat.?)
we-da-ne-wo (gen.)
we-te-re-u
wi-ja-te-wo (gen.)
wi-*6j-te-u
2. WOMEN’S NAMES
In a number of cases it is possible to identify a name as belonging to a woman
by the presence of an ideogram or the gender of an attribute. No distinction
is possible on grammatical grounds, since the masculine and feminine a-stems
cannot be distinguished unless the name occurs in the genitive. There are
therefore a number of names which are ambiguous; and these are treated as
masculine in default of evidence; where there is good reason to suspect they
might be feminine this is indicated in the Index.
The great majority of proven women’s names end in -a. The exceptions are
a group of I o ending in -i which presumably correspond to Greek stems in -is :
e-pa-sa-na-ti (variant i-pa-sa-na-ti) , ko-pi, mu-ti MupTig, mu-ti-ri MupTiAlg,
qo-ja-ni, sa-mi, tu-* 4 g-mi, tu-ri-ja-ti (cf. ©upeoris fern, adj.), tu-ri-ti, wa-ra-ti;
six ending in -o, presumably Greek -co: ka-na-to-po, ku-tu-pa.^-no, ru-ta^-no,
ta-ka-to, tu-zo, *i8-to-no‘, four in -u (Greek -us, -u^? perhaps foreign): a-zu?,
ke-pu, ma-zu ?, wi-ja-na-tu ; and one in -e : si-nu-ke.
Other known or recognizable names include; a-pi-do-ra = Amphidora (cf.
’ An9l6copos) , a-ti-ke-ne-ja = Antigeneia, Arti-1 (for termination cf. ke-pu-ke-ne-ja) ,
ai-wa-ja = fK\a.vx\, i-do-me-ne-ja = Idomeneia (cf. ’ISopEva/s), ke-ra-me-ja (fern, of
lOI
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Kspaiiajs), mu-ka-ra=M\JKaiKT\, pi-ra-ka-ra — Philagrd (cf. OiAocypos), ^z-ro-Ki2 =
Phildnd, pu-wa = T]'jppa. (cf. pu-wo), si-ma = 'I.i\i.v\, ta-ra-mi-ka= Thalamikd, -iskd?,
te-pa^-ja = QT\^aioi, u-wa-mi-ja = Huamid (cf. town 'Yapsia in Messenia).
3. NAMES RECURRING AT DIFFERENT PLACES
A fair number of the personal names are attested at more than one place.
There can be no question, at least as far as Knossos and Pylos are concerned,
of these referring to the same persons. It is also probable that different people
are intended when the same name recurs in the same place but in a different
context; for instance ti-pa^-jo who is called a shepherd {po-me) on PY 128 =
Eo278 (EbOl) can hardly be the same man as ti-pa^-jo who is a smith at
A-ke-re-wa on 253 ==Jn01.
The following lists show all the certain or probable personal names which
occur at two or more places ; where one source has only a different inflexional
form or a variant spelling this is shown in brackets. Names which are certainly
feminine are so shown.
Knossos and Pylos
ai-ko-ta
ai-ta-ro-we
a-ka-sa-no
a-ka-ta-jo
a-ka-wo
a-ke-ra-ivo
a-ke-ta
a-ki-re-u (PY a-ki-re-we]
a-no-ke-we
a-pi-me-de
a-pi-qo-ta
a-re-ki-si-to
a-si-wi-jo
a-ta-no (PY a-ta-no-ro)
a-ta-o
a-ta-wo
a-ti-pa-mo
a-ti-ro (?)
a-tu-ko
a-^Gq-jo
de-ki-si-wo )P\ de-ki-si-wo-jo)
di-wo
do-ri-ka-o
du-ni-jo
e-ke-da-mo
e-ke-me-de
e-ki-no (PY e-ki-no-jo)
e-ta-wo-ne-u (KN e-ta-wo-ne-we)
e-te-wa (KN e-te-wa-o?)
e-u-ko-me-no
e-u-po-ro-wo
i-da-i-jo
i-ra-ta
i-wa-ka
ka-ro-qo
ka-so
ka-la-no
ke-sa-do-ro
ke-ti-ro (?)
ke-to
ki-je-u (PY ki-e-u)
ki-ri-ja-i-jo (KN ki-ra^-i-jo)
ko-do
ko-ma-we (PY KN ko-ma-we-te)
ko-pe-re-u
ko-ro
ko-sa-ma-to
kii-ri-sa-to
ku-ro., (KN ku-roa-jo)
ku-ru-me-no
ma-ri-ti-ii'i-jo
me-nu-wa
102
THE PERSONAL NAMES
me-ta-no (KN me-ta-no-re)
qo-te-ro
me-za-wo (PY me-za-wo-ni) ra-u-ra-ta (PY ra-wa-ra-ta)
mo-da
re-u-ka-ta
mo-go-so (PY mo-go-so-jo)
re-wa-jo (PY re-wa-o)
na-e-si-jo
ri-so-wa
na-pu-ti-jo
ri-zo
o-na-se-u
ru-ro
pa-na-re-jo
sa-mu-ta-jo
pa-pa-ro
ta-we-si-jo (PY ta-we-si-jo-jo)
pa-ra-ko
te-pdo-ja (fern.)
pa-iva-wo
te-u-to
pe-po-ro
te-wa-jo
pe-qe-u
ti-pa.2-jo
pe-re-wa-ta
wa-na-ta-jo
pe-ri-te-u
we-we-si-jo
pi-ra-me-no
wo-di-je-ja (fern.)
po-ro-ko
wo-di-jo
po-ro-u-te-u
zo-wi-jo
po-ru-da-si-jo (?)
Pylos and Mycenae
i-na-o
o-pe-ra-no (MY o-pe-ra-no-re)
ka-sa-to
te-ra-wo (PY te-ra-wo-ne)
ke-re-no
Knossos and Mycenae
pe-se-ro (KN pe-se-ro-jo)
pu-wo
Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae
ka-ri-se-u
Knossos and Thebes
a-nu-to
ta-de-so
e-u-da-mo
Knossos, Pylos and Thebes
e-wa-ko-ro (PY e-u-wa-ko-ro)
Knossos and Eleusis
du-pUo^ -ra-zo (EL da-pu.,^-ra-zo)
4. HOMERIC PARALLELS
Among the personal names are a fair number which recall names familiar
from Homer. The list appended enumerates fifty-eight, which, making due
allowance for the spelling conventions and difference of dialect, may be equated
with Homeric names. Not all of these may be correctly identified; but at least
the majority are likely to be right. And to these may be added a further list
of similar but not identical names. The root of the name may be the same but
103
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
with a different suffix: e.g. a-pi-jo-to (gen.), cf. ’Aiacpfcov, ’Au9iovos; o-wi-ro,
cf. ’OiAeus; i-ke-ta = Hiketds, cf. 'iKerdcov. There may be a difference of gender:
e.g. i-do-me-ne-ja, feminine of MSoneveus (see p. 89). Or the word may occur
in Homer, but not as a personal name: e.g. na-pu-ti-jo = Ndputios (vnmmos) ;
i-wa-so (also a place-name), cf. "laaov "Apyos {Od. xviii, 246).
None of the names can be plausibly identified with any historical character
named by Homer; the name of Nestor is absent as well as that of Minos.
Kretheus and Amythaon are figures in Pylian history, but the owners of these
names on the tablets are hardly of sufficient importance to allow identification,
even if the chronology were acceptable. The duplication of names (see p. 102)
suggests that there was a comparatively limited range of names in use in
Mycenaean times, and when Homer gives the same name to more than one
character, his invention is not necessarily to be judged barren. The evidence
that famous names such as Hector and Achilles (the latter found at both
Knossos and Pylos) might be borne by a number of men — some of humble
rank, for the former is theoio doelos— throws a new light on the attempts at identi-
fying Achaean names in the Hittite documents. Our suggestion {Evidence,
p. 95) that these names confirmed the view that the myths were already current
has been rightly criticized by Banti (1954, p. 310) and others.
It is remarkable that this list includes twenty men who are named by Homer
as Trojans or fighting on the Trojan side : Agelaos, Antenor, Aretaon, Deukalion
Eumedes, Glaukos, Hektor, Ilos, Laodokos, Lykon, Pandaros, Pedaios, Pedasos,
Perimos, Phegeus, Phylakos, Pyrasos, Pyris, Tros, Xanthos. Two of these names
are also given to Greeks. A discussion of the conclusions to be drawn from this
fact lies beyond the scope of this book ; but twenty out of fifty-eight is a sig-
nificant proportion. There is also a group of names which may be termed
mythical, i.e. not given to real persons in the story of the poems : Aiaie, Aloeus,
Ephialtes, Iphimedeia, Kastor, Tantalos. Two names, if the second is correctly
interpreted, are those of Phaiakians: Amphialos, Ponteus.
jSames which can be exactly paralleled in Homer
ai-ku-pi-ti-jo Aiyuimos
ai-ti-jo-qo AiOicy (only as ethnic)
ai-to Ai6cov
ai-wa Alas
ai-wa-ja AiaiT]
a-ke-ra-vuo ’AyAaos, ’AyeAscos
a-ki-re-u ’AyiAAEUs
a-ko-to 'Aktcop
a-mu-ta-wo ’AMuGdcov
a-pa-re-u ’A 9 apEus
a-pi-a.,-ro ’Ap 9 iaAos
a-pi-ja-re-ivo ’Aii9idpaos (’Aii9i6:prios
Pindar)
a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo ’AAEKTpucov
a-re-ta-wo ’ApETdcov
a-ro-je-u 'AAcoeus
a-ta-no Avrrivcop
de-u-ka-ri-jo AEUKaAi'cov
104
THE PERSONAL NAMES
e-ko-to "Ektcop
e-pe-ke-u ’ETrsiysus
e-pi-ja-ta ’EpidAxTis
e-ta-wo-ne-u ’Etscoveus
e-u-me-de Euijn]6r|s
e-u-na-wo EOvrios
e-u-ru-qo-ta Eupuj3dTr)s
i-pe-me-de-ja ’IcpipeBeia
ka-ra-u-ko TAocOkos
ka-ro-qo XdpOTTOS, Xdpoiy
ka-sa-to IdvSos
ka-to (gen. ka-to-ro) KdaTcop
ke-re-te-u Kpri6£us
ko-pe-re-u KoirpEus
ku-ru-me-no KAupEvos
ma-ka-wo Maydcov
ne-ri-to NfipiTos
o-re-ta ’OpEcrr-ns
pa-di-jo TTccvSicov
pa^-da-ro TTdvSapos
pa^-da-so FlfiBaaos
pe-da-i-o rTi^Saios
pe-ke-u OrjyEus
pe-ri-me-de rfEpipfiSris
pe-ri-mo TTspipos
pe-ri-to-wo TTEipiOoos
po-ru-qo-ta HoAucpovTris
po-te-u TTovteus
pu-ra-ko cDuAockos
pu-ra-so TTupacros
pu-ri Oupis
ra-wo-do-ko Aa66oK05
re-u-ko-jo (gen.) AeOkos
ru-ki-jo Aukios (only as ethnic)
ru-ko Aukcov
ta-ta-ro TdvTaAog
te-se-u ©TiaEug
to-ro-o (gen.) Tpcog
tu-we-ta ©UEOTris
wi-pi-no-o ’Itpivoog
wi-ro ’^lAog, ’’Ipog
5. THE NAMES GIVEN TO OXEN
Furumark (1954, pp. 28-9) drew attention to a group of Knossos Ch tablets
on which pairs of animals are given names (see p. 213). The ideogram which
Furumark took to be horse is now identified as ox (see p. 195), and we have
therefore the names given by the Greeks of Mycenaean Crete to several yokes
of their oxen. Only horses have names in Homer; but we need not doubt
that the Mycenaean ploughman had names for his oxen. Significantly all the
names appear to be Greek: ai-wo-ro = Aiwolos (aioAos), ke-ra-no (xsAaivos),
\ko'\-so-u-to (^ou 96 s, also as a man’s name), po-da-ko (TToSapyos, a name given
to two horses in Homer), to-ma-ko (cTTopapyos), wo-no-qo-so= Woinoq^s (oTvo'4',
an epithet of oxen as well as the sea in Homer) .
105
CHAPTER V
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
This chapter is intended to summarize the information which can be derived
both from the circumstances in which the tablets were written and from the
subject-matter that decipherment has revealed; and to supplement the picture
of Mycenaean life which had been drawn from the purely archaeological
evidence (see especially \Vace, 1949, pp. 102-18) . It inevitably repeats, though
in a more synoptic form, many of the observations and conclusions in the
commentary to Part II of this book, where the text of the key tablets quoted in
evidence will be found.
Even before decipherment, a study of the more pictorial ideograms enabled
a summary of the apparent contents of the Knossos tablets to be included in
PM, IV (pp. 666-872) and SM II (pp. 50-62). Following our JHS 1953
article, valuable surveys of the picture resulting from the then published
Mycenaean tablets were made by Furumark (1954), Carratelli (1954 a) and
others.
Similar summaries, based on more complex but more certainly interpreted
material, have been published for the Akkadian tablets from the Hurrian
palaces at Nuzi (‘ Epigraphical evidences of the material culture of the Nuzians ’,
Lacheman, 1939) and at Alalakh (Wiseman, 1953, pp. 1-17). Together with
the alphabetic and cuneiform tablets from Ugarit (published piecemeal by
Virolleaud in Syria, and to be re-edited in the forthcoming definitive volumes
on Ugarit), these contemporary records present the most useful and significant
analogies with the Mycenaean tablets, and will often be found quoted in our
commentary. In spite of some differences in climate and culture, the simi-
larities in the size and organization of the royal palaces and in the purposes
for which the tablets were written ensure close parallels, not only in the listed
commodities and their amounts, but even on occasion in details of phraseology^
and layout. Some direct knowledge of each other’s scribal methods, through
the medium of Mycenaean traders, cannot be entirely ruled out. Some earlier
cuneiform sets may also provide useful material for comparison, particularly
the Akkadian tablets from Ur of the third dynasty (Legrain, 1947) ^^d of the
Old Babylonian period (Figulla & Martin, 1953). Conspicuously absent from
the Mycenaean records are the contracts of sale, loan, exchange and marriage
106
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
common in the other sets : this may argue a difference either in the judicial
function of the king or in the materials on which such things were recorded.
No apology is needed for quoting Homeric parallels to the linguistic forms on
the Mycenaean tablets : in spite of the relatively late date of our written texts,
the Iliad and Odyssey may for the most part be safely taken as our earliest
evidence for the classical language, and some of the features of our Mycenaean
dialect are preserved by them alone.
But how far may we be justified in quoting from Homer material parallels
to the subject-matter of our tablets? A full answer would require a discussion
of the sources, composition and transmission of the epics for which we have
neither space nor qualifications; but the reasonable view exemplified by
Lorimer (1950) would impose a considerable degree of restraint. Although
the substance of the Iliad and Odyssey is derived from a real historical setting
in the Mycenaean age by a continuous tradition of retelling, the detail and
simile in their final elaboration are for the most part taken from the material
culture and institutions of the eighth century b.c. — -except where anachronism
would clearly offend a generally-remembered tradition (e.g. of bronze weapons,
of the absence of Dorians or cavalry', and of the geographical extent of Greek
settlement as reflected in the Catalogue of Ships) . Some allusions to Mycenaean
articles or institutions may be preseiA'ed in set phrases which the metre makes
difficult to modify; and a very^ few more detailed memories may have been
preserved embedded ‘in the amber of traditional poetry’, such as the descrip-
tions of the boar’s tusk helmet, of the metal inlay on Achilles’ shield, and of
Nestor’s cup (though the last is denied by Furumark).
But even if we can find few specifically Mycenaean things in Homer, there
are inevitably broad similarities between the activities of the Greeks for whom
our tablets were written and the life which he and his audience, looking at the
world around them, thought it reasonable that their ancestors should have led.
The fact that this testimony is linked by an identity of climate and geography,
and by continuity of history and race, to some extent annuls the priority^ which
the Ugarit, Alalakh and Nuzi evidence might claim on account of its closeness
of date.
It is extremely improbable that any'^ distinctive passage of the Iliad or Odyssey,
in the form in which we now kno^v them, should already" have been composed
in Mycenaean times : in fact a large proportion of their lines will no longer fit
the metre when retrospective allowance has been made for the intervening
linguistic changes (though this is no argument against the intrinsic suitability' of
the hexameter as a vehicle for the earlier dialect). But both epics clearly
derive from an earlier and wider repertoire, in which familiar themes were
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
elaborated by extemporization, plagiarism or deliberate innovation, and with
the aid of stock formulae and stereotyped devices for articulating the narrative ;
and they preserve some evidence of an earlier stage in which the native dialect
of the rhapsodes was not Ionic but Aeolic or ‘Achaean’. It is reasonable to
suppose with Lorimer (1950, pp, 453-8) that similar poems in Greek, and
probably in hexameters, were already being recited at Knossos, Pylos and
Mycenae. Some of Homer’s connective formulae may already have been
indispensable in their Mycenaean forms, e.g. 96:70, tco 5 e . . . or *t6v 5 ’
crrrapeiy'^opevos Troo'i9a, etc.; we should perhaps not be surprised to find that
some repetitive lines already existed in their entirety, let us say:
*6ua6T6 k"’ dfsAios OKijdovTO K"e TTCtvaai dyuiai.
Resistance to the idea of a developed Mycenaean poetry may well spring from
a feeling that a form of Greek of such antiquity would not, like Homer, possess
adequate resources of vocabulary compounds, connective particles, syntax
patterns and inflexional forms. There is little basis for this prejudice, easy
though it is to understand. In the language of everyday life, on which every
literary style must ultimately be based, there is no reason to suppose that the
men of Pylos and Mycenae were less articulate than their descendants of
Socrates’ time or our own ; and the example of Anglo-Saxon poetry reminds
us that the Indo-European languages have, with the passage of time and in
areas of higher culture, tended to a progressive simplification of their formal
resources rather than to their elaboration.
W e tread on more dangerous ground when we speculate with Wace whether
such Mycenaean epics may not already have been committed to writing, and
have survived part at least of the ‘dark age’ in a Linear B edition; or with
^Vebster (1955, p. ii) on the possibility that the scribes of the tablets were
themselves the aoidoi of our period. He draws attention to the dactylic rhythm
of the preambles to 4 1 = An 1 4 and 5 3 = An 1 2 ; and finds an echo of the catalogue
style of the ‘furniture’ and ‘chariot’ tablets ( 235 - 246 , 265 - 277 ) in such
passages as Od. vi, 69-70:
dTTf)vr|v
uyriAfiv eukukAov, uirEpTEpii] ctpapulav,
and Od. v, 234-5:
tteAekuv HEyav, dpiisvov ev -rraAdiiT^CTi,
XdAKEOV, dp9OT£pC06EV OCKOCXPEVOV.
Apart from such aberrant examples of literary' description, it is difficult to
find close parallels in alphabetic Greek to the context and phraseology of the
108
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
Mycenaean accounts except in some of the Attic temple inventories and in the
papyri of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. But in the effort to form a more
precise picture of the transactions and administrative problems which give rise
to the different groups of tablets and their formulae, there may well be other
sets of records, further removed geographically but still in some respects closer
to the tempo of Mycenaean civilization than to that of our own, which we
should not neglect in the search for helpful analogies.
1. THE EXTENT OF MYCENAEAN LITERACY
Apart from some fifty inscriptions on jars (nearly all from Thebes and Tiryns)
and one indistinct wall-graffito at Knossos, since destroyed {SMI, p. 51, fig. 27),
all the surviving examples of Mycenaean writing are on clay tablets and sealings,
and consist exclusively of lists of commodities and personnel. The clay docu-
ments were not baked by the scribes, but have been preserved by the fires which
destroyed the various buildings in which they were kept. Though it is evident
that very many more clay tablets must have been written than have been
accidentally preserved, opinion is divided on the possible use of more perishable
materials for literary purposes, and on the extent of Mycenaean literacy outside
a narrow class of scribes serving the royal palaces. The following points have
been cited in favour of an extensive knowledge of writing :
1. The tablets found in the three adjoining houses below the citadel at
Mycenae appear to be the records of private citizens, probably merchants
(Wace, 1953^).
2. ‘The inscriptions on stirrup-jars presumably mean that more persons
than the upper and middle classes could read and write: it would obviously
be no use to inscribe stirrup-jars if only a few persons could read what was
written on them’ {ibid. p. 426).
3 . F rom an analysis of handwriting, perhaps still questionable in some details
but unassailable in principle, Bennett has shown that at least six scribes wrote
the tablets in the Mycenae ‘ House of the Oil Merchant ’ ; and that more than
thirty were responsible for each of the Pylos and Knossos sets, in some cases
a particular scribe being associated with a single kind of record {AIT I, 1953,
p. 438).
4. The shapes of the Linear A and B signs suggest that they were not
designed primarily for scratching on clay but for writing in ink on skins or
papyrus (compare, too, Pliny’s note that the Cretans had originally written
on palm-leaves, NH, xiii, 69) . The use of clay for store-room inventories was
probably a protection against mice. Many of the Minoan clay sealings have
109
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the impression of thin strings, perhaps securing papyrus, on one face; and clay
sealings from the 1948 excavation at Sklavokampos near Knossos show im-
pressions from identical seal-stones as sealings found at Agia Triada, Gournia
and Zakro, proving an exchange of correspondence between these sites
(Marinates, 1951). The same function is assigned by Evans {SAI I, p. 50) to
the very numerous LAI II sealings from the ‘ Room of the Archives ’ at Knossos
(Aon fig. 13, p. 1 15).
Linear B is not intrinsically unsuited to a literary use (at least by comparison
with some of the contemporary scripts), and it is plausible that letters and
merchants’ accounts should have been written in it; but there are a number of
points in favour of Dow’s view of a restricted or ‘special’ literacy (1954,
pp. 108-13, 120-2):
1 . There is so far a more or less complete absence of styluses, pens and ink-
pots from the archaeological record.
2. The script is never used publicly (like the Egyptian hieroglyphs and most
ancient scripts) for descriptive texts to wall paintings or for monumental
inscriptions of any kind. The number of inscribed stirrup-jars is very small
compared with the vast numbers which have no trace of writing, and which
include all those found as exports. 'Written inventories are a necessary pre-
caution against theft, but poetry, liturgies and laws can be preserved orally,
3. It cannot yet be shown conclusively that the three Mycenae buildings
really are the houses of private citizens, rather than appendages of the royal
administration like the ‘Armoury’ and ‘Little Palace’ at Knossos. The mention
of ‘seventeen bakers’ on 46 = Aul 02 arouses some suspicion.
4. If the break caused by the ‘ Dorian invasion ’ is as gentle as Wace argues,
then the art of writing, which then to all intents and purposes disappears,
cannot have been at all deeply rooted.
5. The almost identical sign-forms, spelling, phraseology and tablet shape
and arrangement shown at Knossos, Pylos and Alycenae (despite considerable
differences in date and place) may themselves show that writing was the
preserve of specialists trained in a rigidly conservative scribal school.
2. BUREAUCRATIC METHODS
Alany of the details of this fixed scribal routine have already been discussed
by Evans and Bennett. The tablets were made from a plastic grey clay, which
now appears dark grey, brown or red according to the temperature and oxygen
supply of the fire which baked them; sometimes a body of coarser stuff was
surfaced all over with a finer clay, now particularly liable to flake off. The
1 10
l( ) 270 = S(l()4()2 from the ‘Arsenal' al Kiiossns
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
writing was done from left to right with a drawing motion (not jabbing or
pressing) with the fine point of a stylus; its passage raises an edge and enables
the order of making the strokes in each sign to be determined. The scribe or
his assistant shaped the tablets on a flat surface, shortly before use, to the size
and proportion to suit the expected length and nature of the record. The
variety of sizes shows that a template was not used. The front of the tablet is
generally a true flat surface, while the back is more domed and often bears
traces of hand- and fingerprints. There are two basic shapes of tablet (see the
frontispiece) ;
1. The more frequent 'palm-leaf^ type, of the approximate proportions of
a modern cheque-book, with rounded, pointed or square-cut ends ; at Knossos
often reinforced by a string down the middle. This was used to record a single
transaction, particularly of the kind which was afterwards intended to be re-
copied on to a larger summary tablet (e.g. Pylos 132 = Eb818 which reappears
as the first line of 131 =Ep01). Many of the ‘palm-leaves’ have only a single
line of writing. Others, after an introductory proper name in large letters,
are divided by a longitudinal cross-line to allow for a more complex entry
(e.g. Knossos 66 = Del 129). A small number of tablets, where a single trans-
action requires a long description or includes different sub-headings, are
divided by one or more horizontal cross-lines from end to end, and the writing
is all of the same size (e.g. Pylos 236 =Ta641) : these can be regarded as inter-
mediate in shape between the ‘ palm-leaf’ and the second basic shape :
2. The rectangular ^ page' type, longer than wide and divided over its entire
surface by horizontal cross-lines, drawn free-hand approximately i o mm. apart.
This shape was used particularly for long lists of personnel and rations, for
transactions involving a number of different commodities, and for summaries
of a number of separate ‘palm-leaves’. The second letter of Bennett’s prefix
(at Pylos and Mycenae only) indicates the shape of the tablet: a-m are ‘palm-
leaves’, n-z are ‘pages’.
The writing on the tablets is generally punctuated into a number of suffi-
ciently distinct sections by the commodity ideograms and numbers, which
mostly occur at the end of a line ; but on the few tablets which have no written
ideograms and are written entirely in a continuous ‘literary’ form (e.g. 244 =
Ta714) there is no indication whatever of commas and full stops. Frequently
a secondary annotation immediately before the ideogram is written in smaller
script than the rest of the tablet, and this change of letter-size, indicated as / in
transcription, can generally be expressed as punctuation in translation. AVhere
the entry is too long for the space allowed by the scribe on a ‘palm-leaf’ or
between two cross-lines of a ‘page’, he continues the text above the first part:
III
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
consequently the mechanical transcription of a Mycenaean text does not
always indicate the correct order of reading (e.g. on the Knossos ‘chariot’
tablets, see fig. 2).
Between ‘ paragraphs ’ and before totals, but not after the frequently intro-
ductory sentence of the first line, the text is generally spaced by leaving one
line vacant. Where several lines are left vacant (as on 172 = Kn02 or 207 =
V 280) some special reason must be sought. The use of o-da-a ^ . . . (probably
‘and in the following way’) to introduce a new paragraph is so far confined
to Pylos.
Sometimes, as on the Pylos Jn- tablets ( 253 - 257 ), two paragraphs have been
separated before or after writing by cutting the tablet along one of the hori-
zontal cross-lines. On two Mycenae tablets, Oel 17 and Oel20, W’^ace suggests
that the top line may have been deliberately broken off when the clay was dry
as a kind of counterfoil, but this is uncertain in view of a possible tendency
of the tablets to fracture accidentally along the cross-lines.
Where necessary the writing is continued on the back, the tablet being turned
over in our own sideways fashion, not top-to-bottom as at Enkomi and in
Mesopotamia. The front and back must have been written within a few hours
of each other, before the clay became too dry to take writing cleanly : the same
applies to erasures, corrections, additions and the use of x as an apparent
check-mark to additions and subtractions (though on PY Cn04 this is stated
to have been scratched on when the clay was dry, like line 8 of An24).
Nevertheless, the connexion between the front and back of some tablets is
obscure, as for example on Mycenae 234 = Ue61 1 and particularly Mycenae
OelOG, whose reverse has the drawing of a standing man. Wace (19536, p. 425)
explains this, perhaps not quite conclusively, as the trial sketch of a fresco-
painter; and suggests that not only artists but also architects may have used
clay tablets in designing. Knossos 1720 {SM II, pi. xviii) certainly looks like
a ‘seal-engraver’s sketch’.
The comparatively rare examples of writing on the edge of a tablet were
explained by Evans {SM I, p. 45) as a ready indication of its contents when
‘stacked like books on a modern shelf’. In most cases, however, it contains
a total or afterthought which could not be accommodated elsewhere on the
tablet, and does not appear to be of any possible help in picking out a particular
document from the files.
From the analog>^ of other contemporary^ tablets, we may expect that the
scribe was called upon both to catalogue commodities and personnel arriving
at the palace, and to record those sent out or assigned to particular purposes;
and in addition, perhaps, to inventory' the state of a particular store-room or
112
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
labour group at a given time. In some cases we are helped by an explicit
description, as in introductory sentences like ‘ Olive oil which Kokalos delivered
to Eumedes ’ (Pylos Gnl 184) , ‘ Contributions by the wood-cutters to the work-
shops ’ (252=Vn06), ‘Contributions of bronze for arrows and spears’ (257 =
Jn09), ‘Oarsmen to go to Pleuron’ (53 =Anl2), or ‘Smiths receiving an alloca-
tion of bronze’ (253 =Jn01). In other cases, where the tablet merely contains
lists of proper names and ideograms, it may be a matter of guesswork for us
to determine whether the tablet records receipt or dispatch.
Where place-names occur with large amounts of agricultural staples, we
may suspect that these represent actual or expected tribute to the palace ; but
when men’s names are listed in the dative with small amounts of the same
commodities, they are probably the recipients of rations from the palace. The
lists of chariots, tripods, furniture and garments (see chs. x-xi) can be inter-
preted in different ways.
On some tablets listing miscellaneous persons and commodities (e.g. 41 —
Anl4, 234 = Ue61 1 ) the relationship between the items and the order in which
they are presented are now very difficult to explain. With these may be com-
pared such Ugarit tablets as RS 11.799: ‘The merchandise to Ybnn: 4200
measures of oil, 600 of perfumed oil, 2 talents of iron, 1 00 tesrm trees, 30 almuggim
trees, 50 talents of reeds, 2 talents of brr, 2 talents of perfume, 20 olive trees,
40 shekels of oil of myrrh.’ Virolleaud comments ( 1940 , p. 274 ): ‘L’ordre
suivant lequel sont enumeres ces differents produits parait assez surprenant,
et surtout I’alternance des objets volumineux ou nombreux avec des parfums
subtils ne pesant que quelques grammes. S’il apparait difficile aujourd’hui de
se rendre compte de la suite des idees et des faits, quand on est en presence
d’un document aussi concret que celui-la, on ne saurait s’etonner d’eprouver
tant de peine a relier les unes aux autres les idees ou les images qui se trouvent
notees — indiquees plutot qu’exprimees ou decrites — dans les compositions
poetiques de Ras Shamra.’ This admission may warn us against the assump-
tion that a Mycenaean literary text, if we were lucky enough to unearth one,
might necessarily prove easier to interpret than the present tablets.
Since the palace revenue is presumably derived largely from feudal dues and
from foreign conquest, monetary or other media of exchange do not play any
significant part in the records. ^Ve have not yet been able to identify any
payments in silver or gold for services rendered, such as occur at Alalakh
(\Viseman, 1953 , pp. 101 - 3 ): and the Mycenae tablets, if they really are
merchants’ accounts, do not give any clear indication of the medium of ex-
change by which business was transacted (see 105 = Ce602).
A few of the tablets are introduced by the formula ‘ In the month of So-and-
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
so’ (e.g. 200 = Fpl and 207 =V 280 at Knossos, and perhaps 167 = Es650 and
172 = Kn02 at Pylos) : this exceptional dating is probably intended as a check
on the fulfilment of a prescribed ritual rather than as a normal aid to the
economic administration of the palace. The known Knossos month names,
which include one striking correspondence with the classical Arcadian calendar,
are listed on p. 304. No other dating, either by month, by year or by eponym,
can be discerned: its absence is probably due to the seasonal nature of the
tablets, which were pulped at intervals of a year or less (possibly after sum-
marizing on papyrus or some other material) . A characteristic feature, recurring
on all types of Mycenaean tablet, is the secondary entry introduced by 0 or
o-pe-ro, representing the amount which is missing from the consignment or
nominal roll compared with the numbers expected. On the Pylos Ma- tablets
(e.g. 179 ) figures are given for the pe-ru-si-nu-wo o-pe-ro, ‘amount owing last
year’ or ‘from last year’, which again suggests the annual nature of the
records. There is a reference to toto wetos ‘this year’ on 43 = Sn01, and to
hateron wetos ‘next year’ on 178 = Mal3.
After writing, the tablets were dried (not baked) and then generally filed
away in boxes of gypsum or wood, or in wicker baskets, and stacked on shelves
in rooms set aside for the purpose. The boxes and baskets were secured with
cord and sealed with prismatic lumps of clay impressed with seal-stones and
inscribed with personal names or with a reference to the itemized commodities.
The name of the responsible scribe, which never seems to occur on the tablets
themselves, may sometimes have been recorded here. Similar sealings were
used to secure actual stores, like the wooden boxes of arrows found in the
Knossos ‘Armoury’ {PM, iv, p. 617, see 264 = Ws 1704).
The Knossos tablets were found scattered over a wide area. The main
find-spots are indicated on the key plan of the palace (fig. 1 3) by the letters
A to 0^, which will be added to the tablet headings in Part II :
A. Clay ‘bath’ in room near the south-west corner of the Central Court.
B. ‘Deposit of the chariot tablets’, in a closet under the small staircase north-east of
the South Propylaea.
C. Room of the Column-bases = Lobby of the Stone Seat.
D. Magazine of the Vase Tablets, and further side of wall to south.
E. Third and fourth West Magazines, and the south end of the Long Corridor.
F. Eighth to twelfth Magazines, and the middle of the Long Corridor.
G. Fifteenth Magazine, and the north end of the Long Corridor.
H. Near the Corridor of the Stone Basin.
I. Room of the Saffron-gatherer Fresco.
J. Room of the Ceiling Spirals.
K. Northern Entrance Passage, adjoining the Bull Relief.
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
L. Upper East-west Corridor, in the Domestic Quarter.
M. Corridor of the Sword Tablets.
From above the Room of the Plaster Couch and the Queen’s Bathroom.
O. West Court, outside the west wall of the Magazines.
P. Basement of the ‘Arsenal’ building, north-west of the palace.
Q. The Little Palace, on the other side of the modern road.
R. ‘ Hieroglyphic ’ deposit under staircase at the north end of the Long Corridor.
Fig. 13. Diagrammatic plan of the palace at Knossos.
No great reliance should be placed on the detailed attributions: it is clear
that Evans’ noting of find-spots, never entirely complete or consistent, has
become further confused in the editing and printing of SM 11. For example
231 =K 872, which is stated by Evans to be part of the ‘Deposit of Vase
Tablets’ at D {PM, iv, p. 729), is assigned in SM II to K. This tablet was
believed by Evans to have been specially baked, and was attributed, apparently
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
from the style of the vessels represented, to the ‘earlier stages of the Last
Palace Period’, or LM Ib. The ‘sword’ tablets from M were first assigned to
the LM III a period of reoccupation after the destruction, from the shape of
the weapons [SM I, p. 55, corrected in PM, iv, p. 854). But Myres is probably
right in regarding the tablets as the record of little more than the last year
before the destruction.
Propylon
Fig. 14. Key plan of the palace at Pylos abased on the sun,-ey by Theocharis, 1954).
The only tablets found in situ were at B, a small ground floor chamber with
the appearance of a bureau or office: the rectangular space at the back of
which the shelves for the tablets had probably stood was cut off from the
entrance by a bench. In all other cases Evans considered that the tablets had
fallen into their present positions from an upper storey during the collapse
and decay of the palace, as shown by the stratification of the floor structures :
this also applies to the tablets found in the bath-shaped receptable at A
1 16
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
{PM, IV, p. 668). Considerable lateral drift may also have to be taken into
account. Evans suggests that some tablets may even have fallen from a roof-
terrace, where they were being dried at the time of the catastrophe {ibid.
p. 669).
Many of the find-spots show mixed groups of different contexts, but there
are consistent series dealing with ritual offerings of oil at A, with chariots and
horses at B, with vases and honey offerings at D, with condiments at E, with
women and children at F, with textiles at i^’and G, with livestock and wool at K
and L, with swords at M, and with chariots, wheels and arrows at P. Remains
of gypsum chests were found at D, F and K, and of wooden boxes at A and
With few exceptions the Pylos tablets probably represent the contents of the
Archive Room at the time of its destruction. This small chamber (.472 on fig. 14)
has a raised bench running round three sides, and was probably linked by
a doorway to the main gate of the palace (Blegen, 1955, p. 34). This location,
very convenient for the supervision of incoming and outgoing goods and
personnel, recalls the introduction to some of the Nuzi tablets: ‘Written at
the door of the palace gate ’ (Lacheman, 1939, p. 530) . A considerable number
of the tablets had found their way from the Archive Room into its annex and
other adjoining spaces during the sack and disintegration of the palace and
as the result of more recent stone-robbing. Tablets evidently derived from other
offices, probably on an upper floor, include 238 =Tn 996 (found in Pantry 4
in 1953) and fifteen red pieces recovered in the IMegaron in 1952. The tablets
found in the three Mycenae houses had all fallen into the basements from an
upper floor, possibly two storeys higher (Wace, 1953^, p. 423).
3. MYCENAEAN ARITHMETIC
It is difficult to gauge the limits of the Mycenaean Greeks’ mathematical
ability from the tablets, since we do not possess (as we do from Egypt and
Babylonia) any texts of a deliberately scientific or didactic nature; but there
are no grounds for supposing that they lagged far behind their neighbours in
the ability to use reasonably effective techniques of arithmetic and mensuration
for the everyday purposes of palace economy, trade and building operations.
It is unreasonable of Dow (1954, p. 123) to criticize them for not adopting
a duodecimal or sexagesimal system of numeration, which is naturally alien
to speakers of an Indo-European language (and to most men with ten fingers
and toes) : its ponderous, and by no means exclusive, use in Mesopotamia
appears to be due to various accidents in the evolution of local weights and
measures rather than to any theoretical advantages in operation (Lewy, 1949).
117
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
And it is absurd to expect them to anticipate the binary system used in modern
electronic calculating machines (Dow, 1954, p. 124). He goes on to say:
‘ The Minoan system is so cumbrous that multiplication or division in it would
be as difficult as in the Roman, or more so. ^Ve may reasonably conclude
that the Minoans had no “ mathematics ’ ’ much beyond the sort preserved to us . ’
But it is dangerous to deduce from a certain clumsiness in expressing numbers
on paper that more complex mathematical operations were in fact impossible ;
it is sufficient to recall the very' elaborate mathematical reference tables used
in Babylonia, with which the inherent difficulties of sexagesimal mental arith-
metic were circumvented.
Many of the Mycenaean tablets contain a total derived by simple addition
from the separate items of the list, or a subtraction to show the amount
‘missing’ by comparison with the expected contribution. These operations
may be either in units, as in lists of men and women (e.g. 38 =Asl 516 ,
39 = As1517), or in weights and measures which, as described on pp. 53-5, are
subdivided in heterogeneous ratios like our £. s. d. and tons cwt. lb. oz. Pylos
tablet Jn 845 , for example, lists eight smiths each of whom receives i 14 2 of
bronze, which is totalled in line 8 as ‘so much bronze: i 12 ’. Similar summa-
tions of liquid measure are found on 200 = Fpl and 93 =Fol 01 , and of dry'
measure on F 51 . That the items and totals sometimes do not agree (as on
255 =Jn 658 ) must be attributed to lapses or uncorrected afterthoughts by the
scribe, rather than to any theoretical inability to carry out the operation.
Similar afterthought or incomplete erasure is generally responsible for
anomalies in the order of writing the tens and digits ; for cases where the tens
or digits exceed 9 (e.g. Knossos Gg 711 rev.) ; and for entries where the scribe
quotes an excessive number of units of a weight or measure which should
properly have been reduced to the higher unit (e.g. ^ 3 on F 452 ). Bennett
{Index, p. 1 1 7) quotes six examples of ‘tallydng’, i.e. the use of a tablet or part
of a tablet for a rough totting-up of units prior to the final writing-in of the
total. Pylos Eq 03 rev. shows a tallying by groups of 5 digits, eventually reduced
to a total of 137. Knossos C 162 , which totals sheep and pigs, contains sur-
prising number groups in which hundreds, tens and digits are all in excess of 9,
and appears to have been used several times over as rough working in carry'ing
out the addition.
A more advanced calculation is shown by the Pylos Ma- tablets (see
pp. 289-95), where a number of townships are put down for a contribution of
six different commodities, mostly so far unidentified. The scale of the total
contribution varies for each town, but the mutual proportions of the sLx com-
modities remain constant at 7:7:2:3:14:150. The variation from the ideal
118
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
values seldom exceeds i -o, and it is generally due to the levelling of resulting
fractions: it is clear that the Mycenaean administrator was quite capable of
determining the correct answers to such an exercise in proportion. The Ma-
tablets are of further interest in the operation of addition and subtraction by
which the actual amounts delivered of these six commodities are compared
with the stipulated contribution. Three other tablets (75 = Cn 02 , 250 = Vn 01
and Vn 05 ) list contributions of a single commodity against nine of the same
series of townships, and while not exactly proportional they conform to the
same order of size as in the Ma- tablets. We may suppose that these townships
were arranged, for the purposes of taxation, in a conventional order of size
and importance.
A similar parallelism in the relative sizes of the entries, not governed by
exact ratios, is shown by the Pylos Es- series (see pp. 275-80). The Knossos
Me- tablets (see p. 301), of which all but ii are very fragmentary, contain
lists of four commodities, one of which Evans identified as the horns of agrimi
goats for making composite bows. Their amounts conform, with rather wider
variations than on the Pylos Ma- tablets, to a ratio of 5 : 3 : 2 : 4.
A large number of the Knossos ‘sheep’ tablets list flocks whose totals are
exactly 50, lOO, 150, 200 or 300. These animals are subdivided into various
categories, the main distinction being that of sex; where their irregular numbers
do not add up to the exact ‘ hecatomb ’ total, the appropriate deficit is stated
to be ‘missing’. A further complication is shown by the Knossos Dl- series
(73-74), where in addition a quantity of wool is recorded, whose stipulated
weight in i units is equal to ^ of the number of sheep. On the Dk- series,
however (71-72), which record rams alone, the proportion of wool is always
J of the number of sheep.
The Pylos Ab- series of tablets contain a long list of varying groups of women,
girls and boys, together with their monthly (?) ration in grain and figs. Their
minimum rate seems to be T 2 per woman and T i per child (see p. 157),
but in most cases their total allocation is in excess of this figure. The lack of an
exact and constant proportion is evidently due, not to the mathematical in-
competence of the scribe, but to various unknown factors in the ages and
circumstances of the different groups.
4. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
The frequent qualification of people by occupational names makes it possible
to draw some general deductions about the structure of society in a Mycenaean
kingdom; further work will no doubt extend and correct the picture offered
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
here. Most of the evidence comes from Pylos, but many of the important
words recur at Knossos, and there is no indication that the social structure
was significantly different. The absence of any palace records from Mycenae
excludes any deductions about that kingdom, though there seems no reason
to assume that Pylos was exceptional. The apparent differences between the
Mycenaean and Homeric patterns are explicable in terms of the Homeric
question (see p. 107).
A monarchical system of government is proved for both Knossos and Pylos
by references to the king (wanax) ; the absence of any further qualification
shows that the state knew one king only. The suggestion of Palmer (1954^,
p. 37) that he was a priest-king is likely enough on archaeological as well as
comparative grounds ; but that his power was temporal as well as spiritual is
guaranteed by the elaborate records of his civil service. A number of trades-
men — a potter, a fuller and an armourer (?) — are referred to as ‘royal’
[wanakteros) , and the same word in a doubtful context on ajar from Thebes
seems at least to prove the existence of another kingdom there. The king is
never referred to by name and title at once, though he may be mentioned by
name alone : Ekhelawon at Pylos is clearly a man of supreme importance, and
the precedence accorded him in 171 =Un 718 makes it almost certain that we
have here the first contemporarily attested Mycenaean monarch.
The Pylos distribution of Teph;q (152 = Er 01 ) ranks next to the king’s the
allocation of the Idwdgetds. His name is a known Greek compound, surviving
in verse in the form AoysTas, though apparently meaning only ‘leader’,
‘prince’, without the technical sense it must bear in Mycenaean. There is no
direct clue in the tablets to his peculiar function, but both the etymology and
the Teutonic parallels adduced by Palmer (1954^, pp. 35-6) suggest that he
was the military commander whose duty it was to lead the host in war. If the
Germanic parallel were exact (cf. Tacitus, Germania, 7), we might expect him
to be elected only in time of war ; and w^e may be sure from the military tablets
(ch. vi) that Pylos was at this time on a war footing. But he is also found at
Knossos, where so far there is no indication of preparations against an attack.
Compare §§ i, 22-4 of the autobiography of the Hittite king Hattusilis III:
‘But when my father Mursilis became a god, my brother Muw^atallis seated
himself on the throne of his father; and before the face of my brother I became
chief of the armed forces (en ki. kal.bad).’ Occupational names are also
qualified by the adjective Idwdgesios (e.g. PY 195 =Na 67 ).
The temenos list enumerates next some officials called te-re-ta, TsAsoTai, an
official title which survived in Elis down to the classical period. They are
assigned jointly the same amount of grain (land?) as the king, but it is divided
120
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
among three holders, so that the individual holdings are the same as that of
the Idwdgetds. Palmer (1954^, p. 39) equates the telestai with the Hittite
LU /r, A7 ‘ fief-holders ’ owing a special duty to the king, and contrasts them with
the ‘artisans’, whom he equates with the Homeric Sqpiospyol, a word not
found yet in the tablets, though ddmos is very common. Some sort of feudal
system of land tenure is certain (see p. 234) ; but Palmer’s view is open to objec-
tion, especially because of the newly published Pylos text 171 =Un718, where
the telestai seem to be equated with the ddmos. Considerable numbers of telestai
seem to be proved by the instance of 1 14 = En02, where the district Pa-ki-ja-
alone contains fourteen, and at Knossos by 47=Am826 where no less than
forty-five telestai of Aptara are mentioned. It is likely that the verb te-re-ja-e
{teleiaen?) expresses the function of the telestds, and since it is replaced in other
cases by wo-ze-e [worzeen) which seems to be the function of the ka-ma-e-u, it
probably indicates some kind of feudal service.
The ka-ma-e-u is plainly the holder of the land called ka-ma. The most
natural explanation of this is that it is the obsolete noun *xapd from which
the locative was formed, a conclusion supported by a Cretan gloss in
Hesychius. Its meaning, however, is more specialized and it denotes a par-
ticular kind of feudal holding (see p. 261). The men distinguished by this
title seem to be of humble status; they include a baker (?) and a ‘slave of the
god’.
A more important title is the e-qe-ta, heq^etds = kTxkxv\s. It is a rare word in
classieal Greek and seems to mean no more than ‘companion, follower’. But
Palmer (1954^, p. 51) is probably right in seeing in this word the equivalent
of the Homeric STalpos, and understanding it to mean ‘ companion of the king ’
like the late Latin comes and similar words in Celtic and Germanic. The proof
of their position emerges from the military tablets, where they are regularly
dignified by a patronymic, a rare distinction elsewhere. They seem to be
attached to bodies of troops in the capacity of staff officers ; possibly as liaison
officers representing the central authority, the command being in the hands
of the local lords. On the other hand they are occasionally mentioned in
contexts relating to land tenure (e.g. PY 55=An724, and 142=Eb32 where
one (or more) is coupled with the priestess, the key-bearers and a man called
We-te-re-u). They may have slaves (p. 258), and they have a distinctive kind of
garment (p. 317).
In addition to these we find also a number of officials who appear to be
confined to outlying regions. We do not find them associated with Pylos or
Knossos, but with subordinate towns. The title pa^-si-re-u is clearly to be con-
nected with the Homeric paoiAeus, who is not a king, but a kind of feudal lord.
121
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
master of his own territory but owning allegiance to the king. Carratelli ( 1 954 ,
p. 217 ) disagrees with this view (also expressed by Furumark, 1954 , p. 19 ) and
would see in these paoiAels religious functionaries like the cpuAopaaiAsIs. But
their association with the outlying towns is significant. They have a pa^-si-re-
wi-ja, probably ‘retinue’, less likely ‘palace’, and in KN 38=Asl516 it is
noteworthy that this term follows the place-name Se-to-i-ja and another name
{Phaistos?) lost in a lacuna, while the first section contains the heading Knosid
ldwdge{si)d, implying a parallel between the Idwdgetds at Knossos and the basileus
elsewhere.
The ke-ro-si-ja, geronsia = yepouCTia is perhaps the council of a basileus since
on PY 40=An22 this word is associated with a man who is elsewhere called
pa^-si-re-u. It is less certain whether the erased ke-ro-te in KN B 800 is gerontes,
and if so whether it should be connected as proposed by Carratelli ( 1954 ,
p. 217 ).
Another title which seems likewise to be provincial is mo-ro-pa^, probably
to be interpreted moroppds (Palmer: laoipoirds) ‘possessor of a portion, share-
holder’. His importance is vouched for by the fact that Klumenos who is
moroppds in PY 43=Sn01 is on 58 = An654 commander of a regiment. Their
regional location is to be inferred from a variety of indications : their presence
in the tribute list 258 = Kn01; the fact that Ka-do-wo moroppas of43=Sn01 is
elsewhere associated with the place-name Ma-ro- ; the entry on the same tablet
which shows that Klumenos was ko-re-te of the place I-te-re-wa.
Finally we hear of a local official called the ko-re-te, who seems to be a kind of
mayor (Furumark: Dorfschulze) . The word is an agent noun in -ter, not yet
satisfactorily interpreted, but his status emerges clearly enough from PY 257 =
Jn09, where we have sixteen places named and contributions of bronze from
the ko-re-te and po-ro-ko-re-te of each. The prefix pro- must mean in this case
‘ vice- ’ or ‘ sub- ’, a sense not preserved in any classical compound. The heading
to this tablet enumerates not only these two, but also a variety of other titles
which are not mentioned again below. Is the explanation that the heading
gives all the possible alternative titles which are equivalent to the two general
terms ko-re-te and po-ro-ko-re-te? Against this it may be argued that the
klawiphoroi are elsewhere feminine, though it is less likely that the same is true
of du-ma-te. The da-mo-ko-ro who is mentioned a few times may perhaps be
another title or another local official appointed by the king. There are occasional
references to ki-ti-ta ‘settlers’ and me-ta-ki-ti-ta ‘colonists (?) ’, but it would not
seem safe to draw any conclusions from these words yet.
Of the humbler members of the population we can say less. The variety of
trades followed shows a highly developed division of labour, but it is not clear
122
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
how far the craftsmen were royal servants, or even slaves, or what other status
they enjoyed. There is one very obvious omission from the list of trades, the
absence of any word implying that the raising of crops was a specific occupa-
tion. On the contrary land tenure documents mention craftsmen such as
fullers and agricultural workers such as shepherds. This suggests that everyone
in addition to his special occupation also farmed a portion of land.
Among the occupational names there are many still not satisfactorily inter-
preted, and in some other cases the precise significance of the word is lost;
etymology is often a poor guide to meaning. Thus the list of trades must be
regarded as incomplete. For an explanation of the words quoted here see the
Vocabulary.
Among the public servants we hear of a messenger and a herald {a-ke-ro,
ka-ru-ke) ; but the name of the scribe still eludes us. The agricultural workers
named include shepherds (po-me), goat-herds [ai-ki-pa-ta) , huntsmen {ku-na-
ke-ta-i), and wood-cutters [du-ni-to-mo) . The building trades are represented
by masons [to-ko-do-mo] and carpenters (te-ko-to) ; ship construction is a separate
trade {na~u-do-mo) . Metal-workers include bronzesmiths {ka-ke-u) and cutlers
(?, pi-ri-je-te) , and other manufacturers are bow-makers {to-ko-so-wo-ko) ,
chair(?)-makers {to-ro-no-wo-ko) and potters [ke-ra-me-we) . The making of cloth
was a women’s occupation ; we hear of carders, spinners and weavers {pe-ki-ti-ra.;,,
a-ra-ka-te-ja, i-te-ja-o), and there are separate designations for flax- workers
{ri-ne-ja), and perhaps for the makers of some of the other special kinds of
garment {a-pu-ko-wo-ko, e-ne-re-ja, o-nu-ke-ja) . The fulling of cloth was a man’s
trade {ka-na-pe-u) and the king had his own fuller. The making of garments
was shared by men and women {ra-pte, ra-pi-ti-ra^) . Luxury trades are attested
by unguent-boilers [a-re-pa-zo-o) and goldsmiths [ku-ru-so-wo-ko) . We have one
reference to a physician {i-ja-te) . The grinding and measuring out of grain were
done by women {me-re-ti-ri-ja, si-to-ko-wo), but the making of bread by men
{a-to-po-qo) ; Blegen (1950) seems unjustified in his assumption that the
Mycenaean figurine of a bread-maker is female. More menial occupations
seem to be indicated by stokers [pu-ka-u'o), ox-drivers (?, ze-u-ke-u-si) and,
among the women, bath-attendants {re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo) and serving women
(a-pi-qo-ro ) .
The existence of slaver)^ in some form is certain. Some slaves {do-e-ro, do-e-ra)
are plainly stated to be the property of individuals: e.g. the women of
Amphi(fhoitds (KN 20 = Ak824), or those belonging to the smiths and following
their masters’ trade (PY 253=Jn01). The slave of We-da-ne-u is even in the
position of having to contribute to his master’s revenue and is not distinguished
in his treatment from the rest of the group who appear to be free men (see
123
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. 276). The Pylos tablet 28 = An 42 suggests that a single slave parent of either
sex made the child a slave, contrary to the rule of classical Greece ; but this
deduction is not inevitable. The Pylos tablets of the classes Aa and Ab (see
p. 155) imply that the labour force was recruited by raids in which captive
women and children were brought home and taught trades, and this conclusion
seems to be confirmed by the word ‘captives’ {ra-wi-ja-ja) applied to some of
these women: others are referred to by ethnic adjectives. The Ad series sug-
gests that the children of slaves were an important element in the manpower
available. On the other hand there is some evidence that women of this
class also worked for wages {e-ke-ro-qo-no ) ; but possibly these were not wage-
earners on their own account, but were hired out to augment the palace
revenues.
But by far the greater number of slaves named at Pylos are ‘ slaves of the god
(or goddess)’. Two explanations of this phrase are possible; we may either
suppose that a number of slaves became the property of a deity instead of
a man, or that the title really conceals some quite different status from that of
ordinary slaves. In the former case we need not think exclusively of the
IspoSouAoi or temple-slaves of later times; dedication to a deity could be
a method of holding public property, as we see to be the case with the lands
of Dionysus and Athena recorded in the famous tables of Heraclea. The other
alternative is made attractive by the fact that slaves of the god have leases of
land and seem in fact to live on much the same terms as free men. The
translation ‘ slave ’ is probably here leading us to a false conception of social
status, and it might be preferable to adopt feudal terminology, such as ‘serf’
or ‘villein’. The parallel of Near Eastern societies in which similar titles are
actually honorific probably does not hold good for Mycenaean Greece; for
there are a few isolated cases in which the slave of a man seems to enjoy the
same status as a slave of the god ; and the slaves of the priestess raise an awkward
point in social precedence.
At Knossos we learn almost nothing of the military organization apart from
the existence of the Idwdgetds; but at Pylos preparations were being made
against an attack, and a series of tablets are concerned with naval and militarv
matters (see pp. 1 83-94) • ^ these it appears that the command of the bodies
of men detailed to watch the coast was in the hands of local lords, each of
whom was assisted by a small group of officers; while each sector had allocated
as well a heq'‘etds, ivho may have been a liaison officer representing the king.
The details of the troops are obscure, since the words applied to them, ke-ki-de
and ku-re-we, are not satisfactorily explained; Palmer (1954)^, p. 52 n. 4)
suggests that the latter word means elsewhere ‘men-at-arms’, but insists that
124
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
it is here a place-name. Other groups of men are merely referred to by ethnic
adjectives. The total number of troops recorded on the surviving tablets of the
military series is 740.
Rowers to man warships seem to have been drawn as necessary from the
coastal towns ; it is probable that they were conscripts rather than professionals,
at least if our interpretation of55 = An724 is correct. Rowers are also mentioned
as the fathers of the sons of some slave women at Pylos (15= Ad684) . At Knossos
rowers surprisingly figure in a list of local officials who are supplying or
receiving cattle (83 = Ch902) .
5. MYCENAEAN RELIGION
The evidence of the tablets for the religious practices and beliefs of the
Mycenaean Greeks has naturally aroused much interest; the principal reli-
gious texts have been discussed by almost all writers, and Carratelli (1955 <2)
has devoted a special article to this subject. It has also been discussed at the
London Seminar, and Palmer has made many interesting suggestions in addi-
tion to those in his published articles. While much is still in dispute or obscure,
this section can lay no claim to finality; it may be useful, however, to collect
together the scattered evidence for further study.
The gods are mentioned on the tablets only in one capacity : as the recipients
of various offerings. If we could be sure that the presence of one divine name
in such a list guaranteed the divinity of the remainder, it would be easy to list
the Mycenaean pantheon. But it is quite clear that the offering lists may
contain — for what reason we can only guess — human beings as well; the
clearest case is that of the Pylos Es tablets (see p. 279) ; and since the ‘priestess
of the winds’ figures frequently at Knossos, some of the other entries too may
be the names or titles of human representatives of a deity.
Zeus is clearly intended in PY 172 = Kn02, where we have the dative
di-we = Diwei, and (if the amended reading is accepted) the genitive in the
next line : Drimioi Diwos h{e{re}wei. The w'ord di-u-jo = Diwjo- on the same tablet
is plainly a derivative, though its gender and case can only be guessed ( = the
shrine of Zeus?), di-u-ja in the same text must therefore be the feminine, and
this is proved to be the name of a goddess by the fact that she receives the
offering of a gold cup and a w'oman. di-wi-ja in PY 28 = An42 is probably
a variant spelling [DiwjajDhvia, cf. me-u-jo'me-wi-jo) of the genitive {Diwias
doela ) ; also without context on KN X 97. Cf the goddess Aif la in a Pamphylian
inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 686, i), said to be the IMagna Mater. One fact
is clear, that this female counterpart to Zeus is not to be identified with Hera,
125
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
who is mentioned on the same tablet and paired with Zeus in a quite classical
manner, di-we is also found in obscure contexts (with offerings of barley?)
on KN F 51 rev. and PY 44 = An29 rev. ; di-wo on KN E 842 may be a divine
name as the text includes the word te-o-i, but on Dxl503 it is a man’s name in
the nominative. The month name Diwioio (gen.) occurs once (KN Fp5).
Hera is coupled with Zeus on PY 172 = Kn02. The spelling e-ra refutes
the suspicious etymology from (see p. 289). Her name is perhaps to
be restored also in PY Uni 1 . 8. The same spelling at Knossos is undoubtedly a
place-name, the adjective from which is e-ra-jo, -ja, except perhaps 29=As821.
Poseidon is securely attested at both Knossos and Pylos. The spelling is
consistently po-se-da-o-, thus proving that the Corinthian forms in -Sctpcov are
secondary (Chadwick, 1954^, p. 7). He is the recipient of dosmoi in the Pylos
Es tablets (p. 279) and of a wide range of offerings on 171 =Un718. As in
classical Greek, derivatives show i for ei in the second syllable: po-si-da-i-jo
(PY 172 = Kn02-r) is Posidaion ‘the shrine (or the like) of Poseidon’; po-si-da-i-
je-u-si (PY FnOl) =Posidduusi appears to be a dative plural, but its meaning
is uncertain; and po-si-da-e-ja (172 = Kn02) is another female counterpart, as
Diwia is to Zeus. There is also a divinity called e-ne-si-da-o-ne (dat. ; KN M 719,
to be restored on204 = Gg704, Gg707), ohshly = Ennesidadnei-, cf. the names
of Poseidon ’Evvoai5as, ’Ewoaiyaios, etc. (see p. 309).
Ares is not clearly named. The word a-re appears without context on
a Knossos fragment (X 5816). A-re-jo KN Vc208, A-re-i-jo KN 213 =L 641,
and A-re-me-ne Thebes in are all proper names which may be derived,
though the Aeolic forms of "Ap-ns (”Apsus, ’Apeui'os) make this questionable.
Ona-re-ja, apparently an epithet of Hermes, see p. 288. The name e-nu-wa-ri-jo =
’EvuaAios figures in the list of gods KN 208 = V 52 ; whether on PY 55 = An724
the spelling e-nwa-ri-jo is the divine name is controversial.
Apollo does not appear, but we have pa-ja-wo- = T\ma.f(^v- (Homeric
TTaipoov), KN 208 =V 52. pa-ja-ni-jo KN Fp354, read by Furumark as Paianidi
(perhaps a month name?), is probably not connected, as the contraction of
-dwon- to -an- cannot be Mycenaean.
Hermes has the form e-ma-a.y {ddit.) = Herrnddi PY 172 = Kn02, Unll. On
the form and et^ mologv' see p. 288.
xAthena is clearly named once: a-ta-na po-ti-7ii-ja (apparently without
a dWidev) = Athandi Potnidi KN 208 = V 52. Ventris also proposes to restore
her name [a'\-ta-na in MY X 1. It seems clear that at Knossos TroTviais used
as the epithet of Athena, exactly as in the Homeric ttotvi’ ’AOqvairi. But in
other tablets from both Knossos and Pylos Potnia appears as a divine name
standing by itself (e.g. KN 205 = Gg702, M 729, PA FnOl, 172 = Kn02, Vn07).
126
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
No evidence which would identify this deity has so far appeared, and thus
none of the guesses can be tested ; she seems to be of some importance, but is
not necessarily the protectress of Pylos, There is also a derived adjective with
the surprising ioTVsi po-ti-ni-ja-vce-jo, as if formed from rTo-iviajs; cf the adjective
wa-na-se-wi-ja which stands in a similar relation to pocvaoCTa. This epithet appears
chiefly on sheep tablets at Knossos ; at Pylos it designates groups of smiths and
is occasionally used of individuals ; it may of course have no religious associa-
tions here.
Artemis is the owner of the slave Ai-ki-wa-ro on PY 167 = Es650. Her
name has the East Greek form a-te-mi-to Artemitos, with declension in t not 5.
PY Unll lists along with other divine names a-ti-mi-te which may be the
dative Artimitei with i for e. There is no evidence yet to support the suggestion
that Artemis is the goddess meant in the common formula theoio doelos.
D lONYSus is a surprising name to find, and there is no evidence to prove
that it is divine. It occurs only once in the genitive case on a Pylos fragment
Xa06: di-wo-nu-so-jo [.
He PHAESTUS is not directly mentioned, but may be assumed if the man’s
name a-pa-i-ti-jo (KN L 588) is correctly interpreted as Hdphaistios or
Hdphaistidn.
Of the minor deities known from Greek sources, Eileithyia is known at
Knossos in the spelling e-re-ii-ti-ja ’EAeuflla (recorded at Messene and else-
where). KN 206 = Gg705 shows her as the recipient of a jar of honey at
Amnisos, which recalls at once the famous cave mentioned in the Odyssey and
by Strabo (see p. 310). She also seems to receive wool (KN Od714, Od715).
Erinys has been proposed by Furumark as the interpretation of e-ri-nu
(apparently dative) in the offering list KN 200 = Fpl (cf. Fs390). Demeter
may be the right interpretation of da-ma-te PY 114 = En02, but in use at least
this is not a divine name; see the discussion on p. 242. A cult of the \V inds
is attested by the Knossos offerings to Anemon hiereidi, the priestess of the
Winds. A Dove-Goddess pe-re -*82 = Peleia (Palmer) seems likely on PY 172 =
Kn02 ; the name recurs on a new tablet found in 1954 (Uni 189), with offerings
of cows, sheep and pigs (cf. suouetaurilia) .
Dedications to All the Gods {pansi theoi’i) are a frequent feature of the
Knossos offering lists, but do not appear at Pylos. This may suggest that it is
a particularly Minoan feature which though adopted by the Greek rulers of
Crete did not spread to the mainland; but arguments from silence can hardly
be admitted until we have more material. Although not unknown in classical
Greece, such dedications are commonest in Hellenistic times. It has been
suggested that it implies a connexion with the Vedic hymns to the I isve Devdh
127
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
(All-gods) ; but these are said to be a later accretion to the Veda, not an
original inheritance.
A number of other deities or sacred places emerge from tablets such as
KN 200 = Fpl and PY 172 = Kn02, where a fuller discussion will be found.
The Daidaleion seems an appropriate name for a shrine at Knossos. At Pylos
we find Iphimedeia, a semi-mythical figure in Homer, apparently receiving
divine honours. The identity of the other deities is unknown or conjectural.
The offerings recorded at Knossos differ from those at Pylos in that livestock
are rarely mentioned. None of the tablets dealing with livestock can be proved
to have any religious significance, though this is not always impossible;
Sundwall’s theory of hecatombs must be abandoned (see p. 198 ). KN Fh347
is exceptional in showing both oil and cattle; but its religious context is not
certain as it contains no demonstrably divine name. The usual offerings are
grain (both wheat and barley) and flour, oil, wine, figs and honey; occasionally
wool (e.g. G 866 ), and some of the vessels recorded in the K series may be
intended as offerings though not so specified. At Pylos we have records of
quantities of wheat contributed annually to Poseidon; these are presumably
payments in kind for the upkeep of his shrine and ceremonial. A number of
texts list miscellaneous commodities {Un series), but not all of these are
offerings; the only one clearly identifiable as such is 171 =:Un718. Here the
contributions promised to Poseidon take the form of one ox, two rams ; a con-
siderable amount of wheat, flour and wine ; some cheeses, honey, two sheepskins
and a quantity of unguent. This may be provision for a sacrificial meal.
172 = Kn02 records offerings of gold vessels and human beings; what becomes
of the latter is not clear, but they are more likely to be cup-bearers than victims
for sacrifice. Some of the spice tablets at both Knossos and Pylos may be
religious in motive.
^Vhatever the religious functions of the king may have been, he was assisted
by a considerable priesthood. A priest called We-te-re-u figures prominently
on the land tenure documents at Pylos, and two more are mentioned on
44 = An29. There is a priestess of the Winds at Knossos (see above). At Pvlos
we have frequent references to ‘the priestess' without further qualification,
just as we have one deity referred to as theos without a name. This can onlv
refer to the principal deity of the town, who is therefore presumably female.
There is also a priestess at Pa-ki-ja-, who may be in the service of Potnia. We
have one reference to a hieroiLorgos ; how this title is distinguished from hiereus
is not clear. The klawiphoroi or 'key-bearers' appear in company with the
priestess and are female; the title 'in various forms) is well known in antiquity.
The male occupational name da-ko-ro seems to be the same word as ^ocKopog,
128
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
but there is no proof that ‘temple attendant’ is here the right sense, and the
etymological sense of ‘floor-sweeper’ is more probable. Other titles may well
be rehgious, such as the women called ki-ri-te-wi-ja ; but we can at present say
nothing about their status or function.
6. AGRICULTURE AND LAND TENURE
The surviving tablets probably would not give anything like a complete picture
of the domesticated and wild animals and plants which were important in the
Mycenaean economy, even if their interpretation was certain. Many of the
provisions are recorded by conventional symbols, rather than by recognizable
pictures or by words spelt out in Greek. We can generally tell whether these
provisions are counted in units, or measured by dry bulk or liquid volume, or
weighed; but for a closer guess we must take into account the animal and
plant remains which occur archaeologically at Minoan and Mycenaean sites,
or which are represented in the art of the period. We may also use, more
cautiously, the lists of foodstuffs found on the cuneiform tablets and mentioned
in later Greek literature.
A full survey of the archaeological remains was made in Vickery’s Food in
Early Greece (1936), and this can be amplified by more recent finds. In the
following list the asterisked items (*) have been found both at important
Cretan sites (in Middle and Late Minoan) and at the chief Mycenaean centres
of the Mainland; the rest are so far restricted to finds from one or other
group.
Cereals: *wheat, *barley. These were certainly the most important Aegean grains:
emmer wheat and barley appear predominantly on the cuneiform tablets, and are
the only cereals listed in the Hittite laws. A single oat grain was found at Orcho-
menos ; the supposed ly^e on Thera is very doubtful. Millet was restricted to Macedonia
by Vickery, though Evans claims a find at Knossos {PM, iv, pp. 622, 630).
Leguminous plants: *broad beans {Vida faba), *peas {Pisum sativum), *chick peas {Cicer
arietinum), *grass peas {Lathyrus sativus), *bitter vetches {Ervum ervilia), *lentils {Leiu
esculenta) . The same leguminous plants are found in contemporary cuneiform records,
where they are often milled and used in bread-making, or else eaten as a kind of
porridge (as in classical Greece).
Seasonings: aniseed {Pimpinella anisum, Thera), coriander {Coriandrum sativum, Thera);
the latter is also common in cuneiform records.
Fruits: *olives and *ohve oil, *grapes; dried figs (Phaistos), almonds (Phaistos) ; pears
(only Sesklo and Dimini, Early Helladic).
Animals: *ox (mostly Bos brachyceros, also Bos primigenius and some hybrids), *sheep
{Ovis aries palustris), *goat {Capra hircus), agrimi goat {Capra aegagrus creticus, Tylissos),
9
129
VJt c
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
*pig [Sus domesticus indicus), wild boar (Sus scrofa ferns, Tylissos), ass (Tylissos), horse
(Tylissos, LM I), dog (Tylissos). Remains of cheese were found on Thera.
Seafood: *shell-hsh; fish-bones, oysters and mussels (Mycenae).
The shapes and meanings of the Mycenaean commodity ideograms will be
discussed in greater detail in the appropriate chapters of Part II. The following
summary is intended to show the extent to which the tablets conform to the
archaeological picture, and to correct a few misleading identifications made in
the surveys of the Knossos economy by Evans and Myres [PM, iv; SM II,
PP- 59-6i)-
The conventionalized symbols ? and represent the two main cereals.
They form the first and more important component in rations, and are only
once issued together (PY An31). f is the more frequent, and is alone used in
calculating the acreages of fields. We have taken f to be wheat, and ^ to
represent barley (the latter already suggested by Evans, PM, iv, p. 625) ; but
it is conceivable that these identifications should be reversed.
The absence of recognizable bread-ovens from Mycenaean sites has led to
some doubt whether bread was baked (as it certainly was by the Hittites and
Semites), but this is resolved by the mention of the trade arto-poq^oi ‘bakers’
(cf. dpTOi in the Odyssey). Meleuron ‘flour’ was also issued as rations and for
cult offerings (171 =Un718).
Sundwall’s identification of f as ‘ poppy-seed ’ is very improbable, especially
in view of the large quantities involved. Of the two other supposed cereals
listed by Myres [SM II, p. 32), ^ is a liquid measure, and (‘millet or beer’)
is proved by Pylos Gnll84 to represent e-ra^-wo=-elaiwon ‘olive oil’, as already
suggested by Furumark (1954, p. 116) and Bennett [MT I, p. 448).
Olive oil is also very common both as a ration (e.g. MY 93 =Fol01) and
as a cult offering (KN 200 = Fpl, etc.). The fruit of the olive seems to be repre-
sented by y , Pylos 'I (if the reading e-ra-wa in the last line of KN 94 = F 841
is in fact intended as a description of it). The ideogram cannot be saffron, as
Evans thought [PM, iv, p. 718); but that plant may be represented by T,
of which very small quantities, measured by weight in the units used for gold,
are found at Knossos on Np267, etc. Issues of fruit generally accompany
wheat or barley rations ; equal to or smaller than the latter in the case of figs
(9 = Ab27, etc.), larger in the case of olives (Fn06). No other ideograms for
fruit can yet be identified, but apples, pears and pomegranates were pre-
sumably cultivated in addition to the authenticated grapes and almonds.
The ideogram ^ (171=Un718, etc., and cf the Linear A version, p. 35)
has plausibly been identified by Sundwall as wine, the existence of which is
confirmed by the ox name Wo-no-qo-so = 0\vo^ (Knossos Gh897, ChlOlS),
130
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
paralleled by the Homeric pds oivotte. Evans {PM, i, p. 415) argued that
beer was the main Minoan drink, but not only is there a lack of characteristic
beer-straining vessels (such as were used for instance by the Philistines) but
any memory of beer is totally absent from Homer. Though beer was commoner
than grape-wine or date-wine in Mesopotamia, wine was the usual drink
among the Hittites.
No signs for the leguminous plants can yet be identified; but Knossos, Pylos
and Mycenae share a considerable list of condiments, of which coriander is
the most frequent and which also mentions by name celery, cumin, cyperus,
fennel, mint, pennyroyal, safflower (both flowers and seeds) and sesame (see
pp. 221-31). Several of these have Semitic names and were probably derived
from Syria, though they may have begun to be cultivated in Greece in
Mycenaean times. Honey occurs in a number of ritual offerings (KN 206 =
Gg705, PY 171 =Un718). Salt, included in some of the cuneiform ration lists,
has not yet been identified. Flax was apparently grown locally (184 = Nn01,
etc.) and used for linen garments, and presumably also for making sails, thread,
string and nets (cf. Homeric Aivov). Beetroots are apparently indicated by
the title teutl-agoros (?, 120 = Eo03), which may imply that they grew wild along
the coastal areas. We might also expect to find cucumbers, onions, garlic,
leeks and other vegetables included in the Mycenaean diet.
Seven kinds of livestock occur on the tablets, in the following descending
order of numbers: sheep, goat, pig {su-), ox (g“ou-), horse {hiqq^os), ass {onos)
and deer {eloph -?) ; specific reference to asses has been provided by Chadwick’s
^955 to 82 = Ca895, where their ideograms are virtually indistinguishable
from those of the horses. The livestock ideograms are differentiated in a number
of ways (see p. 196), but of these distinctions only that between males and
females, also regularly shown in cuneiform lists, is certain ; and it is not clear
whether different breeds are represented (on a possible sign for the wild goat,
see p. 302). Evans, Myres and Furumark wrongly identified the ‘ox’ sign
(no. 109) as a horse, and the ‘goat’ (no. 107) as an ox.
Numerous fiocks of sheep and goats (perhaps belonging to the king) are
recorded as pasturing on the lands of neighbouring towns under their shepherds,
each of whom is responsible to one of a small group of overseers who agerei,
‘collects’, the specified quotas of animals and wool (63 = Cc660). The wool,
whose consignments are measured by weight, is spun and woven by the palace
women, and the finished cloths are measured in the same units (see p. 316);
the sheep also provide sheepskins, kowea, presumably for use as rugs, bedspreads
and ceremonial skirts (cf. fig. 15). A special category of sheep is recorded as
being kept in sheep-pens, stathmoi (Cn09, CnlO).
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Among the swine a valuable category of sialoi ‘fat pigs’ is mentioned
(75 = Cn02), distinct from the larger herds listed with the sheep and goats
(Cnll-Cnl3), which were presumably left to forage in the woods. Among
the relatively small numbers of cattle, teams of working oxen {g^owes) wergatai,
are mentioned on Knossos 84 = C 59 ; and these include a number of pairs
whose actual names are given (e.g. 85 = Ch896). Horses are rare (only two
are listed on the surviving Pylos tablets) , and were probably intended primarily
for chariot work, although some riding must certainly have been done (Hood,
1953)-
Deer occur on two Pylos tablets (GnOl, Cn868) : their ideograms are not
differentiated for sex, etc., and they probably represent carcases of venison.
The dog is implicit in the term kun-dgetai ‘ huntsmen ’ and occurs, of course, in
Mycenaean hunting scenes.
The cattle provide ox- hides, from which various leather {wrineios) articles
are made. Of dairy produce, only cheeses [turoi, 171 =Un718) are mentioned
by name ; milk, cream and butter, which figure in the Babylonian and Hittite
records, do not have any certain Mycenaean ideograms, and do not seem to
have been much used in later Greece. The composition of the aleiphar used in
preparing aromatic unguent (103 = Un08), is uncertain, though the evidence
of Pylos Gnl 184 suggests that it may have been olive oil.
No birds or fish can be identified with certainty, though it is probable that
the Mycenaeans kept or caught ducks, geese and pigeons. The man’s name
’AAeKTpucbv (which also occurs in the Iliad) does nothing to solve the vexed
question of when the cock wms introduced into Greece, since the word probably
simply means ‘ the pugnacious one’. The octopus [polupos] occurs as a decorative
feature in ivory on 246 =Ta722, but it may well have been eaten, as it is today.
A large number of tablets from Pylos (108-154) apparently list the varying
amounts of wheat which are to be sown on various fields. The practice of
recording acreages by their amounts of seed (according to a fixed ratio which
it is difficult to determine exactly) is also found at Nuzi and underlies the
Sumerian methods of measuring area (Lewy, 1949). These tablets can thus
be interpreted as a cadastral survey of land tenure, although the legal basis
of such tenure and the exact purposes of the survey remain largely a matter
of conjecture. The references to different types and sizes of holding {temenos,
ktoina, khama, etc.), and to the different classes of individuals who occupy
these, enable some deductions to be made as to the structure of society at Pylos
(see above, pp. 120-4).
Discounting tablets whose entries are repetitious, the total amount of seed
grain recorded on the surviving Pylos E- tablets appears to be about 720 dry
132
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
units of wheat, possibly about 86,400 litres, perhaps sufficient for an arable
area of 1730 ha (4270 acres) : with a fivefold yield, this might feed 1500 slaves
for a year. But it is dangerous to deduce much from these figures, since the
tablets are only a fragmentary set and the scope of the survey is unknown.
There are only a few Knossos tablets of a similar class recording holdings of
wheat land (155-162), and they add little to our picture of Mycenaean land
tenure, which is discussed in detail at the beginning of ch. viii. Also listed on
a few tablets are orchards {phutaliai, KN E 849), whose olive and fig trees,
numbered in hundreds, are illustrated ideographically (165 = Gv862, etc.).
7. INDUSTRY AND TRADE
The long list of trades and occupations which can be identified on the tablets
(see p. 123) implies a specialization of labour which goes far beyond that seen
in Homer, where King Odysseus knows how to build his own boat or bed,
and boasts of his skill with the scythe and plough. The Homeric picture may-
be due in part to a lower standard of living in the eighth century- b.c., but more,
perhaps, to the fact that the poet’s interest in institutions and economic life is
not that of the modern sociologist, and introduces no more detail than is
necessary to provide a consistent background for epic narrative. A more
complex organization of production in Mycenaean times might in any case
have been inferred from the high level of craftsmanship in many industries,
from the size of the palace and settlements, and from the number of trades
which can be identified on the similar tablets from Nuzi, Alalakh and Ugarit
(see especially Virolleaud, 1940). This specialization is confirmed by nominal
rolls (particularly the Pylos E- tablets, 108-151) where the individual names
are regularly identified by their occupations: ‘Eumedes the unguent-boiler’,
‘Brithawon the potter’, ‘Thisbaios the shepherd’, etc.
It is more difficult to determine the precise status of these different trades-
men, to guess where in the topography of the excavated sites their places of
work are likely to have been, and to assess how far the products of their labour
may- have been available in a free market.
In the Mesopotamian temple-state economy of the third millennium B.c.
the craftsmen were bondmen controlled and fed by the palace, and this relation-
ship is still reflected in the low status of the smith as a muskenu in the Code of
Hammurabi (§ 274). The Ur tablets (Legrain, 1947) list the activities of eight
palace workshops, those of the sculptors, goldsmiths, lapidaries, carpenters,
smiths, fullers and tanners, tailors, and caulkers (bitumen workers). A large
proportion of the remaining production (textiles, food, pottery, etc.) was
133
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
carried out by the large and varied female labour force attached to the palace.
Imports from outside were the responsibility of the palace treasurer.
The later and more nearly contemporary records from Ugarit and Alalakh
and from the Hittite countr)^ show the majority of the craftsmen constituting
a more or less free ‘middle class’, organized in trade guilds and having their
places of \vork in bazaars in the towns. Some craftsmen might be permanently
employed by the palace, but a considerable proportion of its needs were fulfilled
by outside hire and purchase (through the medium of silver), both of local
production and of the imports made by more or less independent merchants.
It will be the task of the continuing analysis of the Mycenaean tablets to
determine which of these two sets of conditions they more nearly fit. It is
probable, at any rate, that the large numbers of women recorded on the
Knossos and Pylos ration lists (see 1 - 28 ), whose occupational names are largely
connected with textile production, had a servile status and were recruited by
pillage and barter abroad. Such tablets as 50 = An 18, with their enumeration
of men pursuing fairly menial occupations, read like lists of palace servants;
but others, like 52 = An26, with their record of tailors, potters and goldsmiths
in different places, might more reasonably be taken to refer to trades whose
products were not the exclusive monopoly of the palace. If so, the absence
of payment in metal or in kind (except for occasional rations in cereals and
fruit as on Fn02, An31) may suggest census and records of seasonal forced
labour (like the luzzi to which the Hittite ‘men of the tool’ were subject).
References to the ‘estate of the cowherds’ (Eal2) and ‘of the swineherds’
(Ea08) and ‘of the beekeepers?’ (Ea820) possibly indicate that these formed
some kind of collective associations (cf. the classical TToipEviSai, etc.). Many
craftsmen are described as holding land at Pylos; and Palmer ( 1955 , p. 13 )
suggests that 5TiiiiO£pyoi (which in the Odyssey is applied to seers, physicians,
carpenters, bards and heralds) originally meant ‘the class that tills the land
of the village commune ’ rather than ‘ those who work for the common people ’,
though this modification of the etymology does not seem essential to explain
the apparent facts. Some of the craftsmen are expressly described as wanakteros
■ belonging to the king’ or as Idwdgesios ‘ belonging to the leader’, which would
certainly suggest that others of their profession were free to work on their own
account. The occupations to which this applies are those of theknapheus ‘fuller’,
e-te-do-mo ' artificer? \poimen ' shepherd ’, kerameus ‘ potter’ and a-mo-te-u ‘ chariot-
builder and wheelwright ? ’ ; and it seems that groups of these, at any rate, must
have formed part of the palace machine. The work of the potters was evidently
decentralized to sites convenient for kilns, of which several Mycenaean remains
have been found (^Vace, 1949 , p. 106 ); the workshop of the chariot-builders
134
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
is probably to be identified in the a-mo-te-jo-na-de of Pylos 252=Vn06, the
only place of work to be named specifically on the tablets.
Decentralization is also shown by the Pylos Jn- tablets (253-256), which
record the issue (or absence of issue) of weights of bronze to the smiths of
a number of localities, similar to the distribution of piece-work from the palace
store-houses recorded on the Sumerian inventories and on Alalakh tablets
(396-408). Some of their headings look more like clan names than place-
names, possibly suggesting small closed communities of tinkers. The smiths are
the most frequent subject of an annotation in tribute lists which reads ‘The
So-and-so do not contribute’ (e.g. on 176 = Mai 2 and 192 = Na50), and this
has generally been taken as a record of the preferential treatment which this
trade receives on account of its full-time operations and its indispensability
to the war effort: this status is paralleled in other primitive or early societies.
The Pylos smiths are also distinguished by the possession of doeloi ‘slaves’.
In addition to bronze [ka-ko), other sets of tablets also mention gold {ku-ru-so,
231 =K 872, etc.), silver {a-ku-ro, 290 = Sa03) and lead (mo-ri-wo-do, 259 =
Ogl527) ; but there are no details of their working.
The inventories of pottery, metalware, furniture, weapons and chariots (see
chs. X and xi) do not unfortunately record who made them or how they were
acquired, and only seldom contain clues to a possible importation from outside.
Among the latter, note the mention of Kydonia, Phaistos and Se-to-i-ja on
the Knossos ‘chariot’ tablets (265-277), and the description ke-re-si-jo we-ke,
‘of Cretan style or workmanship?’, applied to tripod cauldrons on Pylos
236 = Ta641, etc. The Knossos tablets listing ‘cloths’ are, however, frequently
introduced by adjectives derived from different Cretan place-names (e.g. 213 =
L 641); but there is some uncertainty whether the textiles themselves always
come directly from these towns, or are merely woven by women supplied to
the palace by them.
Timbers specified on the ‘chariot’ and ‘furniture’ tablets include pe-te-re-wa
(elm), e-ri-ka (willow), ki-da-pa (?), ku-te-so (ebony?), mi-ra^ (yew?), pu-ko-so
(boxwood) and ku-pa-ri-se-ja (adj., cypress). Other materials used in their
details and decoration are kjanos (see 239 = Ta642), horn (adj. '^ke-ra-i-jd)
and, as we should expect from Homer and from Egyptian and Syrian parallels,
extensive areas of ivor^^ inlay [e-re-pa, adj. e-re-pa-te-jo) . Wmce (1949, p. 108)
agrees with Barnett in suggesting that the raw material \vas imported from Syria
(whose carved ivories sho\v affinities with the Mycenaean, and where the
elephant existed in early times) rather than through Egypt.
Evidence of contact with Syria (e.g. Ugarit, Byblos, Beirut, Tyre) is shown
by the Semitic names of the three condiments sa-sa-ma = (JV[oa.\i(x, ku-mi-no —
135
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Kuiiivov and ku-pa-ro=Y\mca.po% (e.g. on 102 = Ga51 7,103 =Un08, 105 = Ge602,
etc.) ; it is uncertain whether these reflect continuing imports, or earlier loan-
words (perhaps through a ‘Minoan’ intermediary) for things now obtained
from other more local sources. The latter is almost certainly the case with the
other two Semitic borrowings ku-ru-so = X9'^^°'i (see p. 343 ) and A:z-^o = xiTcbv
(p. 319 ). These five words are shown to have already been absorbed by Greek
in the Bronze Age, and not to be borrowings from the time of Phoenician
initiative in the eleventh-eighth centuries B.c.
On the other hand the Greek use of the word choiviKes for the Canaanites
was probably already current at the time of our tablets, even though the
detailed development of the various meanings of this probably non-Indo-
European word is obscure: it is significant that the Semitic ‘Canaan’ [Kinahhi)
itself appears to be related to a word for a dyestuff (cf cpoTvi^ ‘crimson’).
Po-ni-ki-ja on the ‘chariot’ tablets (267 = Sd0409, etc.) is probably ‘painted
crimson’; while po-ni-ke (instr. sing, of cpoivi^) possibly means ‘griffin’ on
246 = Ta722. Po-ni-ki-jo as the name of an unidentified substance on 99 =
Ga418, etc., may refer to its colour, but it may equally well describe it as
‘the condiment from Canaan’. The spelhng of the initial in these words dis-
proves any connexion with <p 6 vos ‘murder’ {*q^honos).
Though the word ku-pi-ri-jo is probably Kurrpios, and implies that Cyprus
was already known by its classical name (which bears no relation to its Hittite,
Semitic and Egyptian names) , in the three Pylos occurrences it is a man’s name ;
but on Knossos Ga517 and Ga676, where it occurs with Kurraipos and coriander,
it may well indicate an import from the east. The word ai-ku-pi-ti-jo (revealed
by Bennett’s join of Dbl 105 with X 1446) is also only a man’s name, but it
presupposes that Aiyvnrros was already the Greek name for ‘ Egypt ’ . At the same
period the name at Ugarit for both ‘Egypt’ and ‘Memphis’ was Hikupta
(Virolleaud, 1953 , p. 192 ), corresponding to the Hikuptah of the Amarna letters
and to Ht-P-pth in Egyptian; and from these the Mycenaean name was
evidently borrowed.
The hierarchy of officials needed to supervise the many craftsmen and the
volume of imports and exports can only be guessed ; but it is possible that
A-ko-so-ta, who appears with various functions in the preamble to a number
of Pylos tablets (154 = Eq01, 103=Un08, PnOl, \\^a917), had a function
similar to that of the satammum or chief steward at Alalakh and at other places.
136
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
8. HISTORICAL EVIDENCE
In the absence of any Mycenaean monumental inscriptions, or of any tablets
other than palace or household accounts, the documentary evidence for his-
torical situations and events is extremely fragmentary and indirect.
The mere fact that Greek can now be shown to have been written at Knossos
in LM II does, of course, supply new and conclusive proof of the theory that
Crete had begun to be occupied by the ‘Achaeans ’ during the fifteenth century
B.c. or earlier (see Foreword, pp. xxiiff.) ; and the close relationship apparent
between their dialect and those of the later Arcadians and Cypriots provides
some confirmatory evidence for the sequence in which the Greek tribes settled
in the Aegean.
The place-names which appear on the Knossos and Pylos tablets, where
they can be identified with known sites, provide some evidence for the areas
effectively controlled by these kingdoms at the time (see pp. isgff.) ; and a few
possible references to foreign lands have been discussed under ‘ Industry and
trade’.
Although many of the men’s names on the tablets are identical with those
of heroes recorded in Homer and other epic writers, there are (as might be
expected) no cases where an actual historical personage can be identified.
The possibility is discussed on p. 265 that the name of the last king of Pylos
in fact occurs in the spelling E-ke-ra^-wo, dat. E-ke-ra<^-wo-ne (also E-ke-ra-ne?),
gen. E-ke-ra^-wo-no. This does not fit the name of any Neleid king of Pylos
preserved in the traditional genealogy, whose usual form reads:
Kretheus (Poseidon)
1 1
Neleus x\mvthaon, etc. (migrate from lolkos to Pylos)
I ^ 1
Nestor Periklymenos and ten other brothers
I _l 1 T ; I 1
Thrasymedes Antilokhos Peisistratos Stratios Aretos Perseus
. i
Sillos
I
Alkmaion (expelled from Pylos, takes refuge in Athens)
Some similarity is shown by the name of Ekhelaos, son of Penthilos, colonizer
of Lesbos; and by that of one of Nestor’s brothers, which appears in different
transmissions as Epilaos or Epileon.-
Blegen’s excavations show that the palace at Pylos was of comparatively
short duration, ‘ wholly within the not very long stage called Late Helladic III B ’
(1955, p. 37) ; its foundation fairly late in the Mycenaean age may, as has been
137
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
suggested, be connected with the traditional arrival of Neleus, and with the
transfer of ‘ Pylos ’ from another site recorded by Pausanias (iv, 36, 1). It has
been proposed that the name ma-to-ro-pu-ro (CnlO.5) should be interpreted
Mdtro-pulos, i.e. ‘the original Pylos’.
Though the tablets record local kings and chieftains, there is no surviving
evidence for the organization and foreign relations of ‘Achaea ’ as a centralized
power (which the Hittite references to Ahhijawd lead one to expect), beyond
the spelling a-ka-wi-ja-de on Knossos 78 = C 914: this may conceivably repre-
sent Akhaiwidn-de, but even so it may be the name of a town rather than of
a state. The two occurrences of the patronymic Etewokleweios at Pylos confirm
the Mycenaean connexions of the name Eteokles, and make it more probable
that Forrer was right in identifying with it the name of the chieftain Tawakalawas
who appears in Hittite correspondence with ‘Achaea’ concerning the port of
Milawata (Miletos?).
Since the Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae tablets all appear to have been
written shortly before the final destruction of their sites (probably by human
agency), it is natural to speculate whether their subject-matter contains any
anticipation of the impending catastrophe; but with few exceptions it would
seem that their contents are no different from what one would expect from
a routine year; the mere listing of swords, chariots and armour does not
necessarily imply a desperate preparation against attack.
A definite historical value may, however, be given to the preamble of Pylos
53 = Anl2: eretai Pleurdnade iontes ‘oarsmen to go to Pleuron’. Thirty men are
listed in all, probably the complement of a single ship. If their destination is
in fact the important Aetolian city of that name (cf. II. ir, 639 ), their journey
may have some connexion with the disturbances constituting the ‘Dorian
invasion’; this is traditionally regarded as having crossed towards Elis from
the nearby town of Naupaktos (cf Pausanias, x, 38 , 10 ), and its first victims
may well have been the inhabitants of the Mycenaean enclave on the north
shores of the Gulf of Corinth.
The same historical situation may lie behind several of the Pylos An- tablets
listing officers and men (56-60, pp. 188 - 94 ), if their function is correctly inter-
preted as that of a kind of Home Guard detailed to watch sectors of the coast
for the approach of enemy ships. The masons listed on 41 == Anl4 may possibly
be effecting repairs to the defences of Pylos, though toikho- might imply the
walls of individual buildings rather than city-walls (for which there is no
archaeological evidence) .
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
9. GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
“Ecm TTuAos Trpo fluXoio, lluAos ys ii£v ectti Kai dAAr|. (Proverbial)
The Cretan place-names played an important part in the process of decipher-
ment (see p. 22). The characteristic feature of place-names thus revealed is
the presence alongside the simple name of the ethnic adjective in -ios, and this
provides a useful test by which the more frequently occurring names can be
detected. A similar test is offered by names which recur with and without the
suffix of ‘ motion towards ’ -de. ^Vith these criteria we can then establish the
presence of a place-name in a set place in a formula, and deduce that all other
words found in that position are likewise places. Similarly the presence of
several place-names in a list may lead to the conclusion that the rest are also
places.
Other formal considerations have been proposed, but these are somewhat
dangerous. Turner (1954) in a very useful study of the Pylos place-names
works also with the ending -te, which he interprets as the ablatival suffix -then.
There is no reason to doubt the existence of this suffix in Mycenaean, and it is
probably to be found in a-po-te-ro-te = amphoterdthen; nor is it disputed that most
of the words listed by Turner are place-names. But it is noticeable that the
names ending in -te belong almost exclusively to a class in -wo-te. In a few
cases other forms are found which reveal a declension: nom. e-ri-no-wo, gen.
e-ri-no-wo-to, dat.-loc. e-ri-no-wo-te. Thus we may regard all these names as
locative datives in -tei, and the ending cannot therefore be used as a test. The
dative and instrumental plurals in -si and -pi can also be used as locatives;
but this too is not helpful as a criterion.
The remarks made in ch. iv (p. 92) on the risks of translating Mycenaean
spellings into classical names apply with almost equal force to the identification
of place-names. Certainly when the Knossos tablets present spellings which
resemble the names of prominent Cretan towns we can feel confidence in the
equation. But the presence at Pylos of names which could be places as far
distant as Orkhomenos in Arcadia or even Corinth raises quite a different
question. A glance at a classical dictionary is sufficient to disclose that in
ancient Greece, as in every country, a number of places bear the same name.
Thus even if we correctly interpret the spelling as a name, there is no guarantee,
apart from the probability engendered by geographical proximity, that the
name can be safely attached to any site. The case of the common Pylos name
Re-u-ko-to-ro is instructive: there can be little doubt that this represents a name
known in classical Greek as AsOxTpov. But unfortunately there are three such
139
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
places known in the Peloponnese, two of them within reasonable distance of
Pylos. And who is to say that there were not others, of which we have no record
in our ancient sources? Miihlestein (19550) in a suggestive pamphlet has
spread the limits of the Pylian kingdom over half the Peloponnese; we beg to
suggest that it is a sounder policy to expect the names to be confined to
Messenia, or at least the south-western quarter of the Peloponnese. Names
which seem to be located outside this area should be regarded with grave
suspicion and not identified without strong reason.
Another difficulty that must be faced is the habit of migrants taking the name
of their towns with them. Many of the duplicated names in Greece are said
to be due to this process; but equally many may be common nouns in some
pre-Greek language, and in default of clear historical tradition these two cases
cannot now be distinguished. Old names may have been replaced for other
reasons, and the decay of ancient towns and the rise of their neighbours is
another factor leading to profound changes on a political map. If an expected
name — for instance Gortys in Crete — is apparently absent from the tablets,
we must not jump to hasty conclusions; it may be represented under a different
name. Equally if an obviously important town on the tablets has no apparent
equivalent in classical geography, no deductions are safe. The Messenian Pylos
would appear to have moved twice : from its Mycenaean site at Ano Englianos
to the classical one at Coryphasion (Paleokastro) ; and from there to its present
position at the southern end of the bay of Navarino. Extreme caution must
therefore guide our tentative discussion of the political geography of Mycenaean
Crete and Messenia.
The analysis of the types of names found does not at Knossos lead to any
striking conclusions. The absence of names beginning with n, 0 or q may be
purely accidental. At Pylos there are two distinctive types, neither of which
is represented in the Knossos list. One is the type ending in -e-wa : A-ke-re-wa,
A-pi-te-wa, E-ra-te-wa (plural), I-te-re-wa, Si-re-wa, Wo-no-qe-wa. These may
correspond to the type of Tsyea, MaAea, Kpoxeai, etc. ; but the loss of the
distinctive digamma makes this uncertain. The other has the dative ending
-wo-te referred to above: Ao-pa-tu-ifo-te, Ao-ru-wo-te, Do-ro-qo-so-wo-te, E-ri-no-
wo-te (nom. E-ri-no-ivo) , acc. Afe-do-wo-ta, Pe-re-wo-te, Sa-ri-nu-wo-te , Si-jo-wo-te.
^Vith one exception the preceding vowel is 0 or u, which suggests that the
termination is added directly to a stem ending in a consonant. We mav have
here the origin of the type in -oOs, -oOvros as in IkiAAoOs, OAioOs, etc., though
some may represent rather -mv, -ovTog. There are also a number ending in -eus,
but these are hard to separate from the ordinary ethnics of this form. The
rarity of names with clear Greek meanings is obvious both at Knossos and Pylos.
140
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
The words which can plausibly be identified as place-names in the Knossos
tablets are listed below. They amount to fifty-two separate places, excluding
the reference to Cyprus. Of these twelve can with varying degrees of certainty
be located on a map : Amnisos, Aptara, Dikte, Inatos, Itanos, Knossos, Kydonia,
Lato, Lyktos (Lyttos), Phaistos, Setaia, Tylissos. The doubtful cases are Itanos,
spelt U-ta-no (for other cases of variation between i and u see p. 77) and
Setaia, spelt Se-to-i-ja] a and 0 are confused elsewhere (see p. 77), but not in
a diphthong. To these we may perhaps add Pa.y-ra-i-so = Praisos and Su-ki-ri-ta =
Sybrita.
Two facts emerge clearly from these names : that the area in contact with,
and probably subject to, Knossos covers virtually the whole of Crete; and that
no names can be located outside the island. The isolated case of Kuprios applied
to spices implies no more than trade. Thus there is so far no evidence to
support the theory of a thalassocracy, at least at the time of the fall of Knossos.
The list of towns subject to Idomeneus in the Catalogue {II. ii, 645-9)
restricted to the central area: Knossos, Gortys, Lyktos, Miletos, Lykastos,
Phaistos and Rhytion. Four of these do not appear (in a recognizable form)
on the tablets. Elsewhere in Homer we meet the KuScoveg (Ocf. in, 292 ; xix, 1 76) ;
their town Kydonia, which is mentioned on the tablets, is excluded from Homer
by its metrical shape. The same applies to Akhaiwia, which may be connected
with the Cretan ’ Axaiol of Od. xix, 1 75.
There does not seem to be sufficient evidence on which to found any attempt
at locating the place-names which cannot be identified. Most of them occur
singly on separate tablets, and there is nothing to show that lists such as
83 = Ch 902 follow any regular geographical order.
Even more difficult to place on the map are the names on the Pylos tablets,
though this is perhaps not altogether surprising in view of the scanty informa-
tion about Messenia given by the ancient authorities. The first problem con-
cerns the site of Pylos itself, a hotly disputed subject even in antiquity. One
new fact which the decipherment has contributed to this problem is that the
tablets refer repeatedly to a place called Pu-ro\ and that this is of supreme
importance appears from its prominence on a tablet such as 172 = Kn 02 , or
from the numbers of women assigned to it on the Ab tablets; and not less from
its omission from all documents which can be regarded as tribute lists. It is
a reasonable conjecture that it is the name of the site where the tablets were
found. The next step, that of identifying the Palace at Ano Englianos with
the Pylos of Nestor, was taken in advance of the decipherment by Blegen and
Kourouniotis ( 1 939 b ) , and although their view has been challenged it obviously
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
now receives ver^’ strong support. The absence from the tablets of the names
of Nestor and his family is no objection if the fall of Pylos took place a genera-
tion or more after the Trojan War, which is the conclusion of the most recent
chronological surveys . The suggestion of Turner (1954, p. 20) that Pylos is the
name of the aggregate of towns forming the kingdom is worth considering,
though it appears to be used as an ordinary place-name, and can serve as an
adequate definition of the whereabouts of two masons (41 = Anl4). The name
Ke-re-za appears to be a part of Pylos.
Two lists (75==Gn02, 250 = Vn01) enumerate nine towns in the same order;
and a third example of this list can be restored in Vn05 owing to the joining
of a new fragment. The same names form the first nine entries on the tablet
dealing with contributions of bronze 257 =Jn09, except that Ro-u-so replaces
E-ra-to. It is clear that these are the principal towns of the kingdom, and their
occurrence in a fixed order has given rise to some speculation. The order cannot
be one of relative importance, for Pe-to-no, the third, makes the largest con-
tribution of fat hogs and receives the largest share of the wine (?) and probably
also of the sa-pi-de ; Jn09 is useless for this purpose as the contribution of all
nine is the same. The figures are as follows:
Pi-* 82
Cn02
3
VnOl
50
Vn05
Me-ta-pa
3
50
—
Pe-to-no
6
100
200
Pa-ki-ja-
2
35
80
A-pu .2 ?-
2
35
60
A-ke-re-wa
2
30
40
E-ra-to
3
50
—
Ka-ra-do-ro
2
40
—
Ri-jo
2
20
—
The suggestion that the order is based on a standard (quasi-alphabetical) order
of the syllabary — the two names which begin with the same sign come together
— -is ingenious but unverifiable. It is more plausible to assume a geographical
order (north to south ? ) , though this too cannot be demonstrated with certainty ;
and the parallel of the Athenian tribute lists shows that purely arbitrary orders
may be adopted in such cases; it would be impossible to reconstruct the map
of the Aegean merely from the Athenian documents. Only one of the places
can be fixed with much probability: Ri-jo must be Rhion, a name associated
with the promontory' on which stands the modern Koroni (the ancient Asine) ;
even this is not certain, for it is a name applicable to any promontory.
Ka-ra-do-ro = Kharadros is likewise the name of a common geographical feature.
142
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
We were at first inclined to associate Pa-ki-ja- with Zcpccyia, a known name of
the island of Sphakteria. Two considerations, however, have caused us to
question this: the Mycenaean name appears to be alternatively Pa-ki-ja-na,
Pa-ki-ja-ni-ja (fern, a-stem?) or Pa-ki-Ja-ne [ = -dnes, plural), neither of which
corresponds closely with any classical form of the name; and Webster has
pointed out that it is an important place and that the amount of land it
possesses seems too large for that available on Sphakteria ; Chadwick was told
in Pylos that the island is not now cultivable. It is possible that the name refers
to the %vhole area of the mainland bordering the bay of Navarino, but this is
only a guess. Aletapa is known as the name of a town in Acarnania, but there
were no doubt several of the same name. The most significant evidence here is
that of an inscription in the Elean dialect found at Olympia (Schwyzer, Dial.
414 ) which mentions the Metotitioi. Perhaps therefore the town is to be located
in the direction of Elis, somewhere in Triphylia. If Palmer’s value for *82=ja.y
is right, Pi-ja^ may be equated with Oeia in Pisatis, the modern Katakolo;
but this is to stretch rather far the northern limits of the kingdom. Homer
{Od. XV, 297 ) apparently mentions Osai as a place passed by Telemachos
between Pylos and Elis.
It has not passed unnoticed that Homer assigns nine towns to Nestor’s
kingdom:
01 6 s TTuAov t’ svsiJiovTo Kai 'Aprjvriv Epcrreivfiv
Kai 0puou, ’AA(p£ioTo -rropov, Kai eOktitov Aim;
Kai KuTTapiaaiisvTa Kai ’A|i<piy£V£iav ivaiov
Kai TTtsAsov Kai "EAos Kai Acopiov. (//. ii, 591-4)
Similarly in the Odyssey (iii, 7 ) Telemachus arriving at Pylos finds the citizens
sacrificing at nine altars. The coincidence is remarkable and may well be
historical; it should, however, be noted that Homer’s list includes Pylos in
the nine, the tablets exclude it. Only one pair in the two sets of nine can be
equated ; A-pu^?- is perhaps Aiirv, a name appropriate to any town on a height.
It is not securely identified but is said to be in Elis. Of the other Homeric
names KuTrapicafieis is represented on the tablets by the ethnic Kuparissioi and
still bears a similar name, Kyparissia; the name [Ku]-pa-ri-so is a likely
restoration on 187 = Na49. The word A-pi-ke-ne-a on a fragment could be
Apcpiyeveia. "EAos is no doubt the correct interpretation of the dative E-re-e
or E-re-i, but its location is uncertain. The meaning suggests that we should
look for a site on marshy ground, and the obvious place is the seaward end of
the Messenian plain.
This brings us to the remaining seven names of 257 =Jn09 : Ti-mi-to a-ke-e,
Ra-xva-ra-ta ^ , Sa-ma-ra, A-si-ja-ti-ja, E-ra-te-re-wa-pi, ^a-ma-e-wi-ja, E-re-i. These
143
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
seem to form another group ; they recur (except for the last) on the Ma tablets,
so arqA^ertainly also tributary. On 257 =Jn09 they contribute no less bronze,
and in some cases more, than the first nine, so they cannot be dismissed as less
important towns. This is confirmed by their assessments on the Ma tablets
(p. 29 1 ) where Ra-wa-ra-ta^ has a larger assessment than Pe-to-no. Their grouping
is therefore probably geographical. Now the two Ng tablets (198 and 199)
record the totals for two districts which are called De-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-ja and
Pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja, i.e. on this side and on that of some feature called Ai-ko-ra-.
The most prominent natural feature visible from the site of the Palace is the
wall of hills (Aya, Antilaris, etc.) which runs parallel with the sea from
Kyparissia in the north to a little south of Khora (Ligoudista) . This is identified
by Kiepert, by Blegen, by educated locals and by most modern maps with the
AiycxAeov mentioned by Strabo (viii, 4, 2) as the mountain under which the
first city of Pylos had stood; it is tempting to regard this as the name contained
in the compounds, for the substitution of 0 for a is not unusual. Marinatos
once suggested AiyotArav was the smaller hill of Manglava, between Antilaris
and Likodimo, and above the Mycenaean settlement at Iklina. On some maps
the name AlyaAeov is attributed to the conical hill of Ayos Nikolaos (above the
present town of Pylos/Navarino), for no good reason. The damaged tablet
OnOl seems to show that these two districts correspond to the groups of nine
and seven. The heading is lost, but may be conjectured to have contained
De-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-jo. The names preserved in the first paragraph are E-ra-to
(in the adjectival form E-ra-te-i-jo) and Pa-ki-ja-ni-ja on a new fragment; both
these belong to the nine. The second paragraph is headed Pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-jo,
and contains the names of five out of the seven (some differently spelt) together
with E-sa-re-wi-ja, perhaps in place of ^(i-ma-e-wi-ja with which it is coupled in
Vn03.
Ti-mi-to a-ke-e is interpreted by Palmer (1954^, p. 49) as Themi{s)tos ageei
(oyos being given the sense ‘sacred land’). This ingenious idea does not help
us to locate it, for whatever its meaning it is undoubtedly the name of a locality
like the others in this list. It has the variant form Ti-mi-ti-ja or Te-mi-ti-ja,
where the preservation of -ti- goes to confirm the interpretation Themistia.
How far to the east the kingdom extends is not easy to determine. If
jYe-do-wo-ta (acc.) on the military tablets is the river NsScov flowing into the
Messenian gulf, this might be a clue; but the interpretation comes into conflict
with U-ru-pi-ja-jo = Olumpiaioi in the same line. Re-u-ko-to-ro might be the town
usually called AeuKxpa on the Laconian border; but there is nothing to connect
it with the coast, and it could equally well be AeuKTpov in southern Arcadia,
if either of the two. The seven TrroAlsflpa offered by Agamemnon to Achilles
144
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
{II. IX, 149-52) are described as VEorai TTuAou tiijiocOoevtos, and seem to lie
round the shores of the Messenian gulf; they must at that time have been an
independent area belonging neither to Menelaos nor to Nestor, or some protest
would have been made. This would limit the eastward extension of the
kingdom, but there is nothing in the tablets to prove that this was also the
situation at the time of the fall of Pylos.
To the north-east too the limits are undefined. A number of names can be
equated with places in Arcadia, but how many of these should be accepted is
doubtful. Ro-u-so = Aouctoi, Ru-ko-a.^- = AuKoa, A-si-ja-ti-ja = ’ Acrea are plausible
guesses ; E-ko-me-no, however, is hardly likely to be the Arcadian ’Opyonevos,
nor I-wa-so "laaos on the eastern border of Arcadia.
The names of the places from which rowers come are presumably on the
coast. Ro-o-wa may be the port of Pylos (see p. 187) ; Ri-jo and A-ke-re-wa are
among the nine. E-wi-ri-po offers hope of identification, for Euripos implies
the existence of a strait with an appreciable current. There are only two
straits off the Messenian coast: that between the island of Prod and the
mainland, which is relatively wide and affords a safe anchorage; and the
Methoni strait formed by the island of Sapientsa. This is restricted by rocks
and shoals to a narrow navigable channel, and according to the Admiralty
Mediterranean Pilot Book (in, p. 61) ‘the current sets westward through the
Methoni strait at the rate of about one knot during moderate weather’. This
strongly suggests a location near this channel.
The military tablets ( 56 - 60 ) are prefaced by a reference to the coast which
implies that the places where troops are stationed are coastal towns. This
confirms the placing of Ro-o-wa and A-ke-re-wa, and adds 0 -wi-to-no and
Ti-mi-to a-ke-i. The mention in these tablets of U-ru-pi-ja-jo and 0 -ru-ma-si-ja-jo
strongly suggests ’OAuiJTrfa and ’EpunovOos, which would imply contacts far to
the north ; but these names are not found in the tribute lists, and they may well
lie outside the limits of the kingdom of Pylos, though perhaps allied to it for
defence. The same applies to the two references to Pleuron, if this is the famous
city in Aetolia.
Other ethnic groups mentioned are the Ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo who may be from
Corcyra or Krokyleia; and the Zakynthians whose name is also associated
with chariot wheels. The ethnic adjectives used to describe slave-women (see
p. 156) seem to belong to Asia Minor: Lemnos, Knidos and Miletos (though
this might be the Cretan town) and possibly Khios. There are also women
from Kythera, and perhaps even a colony of men from that island in the
territory of Pylos.
10
145
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
10. LIST OF PLACES NAMED AT KNOSSOS AND PYLOS
The following two lists index the words which can be plausibly identified as
place-names at Knossos and Pylos respectively. Only one reference is usually
given for each form quoted, additional examples being indicated by the plus
sign ( + ). Names which can with reasonable certainty be located on a map
are printed in bold type.
Knossos
a-ka, Dal350+.
a-ka-i-jo, Vd62 + . Ethnic.
a-ka-wi-ja-de, 7S = C 914. Akhaiwidn-de. [Cf. Hitt.
Ahhijawd.']
a-mi-ni-so, 2(X)=Fpl4-. Amnisos (on the site see
p. 310). [’Apviao? Od. xrx, 188.]
a-mi-ni-so-de, 201 = Fpl4 + . Amnison-de.
a-mi-ni-si-joj-ja, 34 = Am601 + . Ethnic: Arnni-
sios.
a-pa-ta-wa, 83=Ch902-l-. Aptarwa. [’Atrrapa;
the form 'Airrepa is due to popular etymo-
logy-]
a-pa-ta-wa-jo, 47 = Am826 + ■ Ethnic : Aptarwaios.
da-da-re-Jo-de, 200 = Fpl-(-. Daidaleion-de. [Cf.
AaiSaAos II. xvm, 592; Aai6aAi6at Attic
deme.]
da-mi-ni-jo, V 337 + . Ethnic? [Cf. ’ETtlSaiivo?;
also PY da-mi-ni-jo. '\ See p. 16 1.
da-ra-ko, Ddl579 + .
da-wo, 84 =C 59 + . Ventris: Ddlwos = Ar\Xos?
da-wi-joj-ja, .\m568+ . Ethnic.
da-*ss-io, .As40+ (also Eleusis i). Georgiev:
Dakunthos = ZdKuv0os.
da-*s 2 -ti-jol-ja, F 669 + . Ethnic.
da-* 83 -ja, Dvl086.
da-* 83 -ja-de, Fp363 + . Acc. + -de.
da-* 83 -ja-i, F 670. Loc. plur. : -a’i.
di-ka-ta-de, Fp7 + . Diktan-de. [Aiktti.]
di-ka-ta-jo, 200 = Fpl. Ethnic: Diktaios.
di-ro. Dal 167 + .
do-ti-ja, Cel39 + . (In some cases possibly fern, or
neut. ethnic.) [Cf. Acotiov itESiov in
Thessaly.]
e-Ao-so, Dx46 + . Exos? [Not ’'A5o5= Fd^os.]
e-ki-si-jo!-ja, As82 1 + .
e-ra, Dcl298 + .
e-ra-de, Fh357. Acc. + -de.
e-ra-joj-Ja, V 43 1 + . Ethnic.
e-ti-wa, Fsl9.
e-ti-iva-ja, X 681. Ethnic; cf. woman’s name
Ap639.
ko-no-so, 213 = L 641 + . Knosos. [Kvcoaos II. ii,
646 + .]
ko-no-si-joj-ja, X 56 + . Ethnic : Knosios.
ku-do-ni-ja, 2A=C 59+ . Kudonia. [KuScovia; cf.
KuScove; Od. in, 292.]
ku-do-ni-ja-de, L 588. Kudonidn-de.
ku-pi-ri-jo, Fh347 + . Ethnic: Kuprios. (Applied
to spices; cf. man’s name at Pylos.) [Kuttpios;
cf. KuTtpoj Od. rv, 83.]
ku-ta-to, X 80+. Kutaistos? [Cf. Ktrraiov.]
ku-ta-i-to, 83 = Ch902. Alternative spelling of
the preceding?
ku-ta-ti-jo!-ja, Ga419 + . Ethnic.
ma-ri, D1 947 + .
ma-sa, Dw42 + .
ma-sa-de, X 744. Acc. + -de.
pa-i-to,E 36 + . Phaistos. [Oaioros //. 11, 648.]
pa-i-ti-joi-ja,'K. 681 + . Ethnic: Phaistios.
pa^-ko-we, Ap618+ (also Tiry.ns ii). The
tempting identification Phdgowens (cf. Attic
deme CbriyoOs) is belied by the declension and
derivatives.
pa^-ko-we-e, pa^-ko-we-i, Dx794, Dnl093 + . Loc.
po^-ko-we-i-jol-ja, 100 = 0g424+. Ethnic.
pa^-mo, Ga417 + .
pa^-mi-Joi-ja, 8 & = E 749 + . Ethnic.
pa-na-so, E 843 + . Pamassos ?
pa^-ra, L 473 + . Furumark: Pharai. [Oapal in
various parts of the mainland, none in Crete.]
pa^-ra-jo, Ga423 + . Ethnic : Pharaios.
pa^-ra-i-so, V 466, [X 5285.] Georgiev: Paraisos
orPraisos (possibly a man’s name). [Tlpaicroj.]
pa^-sa-TO-we, Dbl329. Ventris: Psallowens. [Cf.
vpdAAos' uAt) Hesych.]
pu-na-so, X 967 + .
pu-na-si-jo, Ga34 + . Ethnic.
pu-so, .As604 + .
pu~si-jo'-ja, 88 = E 749 + . Ethnic.
Dal 202 + . Laia? [Cf. AaiaToi people in
Macedonia ; Pj-los place-name ra-i-pi.']
ra-ma-na-de, Fh353. \cc. + -de. [Cf. ‘PapvoOs,
Afjpvos?; Pylos ra-mi-ni-jo.']
ra-su-to. As606 + . Lasunthos? [Cf. Aaaoj, Aaaaia.]
ra-su-ti-jo, Lc761. Ethnic.
ra-to, J 58 + . Ldto. [Aoru.]
ra-ti-jo, 87 = E 668. Ethnic: Ldtios.
re-ko-no, C 918.
re-ko-no-jo. C 912 + . Gen.
ri-jo-no. Dm] 174+ . [Cf. 'Piavos Cretan poet.]
ri-u-no, X 149. .Alternative spelling of the pre-
ceding?
ri-* 63 -no. U 49. Perhaps alternative spelling.
ri-jo-ni-jo '-ja, Od563 + . Ethnic.
146
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
ru-ki-to, V 159+ . Luktos. [Auktos II. ii, 647.]
ru-ki-ti-joj-ja, X 37 + . Ethnic : Luktios.
sa-na-to-de, Fs2 + . Acc. + -de.
sa-pa-ka-ie-ri-ja, D1941. Sittig: Sphakteria.
se-to-i-ja, As40 + . Setoia. [ = 2lTiTaia.]
si-ja-du-we, D1 930 + .
si-ra-ro, 83 = Ch902 + .
si-ra-ri-ja, Lc512. Ethnic.
su-ki-ri-ta, T)n\Q92 + . Sugrita? [ = 2!uppiToc?]
su-ki-ri-ta-jo, C 91 1 + . Ethnic: Sugritaios.
su-ri-mo, 29 = As82 1 + .
su-ri-mi-jo, 99 = Ga4 1 8. Ethnic.
te-re-no, Fp363. [Cf. ©ppriv river near Knossos.]
ti-ri-to, Uf 120 + . [Cf. T pira old name for Knossos
(Hesych.).]
ti-ri-ti-joj-ja, 88 = E 749 + . Ethnic,
ta-m'-ja, Dbl606+ . Place or ethnic ? [Cf. ’EA twio
( now Kunari) south of Knossos.]
tu-ri-so, 84 =C 59 + . Tulisos. [TuAictos Inscr.
Cret. I, 30, I ; now T^lissos.]
tu-ri-si-jo / -ja, 87 = E 668 + . Ethnic: Tuiisios.
u-ta-no, 202 = Fpl3 + . Utanos. [=:'lTavo5.]
u-ta-ni-jo, 88 = Fj 749 + . Ethnic: Utanios.
wi-na-to, As604 + . Winatos. [’’Ivotros; probably
on the present bay of Tstitsuro.]
Place-names with untranscribed initials.
* 4 y-da-de, 200— Fpl.
* 4 y-ku-to-de, 202=Fpl3. \cc. + -de.
*4y-so-de,Fh.3D\ + . \cc. + -de.
*8j-ri-mo-de, 202 = Fpl3. Acc. + -de. [Cf. su-Ti-mo.'\
Pylos
a-da-ra-te-ja, Aal&S [44 = An29]. Place or descrip-
tion of women? Adrasteia(i)? [Cf. ’ASpficrrtia
11. II, 828.]
ai-wi-jo, Na25.
a^-ka-a^-ki-n-jo, 60 = An661. akrion?
a^-ka-a^-ki-ri-ja-jo, 76 = Cn22. Ethnic?
a-ia-n-Jo-ae, 254=Jn04. Loc. ?
a-ke-re-wa, 54 = Anl9 + . (One of the nine
towns.)
a-ke-re-wa-de, 250=Vn01. Acc. + -</«.
a^-ki-ja, 45 = An830.
a^-ki-ra, Na856.
a^-ma-i-wa, Na39. [Cf. ’Apaia title of Demeter.]
a-ne-u-te, Cnl4. Loc.?
a^-ne-u-te, Cnl2. .Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
a-nu-wa, 52 = An26.
a-pa-re-u-pi, Cn643 + . Loc. plur. Miihlestein: cf.
’Acpapsus.
a-pa-ri-ka-na-we-ja, Nal6.
a-pa-ta, Na27.
a^-pa-tu-wo-te, Cnl2. Loc. [Cf. ’AirorroOpia?]
a-pe-ke-e, Jn03. Loc.
a-pe-ke-i-jo, Jn03. Ethnic.
a-pi-ke-ne-a, Xal2. Amphigenea? [Cf. ’Appiyeveia
. ih .593-]
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo, 184=Nn01 + . Place or ethnic?
a-pi-te-wa, 57 = An43 + .
a-po-ne-we, 53 = Anl2 + . Loc.
a-pu-ne-we, 15 = Ad684. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
a-pu-ka, 44 = An29. Ethnic: -dnl
a-pu.p!-ka-ne, 59 = An656 + . Nom. plur. of the
preceding ?
a-puj ?-u)e, 49 = An07 + . 'Loc. Aipuei? (One of the
nine towns.) [Aimi II. ii, 592.]
a-pu 2 ?-de, 250 = Vn01. Aipu-de.
258 = Kn01. Ethnic: Aipuial
a^-Ta-tu-a, 76=Cn22. Miihlestein: cf. ’ApaiSupea,
’ApcniTia, old names of Phlius.
a^-ra-tu-wa, 57 = An43. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
a^-m-wo-ie, 56 = .\n657. Loc.: Halwontei? [‘AAoOs
Arcadia, Paus. vm, 25, 2.]
a-ro-wo, 251 = Vn02. Possibly nom. of the pre-
ceding; or a common noun; see Vocabulary',
P- 389-
a-sa-pi, Na33. Loc. plur.
a-si-ja-ti-ja, 31 = Ae04+. [Cf. ’Atrsa Arcadia,
(founded by ’AaEcrras) ?]
a-sa-ti-ja, Mn02. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
a-* 8 §-ta 2 , Mai 7. Alternativ'e spelling of the
preceding.
a-te-re-wi-ja, Cnl4+. [Cf. 'ATpEuj?]
da-mi-ni-joj-ja, 54 = An 19 + . Ethnic or place?
[Cf. ’EiriSapvos; KN da-mi-ni-jo.]
da-we-u-pi, Cn03 [925]. Loc. plur.
de-we-TO-ai-ko-ra-i-ja, 198 = Ng02. Name of a dis-
trict; see p. 144. Deuro-aigolaia?
di-wi-ja-ta, 184 = Nn01.
do-ro-qo-so-wo-te, Na07. Loc. (Divider after qo
doubtful.)
e-ko-me-no, Cnl2 + . Erkhomenos. [’EpxopEv6s =
’OpxopEvos, but hardly that in Arcadia.]
e-ko-me-ne-u, 183 = Nn831 ( = 02). Ethnic or
man’s name ? : Erkhomeneus. [Cf. man’s name
O-ko-me-ne-u.^
e-ko -me-na-ta-o, 44 = .An29 + . Gen. plur. of
ethnic: Erkhomendtaon.
e-ko-so-no, Na31.
e-na-po-ro, 76 = Cn22 + . Enarspkoros? [Spartan
hero ’Evapapopos .Alcm. Earth. 3 ; not a
common noun (Debrunner, Von der Muhll) .]
e-ni-pa-te-we, 255=Jn658+. Loc. [Cf. river-god
’Evitteus Od. XI, 238?]
e-pi-qo-ra 2 , MnOl. Place or common noun; see
Vocabulary, p. 392. Epiq‘olai? [’EinTroAai.]
e-ra-le-re-wa-o, 258 = Kn01 + . Gen. plur.: Ela-
Irewdon. [Cf. ’EActTp(E)ia= ’EAoTEia Thes-
protia; man’s name ’EAcrrpEUS Od. V'lii, ii.]
e-ra-te-re-wa-pi, CnO 1 . Loc. plur. : Elatrewdphi.
e-ra-te-re-we, Ma07. Loc. sing. : Elatriwei. (Pos-
sibly a different place.)
147
10-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-ra-to-de, 250 = VnO 1 . Elatos-de ? (One of the nine
towns.) [Cf. man’s name ’'EAotos //. vi, 33.]
e-ra-te-i, 75 = Cn02. Loc.: Elate'i.
e-ra-te-i-jo, OnOl. Ethnic: Elatews.
e-re-e, 258 = Kn01 + . Loc.: Heleei. ["EXo; 11. it,
594-]
e-re-i, 257=Jn09. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
e-re-e-u, 183 = Nn831 ( = 02). Ethnic of preceding
or separate name; not a place?
e-re-e-wo, Na60. Gen. : -ewos.
e-re-e-we, An723 + . Loc.: -ewei.
e-ri-no-wo, Na5L
e-ri-no-wo-to, 154 = Eq01. Gen.: -wontos?
e-ri-no-wo-te, Cn094-. Loc.: -wontei?
e-ro-ma-io, ,\n25. [Cf. o-ru-ma-io?]
e-ro 2 -ne, Na.34. Loc. Palmer: cf. ’EA ecou //. ii, 500.
e-sa-re-wi-ja, Mal5 + . Derivative of the title
e-sa-re-u (cf. pa 2 -si-Te-wi-ja, za-ma-e-wi-ja) ;
= ‘ estate of the e.’ ?
e-u-de-we-ro, 6 = Ab02 + . Eudeiwelos ? [Cf. EO-
SeieAos name of Aspledon, Strabo.]
e-u-ta-re-\^, Nal085.
e-wi-ku-wo-te, NalO. Loc.: -wontei?
e-wi-ri-po, 54= .\Tii9. Ewripos. [Eupnros; probably
Methoni, see p. 145.]
e-xi'i-ri-pi-ja, Aa06. Ethnic: Ewripiai.
e-wi-te-u, Cnl7.
e-wi-te-wi-jo, \ln0l + . Ethnic.
i-na-ne, 51 = An20. Nom. plur. ?
i-na-pi, An24. Loc. plur.
i-na-ni-ja, Ae01 + . Ethnic or place?; cf.
pa-ki-ja-ni-Ja.
i-te-re-u'a, 258 = KnOl 4- .
i-wa-so, 57 = An43 + . Iwasos. [Cf. 'laaov 'Apyoj
Od. xvm. 246; Muhlestein identifies with
'lacros on .\rcadian-Laconian border.]
i-wa-si-jo-ta, 76=Cn22. Ethnic; Iwasidtai.
ka-pa-ra 2 -de, 26 = .\n02 + . Fern, ethnic? (nom.
plur.).
ka-pa-ra 2 -do, Ad679. Gen. plur.
ka-ra-do-TO. 251 =}nQ9 + . Kharadros. (One of the
nine towns.; [Xapa6pos river near Messene,
Paus. IV, 23, 5; cf. XaAdSpioi in Elean inscr.
Schwyzer, Dial. 415.]
ka-ra-do-ro-de, 250 = VnO 1 . Kharadron-de.
ka-ra-u-jo, An09.
ka-ro-ke-e, 52 = .\n26.
,\al0+. Loc.?
ke-i-jo, Na29. Ethnic or place? Georgiev:
Keios.
ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na, 184=Nn01. krdrtdl
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na, Xa07. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
ke-ra-ti-jo-jo, .\n09. Gen.: Geraistioio. [FEpaio-nov
Arcadia.]
ke-re-te, An3I. Nom. plur.: Kretesl [Kpiis.]
ke-re-ti-ifo, Na09.
ke-re-za, .\b25 + . A place at Pylos. [Not
= KpfjCTtjai.]
ki-ka-ne-wi-jo-de, \'n07. Acc. + -de.
ki-ni-di-ja, Abl2 + . Fern, ethnic: Knidiai. [Kvi-
5os.]
ki-ni-di-ja-o, Ad683. Gen. plur. : Knididdn.
ki-si-wi-ja, Aa770. Fern, ethnic: Xiwiai. [ = Xlai?
(XTos<Xlios).]
ki-si-ivi-ja-o, .\d675. Gen. plur.: Xiwidon.
ko-ri-to, Ad07. Korinthos. [Not the known
K6piv6o5.]
ko-ri-si-jo, 52 = .\n26 + . Ethnic: Korinsios. [Cf.
woman’s name ko-ri-si-ja.}
ko-ro-du-wo, Nal04L
ko-ro-Jo-wo-wi-ja, NInOl. Khoroio ivomial
ko-ro-ki-ja, 26 = An02 + . Fern, ethnic?
ko-ro-ki-ja-o, Ad680. Gen. plur.
ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo, Na45 + . Ethnic; Ventris, Furu-
mark: Krokulaioi (cf. KpoKuAsta); Sittig:
Korkuraioi.
ko-tu-wo, 1 3 1 = EqO 1 . Gen.
ko-tu-we, Na908. Loc.
\ku\-pa-ri-so, 187 = Na49. Kuparissos. [Kutrd-
piCTCTos, Horn. KutrapiaariEi? II. ii, 593, now
Kyparissia.]
ku-pa-ri-si-jo, 56 = An637. Ethnic: Kuparissioi.
ku-te-ra^, Aal4. Fern, ethnic?: Kutherai. [Ku-
eqpo.]
ku-te-ra-o, Ad696. Gen. plur. : Kutherddn.
ku-te-re-u-pi, 28 = An42 + . Loc. plur. of ethnic or
place: Kuthereuphi?
ma-ra-ne-nu-we, 54 = An 19. Loc.
ma-ra-ne-ni-jo, 175 = Mal0. Ethnic.
ma-ro, Cn05 + . [Cf. MfjAos.]
ma-ro-pi. 6\ = Cn04 + . Loc. plur. ?
ma-to-To-pu-ro, CnlO. Muhlestein; Mdtro-pulos (i.e.
the city from which Pylos was founded).
me-ka-o, Nal2. Gen.: Alegdol [Cf. men’s names
Msyri;, MsyaSri;.]
me-sa-po, Na28. Messapos? [Cf. MsaaaTrEai
Laconia.]
me-ta-pa, 44 = .'\n29 + . Metapa. (One of the nine
towns.) [MiTa-rra; cf. to; METatrio; in Elean
inscr. Schwyzer, Dial. 414.]
me-ta-pa-de, 250 = \’n0 1 . Aletapan-de.
me-ta-pi-Jo, 58 = .\n654. Ethnic: Xletapios.
me-te-to, Na04 + .
me-te-to-de, 4\ = .\.n\4. .\cc. + -cfe.
mi-ra-ti-ja. Aal7 + . Fern, ethnic: Mildtiai. [Ml-
ApTo; in Ionia or MiAaTo; in Crete?]
mi-ra-ti-ja-o, .\d09, .NdGSg. Gen. plur.: Mild-
tidon.
na-i-se-ivi-jo, Jn692 + . Ethnic ?
ne-do-ivo-ta-de, 60 = An661. Xedwonta-del [NeScov
river of E. Messenia.]
ne-we-u, Ad02. Masc. ethnic?
ne-we-wi-ja, Ab20 + . Fern, ethnic.
ne-we-wi-ja-o, AdOl. Gen. plur.
o-pi-ke-ri-jo, An35. Perhaps not a place; Opi-
skherion ?
o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de. 55 = An724 ( = 32). Acc. + -*?
o-re-e-wo, Cnll. Gen.: Oreewosl [Cf. ’OpEo;
Euboea.]
o-re-mo a-ke-re-u, Jn06.
148
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
o-ru-ma-to, 76= Cn22. Orumanthos? [= ’EpuiiavQos.]
o-ru-ma-si-ja-jo, 57 = An43. Ethnic.
o-wi-to-no, 44 = An29+.
o-wi-ti-ni-jo, 56 = An657. Ethnic.
pa-ka-a-ka-ri, 196 = Na70. Pdgd Akharis?
pa-ki-ja-na, 114= En02, Nall + . Apparently gen.
and loc. (One of the nine towns.) [Possibly
Sphagian-, cf. Z<payia = E9aKTTipic(: seep. 143.]
pa-ki-ja-ni-ja, 114 = En02. Ethnic or alternative
spelling ?
pa-ki-ja-ne, XcOl. Ethnic (masc. plur.) used as
place-name ?
pa-ki-ja-pi, 257=Jn09. Instr.-loc. plur.
pa-ki-ja-si, 51 = An20-r. Dat.-loc. plur.
pa-ko, 49 = An07. Phdgos? [Cf. Oriyos Thessaly,
Ofiyeia .\rcadia.]
pa-na-pi, Cnl3. Loc. plur.: Phandphi? [Cf. Oova
Aetolia.]
pa^-wo-na-de , Vn07. Acc. + -de.
pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja, 199 = Ng01-p. Pera-aigolaia? See
p. 144.
pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-ja, OnOl. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja, Adl5. Alternative (defective?)
spelling.
pe-re-u-ro-na-de, 53 = An 1 2 . Pleurdna-de. [TTXeupdiv
Aetolia, 11. 11, 639 + .]
pe-re-u-ro-ni-jo, 59 = An656. Ethnic: Pleurdnios.
pe-re-wo-te, NaOS-p. Loc.
pe-to-no, 75 = Cn02 + . (One of the nine towns.)
pe-to-no-de, 250 = ynOl. Acc.-\--de.
pi-ka-na, 194=Na58.
pi-pu-te, 49 = An07. Loc.
pi-* 82 , 75 = Cn02 -H . (One of the nine towns.)
Phial [Chsid Triphylia? Cf. Osai, dubious
reading in Od. xv, 297.]
pi-* 8 s-de, 250 = Vn01. Phian-de.
po-ra-i, 59 = An656. Dat.-loc. -plnT.—po-ra-pil
po-ra-pi, 53 = Anl2-|-. Loc. plur.: Phordphi?
[Oapal Messenia?]
po-ti-ja-ke-e, 54 = .\nl9-|-. Loc. [Cf. ti-mi-to
a-ke-e.'\
po-to-ro-wa-pi, Aall-P. Loc. plur.
po-wi-te-ja, Jn02 + .
pu^l-ra^-a-ke-re-u, 184=Nn01. Ethnic? Palmer:
Puragreus.
pu^l-ra^-a-ki-ri-jo, Na52. Alternative spelling of
the preceding?
pu-ro, Aal5-p. Pulos. [TTuAos II. xi, 671 -f.]
pu-ro-jo, An 15. Gen.: Puloio.
qe-re-me-e, NalO. Loc.
qo-pi-ja, Na30. [Cf. Bo(|3r| Thessaly, II. n, 712; or
Ooipia Sicyon.]
qo-ro-mu-ro, Na841. Bromulos? [Cf. Bpopos,
BponicTKOS against etymology.]
qo-ta, Na23.
qo-ta-wo. 50 = An 18 rev. -f .
ra-i-pi, Nal7.
ra-mi-ni-joi-ja, Anl3-r. Ethnic. Ldmnios or
Rhamnios? [Afjpvos, ‘PapvoOs.]
ra-ni-jo-ne, 52 = .'^26.
ra-u-ra-ti-ja, OnOl. Lauranthial
ra-wa-ra-ta^, 257=Jn09-t-. Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
ra-u-ra-ti-jo, .A.d664. Ethnic.
ra-wa-ra-ti-jo!-ja, Cnl3, 45 = An830. Alter-
native speOing of the preceding.
re-ka-ta-ne, 52 = .\n26. Loc. or ethnic?
re-pa.,-se-wo, CnW. Gen. : -ewos.
re-pe-u-ri-jo. Cnl4. Lepeurionl [Cf. Asirpsou
Triphylia.]
re-n’-zee-i, 51 = --Vn20. Loc.
re-u-ko-to-ro, 41=Anl4-|-. Leuktron. [AsOKTpov
Laconia, Arcadia, Achaea.]
ri-jo, 53 = .'Vnl2-r. (One of the nine towns. 1
Rhion. ['Plow Messenia (Strabo, viii, 360) ;
modern Koroni.]
ri-sa-pi, Na71. Loc. plur.: Lissdphi? [Cf. Aiaaa
Crete, Alaaai Thrace.]
ri-so-we-ja, Na26.
ro-o-wa, 53 = Anl2-r. (Possibly the port of Pylos;
see p. 187.)
ro-u-so, 7 = Aa7 1 7 -P . Lousoi. [Aounoi Arcadia.]
ro-u-si-jo, 252 = Vn06-p. Ethnic: Lousios.
ru-ke-ivo-wo-wi-ja, Na35. Lu{n)keu:os worwial
ru-ko-a 2 -[ke]-re-u-te, Jn08. Lukoagreuthenl [Cf.
AuKoa Arcadia.]
sa-ma-ra, 181 = Mal4-P.
sa-ma-ra-de, 41 = . An 14. .Acc. -P-&.
sa-ma-ri-wa, Na73.
sa-ri-nu-wo-te, An09 -P . Loc. : Salinwontei ? [Es-
AivoOs stream in Triphylia.]
sa-ri-no-te, Vn04. .Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
si-jo-wo-te, Cn09. Loc.
si-re-wa, 182 = Mal8 + .
so-ro-pe-o, 52 = .An26.
so-wo-te, see do-ro-qo-so-wo-te.
ta-mi-ta-na, 191 = Na26.
ta-ra-ke-wi-[, An25. Trakhewila]? [Tpaxtia.]
te-mi-ti-ja, OnOl. — ti-mi-ti-ja.
te-re-ne-we, 51=.An20. Loc. sing, or nom. plur.?
te-re-ne-wi-ja, An38. Ethnic.
te-se-e, Nal5. Loc.
te-ta-ra-ne, 53 = .Anl2 + . Loc. or nom. plur.
[Carratelli TeTpovr].]
te-tu-ru-we, 184 = Nn01-p. Loc. (Same place as
the preceding?)
ti-mi-to a-ke-e, 176=Mal2-p. Palmer: Themi{s)to5
ageei.
ti-mi-to a-lrr-;, 60 = An661. .Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
ti-mi-ti-ja, 258= KnOl -p . .Apparently not ethnic,
but an alternative form of the place-name:
Themistia. [Cf. te-mi-ti-ja.}
ti-nwa-si-jol-ja, 258 = Kn01-p. Ethnic. [Cf. Tpt-
vaaos ?]
ti-nwa-ti-ja-o, 15 = .Ad684, cf. Xa633. .Alter-
native spelling of the gen. plur. fem. of the
preceding.
to-To-wa-so, Na47.
u-ka-jo, 184 = Nn01.
149
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
u-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja, An08. Huparakriai [ = *YiT£p-
ocKpia.]
u-po-ra-ki-ri-ja, Cnl 3. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
u-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo, 58 = An654. Alternative spelling?
u-po-di-jo-no, Nal8. Gen.
u-ra-*86, Na37.
u-ru-pi-ja-jo, 57 = An43 + . Ethnic : Ulumpiaios.
Cf. u-ru-pi-ja-l KN X 392. [Cf. ’YAup-iros
= 'OXuirn' 05 .]
u-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo, 76 = Cn22. Gen.: Ulumpiaioio.
u-wa-si, 59 = An656. Dat.-loc. plur.
wa-a^-te-pi, Nal9. Loc. plur.?
wa-a^-te-we, 52 = An26. Ethnic?
wa-re-u-ka-ra, Na576.
wa-wo-u-de, 58 = An654, cf. Xb02.
wi-ja-da-ra, Ad02.
wi-ja-we-ra^, Jn05 + .
wi-nu-ri-jo, 54 = An 1 9.
wo-no-qe-wq, Na45, cf. 258 = Kn01.
wo-qe-we, 54 = Anl9 + . (Same place as the pre-
ceding?)
wo-tu-wa-ne, Cn09.
zja-ku-si-joj-ja, [54=Anl9] 286 = Sa787-i-. Ethnic:
Zakunsios. [ZokuvQos; cf. man’s name
za-ku-si-jo.'\
za-ma-e-wi-ja, 257=Jn09 [MalO Vn03]. [Cf.
ka-ma-e-u in Vocabulary.]
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na, see after ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na.
[.'\-ka-si-da, 52 = An26.
150
PART II
SELECTED TABLETS
TRANSCRIPTION, TRANSLATION,
COMMENTARY
EXPLANATORY NOTES ON THE PRESENTATION
Numbering
We have chosen 300 of the most interesting Mycenaean tablets for discussion here;
they include 122 from the Knossos excavations of 1900-4, 105 from Pylos 1939, sixty-
three from Pylos 1952, one from Pylos 1953, five from Mycenae 1952 and four from
Mycenae 1954. They have been arranged in groups according to their context and
given consecutive numbers from 1 to 300 . These numbers are intended to help the user
of this book, but Bennett’s classification is everywhere added (e.g. 1 = AaO 1 ) , and should
continue to be used alone in future references to the tablets. The new numbers adopted
in PT II for the 1939 tablets were received too late for general use in this book, but
have been added in square brackets where such tablets are transcribed.
A concordance of these tablets in the order of their original publication will be found
on pp. 445-8 ; for the Knossos tablets Bennett’s references consist of Evans’ numeration
{SM II) with the addition of a two-letter prefix indicating the context. A further
concordance (pp. 449-52) lists all the 1939 Pylos tablets in serial order of their new
numbers, irrespective of prefix, together with their old numbers. The Pylos tablets found
1952 and later are referenced by their inventory numbers (as in PT II), which run
upwards from 622.
The bracketed letters added by us to the Knossos tablet headings refer to the alleged
find-spot (see fig. 13, p. 115), the Roman figures to the plate in SAI II on which a
legible photograph may be found; e.g. 29 = As 821 (K lix).
T RANSCRIPTION
The transcription of the Mycenaean phonetic signs follows the values given in fig. 4,
p. 23; where the value is unknown, Bennett’s signary numbers are used with an
asterisk, e.g. * 8 j-de-we-sa. Ideograms are transcribed in small capitals with the meanings
suggested in fig. 10, pp. 50-1, and in the ‘boxes’ at the head of each section; evidence
for these identifications will be given in the commentary. Unidentified ideograms are
referred to by asterisked numbers ioo-*243 as in fig. 10. Such spellings as o.ki. sheep
refer to small syllabic signs used as ‘adjuncts’ (i.e. abbreviated descriptive notes) : their
function is discussed on p. 53 and in the commentary' to the relevant groups of tablets.
W eights and measures are printed with the original Mycenaean symbols, but in the
translation are converted into their suggested metric equivalents with the ratios pro-
posed on pp. 57-60.
The tablet readings published by Evans and Bennett have been independently
checked by one or both of us from the originals in Greece. The state of the text is shown
by the following conventions:
tp-sp Faint, damaged or careless signs, whose traces are compatible with the
restoration proposed, though not necessarily to the exclusion of other
possible readings.
[ End of the line broken off, or too abraded to be read.
153
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
[? Uncertain whether part of the text has been lost or not.
to-so [ The evidence of the tablet, or reliable analogy, indicates that the word is
complete before the lacuna.
to-so-]^ The evidence indicates that the word is not complete.
to-so[ The evidence is insufficient to decide the question.
[io ]-50 Editors’ restoration of sign completely lost.
[. .] Two signs lost.
[+15] Space for approximately fifteen lost or illegible signs.
[AT] A missing ideogram, whose identity cannot be inferred.
\nn\ Missing numerals and weights and measures.
25 [ Numerals probably complete.
+ ]25 Tens probably incomplete.
25[+ Digits probably incomplete.
25 [ Uncertain whether numerals are complete or not.
{to) Superfluous sign added in error by the scribe.
(to) Sign accidentally or deliberately omitted by the scribe,
pol Sign erased by the scribe.
'to' Scribe’s corrected reading over erasure, or sign squeezed in above the line.
/ Change by the scribe to a different size of writing.
Translation
An attempted English rendering of each tablet is added, except where it consists
entirely of repetitive phrases. Doubtful and controversial translations of words and
ideograms are printed in italics, without which a number of the tablets would appear
as an impenetrable forest of question-marks.
Proper names which do not have a possible Greek explanation are printed in the
transcription form; otherwise they are ‘translated’ into an approximation to the con-
temporary Greek form. Where the assumed classical parallel is obscured by phonetic
changes (e.g. po-ru-qo-ta — Poluq'‘hontds=T[o 7 oj(^ 6 vn\s), the reading can be checked in
the index of personal names (pp. 414-27) and of place-names (pp. 146-50). Where
necessary, place-names are distinguished by p, men’s names by ™ and women’s by f.
Notes
It was felt that a complete Greek version of each tablet would demand both excessive
space and a premature finality in the interpretation. Where the equivalent Greek
vocabulary and syntax are not obNTOus from the transcription and translation, they
will be discussed in the Notes on the first appearance of the formula. The suggested
Greek pronunciation and etymology of every word appearing on the published tablets
can in any case be checked against the comprehensive Vocabulary (pp. 385-413).
Greek type will only be used for classical forms and quotations, the approximate
Mycenaean pronunciation being indicated in Roman letters on the lines discussed in
the Preface. We have adopted a conventional spelhng of datives singular in -ei (e.g.
poimenei, wanaktei) and of datives plural in -a’i (fern.) and -oi’i (masc.) ; the actual
pronunciation of these forms is disputed (see p. 85).
154
CHAPTER VI
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
1. WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT PYLOS (Aa, Ab, Ad)
The Pylos tablets of these three series form a connected group. Aa and Ab
tablets both enumerate women and children, the latter adding a reference
to two commodities, wheat and figs. The Ad tablets list
men and boys who are specifically stated to be the sons
of various groups of women largely identifiable with those
lOO
ft
c
MAN
mentioned in Aa and Ab.
The relation between the Aa and Ab series seems
103
li
man'"
to be unique, for the headings in at least twenty-one
lOI
MAX'"
cases are repeated in each series ; and there is a general
resemblance in the figures given which suggests that
102
t
WOMAN
these record the numerical strength of the same groups
at different times. Contrary to what appears to have been the usual custom,
the first set were not destroyed on being replaced ; possibly the second census
was not complete when the records came to an end. There does not seem to be
any means of gauging the interval between the two counts, though we may
conjecture an annual revision of the lists to be likely. In one case the numbers
remain constant (Aa795: Abl9; probably also Aa05 : Abll+35); elsewhere
the increases and decreases seem to be about equal. The total of the
numbers preserved on the Aa tablets is 631 women, 376 girls and 261 boys,
or 1268 souls in all. Those on the series are smaller (370+190+149 = 709).
In estimating the actual numbers of this class allowance must be made for lost
or damaged tablets; but the Aa group may contain a few duplicates.
Since some of these tablets contain nothing but an enumeration of the
women and children, it follows that the record is primarily a census and the
other entries are subsidiary. The same applies to the Ad tablets, where the
only entry is the number of men and boys, except for three cases in which there
is a further note of a deficit {o-pe-rd ) .
The groups of women are described in three ways, which may be variously
combined. The description usually begins with a place-name, though this may
be omitted (see below). Then the group is normally described by its trade or
occupation: e.g. lewotrokhowoi ‘bath-attendants’, meletriai ‘corn-grinders’.
155
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ampukoworgoi ‘headband-makers’, dlakateiai pektriai ‘carders’. In
some cases an ethnic adjective appears to be substituted for the trade: Knidiai
(Knidos), Mildtiai (Miletus), Kuther{i)ai (Kythera), Ldmniai (?) (Lemnos).
Others not identifiable but probably ethnic are ti-nwa-si-ja, a-da-ra-te-ja (cf.
’ASpficTTEia, 11. II, 828), ze-pU 2 ?-ra, ki-si-wi-ja (from an early form of Khios?).
In the Ad tablets both trade and ethnic may be coupled: e.g. ti-nwa-ti-ja-o
i-te-ja-o ‘of the weavers of T.’ (15 =Ad 684 ). Here too there may in some cases
be an indication of the fathers of the children; as in this same tablet where
they are also called: a-pu-ne-we e-re-ta-o ko-wo ‘the sons of row^ers at A.’
It is tempting to speculate about the status and origin of these women.
The menial tasks that they perform suggest that they were slaves : possibly the
labour force for the industry on which the wealth of the Mycenaean kingdoms
must at least in part have been built. The casual references to the fathers of
the children also seem to indicate that they are not the product of any regular
union. The absence of men listed in their own right is surprising ; women appear
to predominate, and where the men are listed it is as the sons of the women.
The deficiency of men is to some extent compensated by certain of the lists
in the An series, though these may not be strictly parallel; some at least seem
to be allocations of labour for special purposes. It may be suggested that the
labour force is in part the product of piratical raids on the non-Greek areas
of the Aegean. If the defeated inhabitants were carried off into slavery this
would account for the preponderance of women and children, most of the men
being killed in the fighting or subsequently slaughtered. The interpretation of
ra-wi-ja-ja as ‘captives’ (see 16 =Ad 686 ) supports this view; though it might
be supposed that these women are distinguished from the other categories.
They would, however, only be called ‘ captives ’ for a short time, before being
assigned to an occupation. Virolleaud (1953, p. 193) quotes an Ugaritic text
which refers to bn amht kt ‘the sons of the slave- women of KV ( = Kition in
Cyprus?) — an almost exact parallel for the Ad tablets. The ethnic names may
then be a clue to the places raided by the ships of Pylos. It is plain from
numerous references in Homer that ‘Viking’ raids of this sort were everyday
occurrences in Mycenaean Greece; and the incursion of sea-peoples repelled
by Ramses III w^as probably a major expedition of this type. Indeed the
Trojan War may have begun as a similar operation. The insecurity of early
Greece as described by Thucydides (i, 5, 6) is likely enough; and the raison
d'etre of the hegemony of Mycenae w^as probably the comparative security it
afforded to the subordinate powers.
A notable characteristic of the Ab tablets, apart from the added formula,
is a difference in the form of the heading. In Aa the location is ordinarily
156
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
omitted if it is Pylos; Aal5 is exceptional, Aal6 is now reclassified as Ab564.
The writer of the Ab series begins each entry with a place-name, though once
or twice he seems to have forgotten it (e.g. Ab03) or to have inserted it as an
afterthought (Ab23, Ab3 1 + 789). The hypothesis of at least two writers is
supported by differences in spelling; Aa spells the feminine agent suffix
-ti-ri-ja, Ab -ti-ra^. A study of the handwriting confirms this conclusion.
Tablets of both groups end with a formula which has the usual form; da i
TA I [Aa) or DA TA (Ab) ; the distinction is not, however, absolute, and
within each group either part or the whole formula may be omitted ; the order
may also be reversed. No numbers other than one ever appear, and it is
therefore certain that the formula does not express any ration or allocation,
which should show some variation according to the numbers of women con-
cerned. This disproves Webster’s suggestion (1954, P- 1 1) that da is a measure
of land, as in PY 114 = En02, where da 40 is glossed to-sa da-ma-te. The
same abbreviation may have different meanings in different contexts. For
a possible correlation of this formula with the rations on the Ab tablets
see below. The same formula appears on some Knossos tablets dealing with
women and children (e.g. 18 = Ak611), and there the numeral following ta
may be 2.
Where a ration of wheat and figs is specified (Ab tablets only) , the amounts
are roughly proportional to the numbers of women and children. The amounts
of the two commodities are always identical. The basis of the calculation would
appear to be a ration of T 2 for each woman, with half that amount for each
child irrespective of sex. This is further proof that the calculation of rations
is not the sole purpose of the census. In Abl5 + 899 eight women, three girls
and three boys receive T 22 ( = 8x2 + 6); Ab3 1+789 six women, six girls
(‘boys’ is here a scribal error) and three boys receive T 21 ( = 6x2 + 9);
Ab41 + 745 two women and one girl receive T 5 ( = 2x2 + 1). The same scale
is suggested by Ab06 where there are no children, but the number of women
is damaged; the ration, however, is T 4, i.e. that presumed for two women.
Although the figures never fall below this basic level, in most cases the ration
is supplemented by a factor varying up to more than one-half (Abl9), and not
infrequently one-third or more (AbOl, 6 = Ab02, Ab09, Abl7, Ab30). There
appears to be no principle by which the amount of this supplement can be
derived from the details recorded; it is perhaps an allowance for the skilled
or heavy nature of the work performed. Of the three clear cases of the basic
ration it is noticeable that in two the da ta formula is absent, while in the
third the right-hand edge of the tablet is missing; Ab06 has only ta. herever
the full formula da ta (or ta da) is found, there is an improvement on the
157
1-3
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
basic ration ; t a alone is accompanied by a very small supplement (one-twelfth)
on Abl6. This correlation may, however, be accidental, for the presence of
the formula will not explain the variations in the proportion of the increase.
It was suggested in ch. ii (p. 6o) that T 2 represents an absolute value of
approximately 24 litres. This was based partly on a possible equation between
weight and bulk in the case o^ knakos ‘safflower’, and on a reasonable range
of values for the smallest unit -o i ; but also on the specific assumption that
these Ab rations are monthly ones. Such a ration of 24 litres is little less than
the khoinix (27 litres) regarded as the classical monthly ration for a fighting
man; it is often supplemented and is in any case accompanied by an equal
quantity of another commodity which is almost certainly figs. The identifica-
tion is to some extent guesswork, but a monthly ration seems to fit better than
a daily or yearly one.
Rations of figs are not unknown in antiquity. Two Cretan inscriptions
{Inscr. Cret. iv, 79 and 144) give yearly rations (possibly for a group) which
include 100 medimni of figs and 200 medimni of barley; cf. also rv, 77. Cato
{Agr. 56) recommends a reduction in the ration of bread for slaves ‘ when they
start eating figs’.
l=Aa 01 [ 62 ]
me-re-ti-ri-ja women 7 ko-wa 10 ko-wo 6
Seven corn-grinding women, ten girls, six boys.
me-re-ti-ri-ja : the identification of this word depends upon the interpretation of me-re-u-ro
as ‘flour’ in PY 171 = Un718 (see Vocabulary, p. 399). Corn grinding is one of the
tasks commonly undertaken by women; cf. yuvi]. . .ocXsTpis [Od. xx, 105).
2 = Aa 815
a-ke-ti-ra^ women 38 ko-wa 33 ko-wo 16 dai tai
Thirty-eight nurses, thirty-three girls, sixteen boys; one da-, one ta-.
a-ke-ti-ra^\ not satisfactorily identified; for other suggestions see Vocabulary (p. 387).
It is plainly a common occupation among women. The translation ‘nurses’ is based
on the gloss of Hesychius dy^pia- paTa; McKenzie’s suggestion [Cl. Quart, xv, 48)
that this word is a dissimilation of *dypeTpia is only a guess, and the dissimilation
might even be of Mycenaean date. On da ta see above (p. 157).
3 =Ad 694
pe-ki-ti-ra^-o ko-wo men 4 ko-wo 3
Four sons of the carders, three boys.
pe-ki-ti-ra.^o\ pektridon, from -rT^oo.
158
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
3-8
ko-wo: this word is used on these tablets in two senses: (a) ‘son (of)’, {b) ‘boy’ (as
opposed to grown man).
4=Aa04 [240]
a-ra-ka-te-ja women 21 ko-wa 25 ko-wo 4 ta i
Twenty-one spinning-women, twenty -five girls, four boys; one ta-.
a-ra-ka-te-ja: a derivative of fiAaKcrrri. This tablet and Aa03 appear to break the rule
that there are not two tablets in the same series with identical headings ; possibly the
broken portion contained the statement of rations, which would assign it to the Ab
class; but in these ta da usually follows the rations.
5=Aa792
ki-ni-di-ja women 21 ko-wa 12 ko-wo 10 da i ta i
Twenty-one Cnidian women, twelve girls, ten boys; one da-, one ta-.
ki-ni-di-ja : Knidiai, ethnic of KviSog.
6=Ab02 [379]
, 0,7 WHEAT 2 T 8
e-u-de-we-ro women 8 ko-wa 2 ko-wo 2 , r. ta da
FIGS 2 T 8
At Eudeiwelos: eight women, two girls, three boys; 336 1. of wheat, 336 1. of
figs; ta-, da-.
e-u-de-we-ro : an unidentified place-name, which recalls the Homeric epithet, of uncertain
mearting and etymology, eu5£leAos; if this is correct the spelling will help to resolve
some of the difficulties of the Homeric word.
7 = Aa717
ro-u-so a-ke-ti-ri-ja women 32 ko-wa 18 ko-wo 8 da i ta i
At Lousoi: thirty-two nurses, eighteen girls, eight boys; one da-, one ta-.
ro-u-so: a place under the control of Pylos, cf. 178 = Mal3, 252 = Vn06, probably
Aouaoi in Arcadia. The addition of the place-name distinguishes this entry from the
nurses at Pylos (2 = Aa815).
8 = Ad670
e-u-de-we-ro ri-ne-ja-o ko-wo men 4
At Eudeiwelos ; four sons of the flax-workers.
The women are here given a trade-name, but may be the same group as those meant
in 6 = Ab02 above.
ri-ne-ja-jo: a common occupation among women, probably lineiddn, a derivative of:
Aivov.
159
9^12
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
9 = Ab 27 [ 553 ]
, , . , , WHEAT II T I
bu-ro re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo (women) ko-wai^x ko-wo ,
F \ f o ! o "^figsiiTi
TA DA
At Pylos: thirty-seven (women) bath-attendants, thirteen girls, fifteen boys;
1332 1. of wheat, 1332 1. of figs; ta-, da-.
This tablet is remarkable for the omission of the ideogram for women before the
numeral thirty-seven, clearly an oversight in view of the extreme regularity of this
class. Bennett in Index read re-wo-to-ro ko-wo as two words, though there is no
sign of a word-divider. That the bath-attendants are women is proved by the ideo-
gram in Aa783, and the expression re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo ko-wo in 10 = Ad676.
re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo lewotrokhowoi, Horn. XosTpoydos {Od. xx, 297). Their number is not
excessive if their duties included the canydng of all the water required in the house-
hold. The apparent metathesis of the first two vowels is unexpected but not inex-
plicable. Ruiperez (1950) explains the disyllabic aorists of the type crropsaai as
arising from a metathesis of ^crrspocrai. On this basis he is prepared to accept
*A6p6CTai > AoEoai ; thus the original base may have been Asp o-. The same vowel order
is shown by the adjective re-wo-te-re-jo 238 = Tn996.
10 = Ad 676
pu-ro re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo ko-wo men 22 ko-wo ii
At Pylos : twenty-two sons of the bath-attendants, eleven boys.
ll=Ad 690
pu-ro a-pi-qo-ro ko-wo men fq] 10 ko-wo 4 [0. men 3]
At Pylos ; ten sons of the waiting-women, four boys.
a-pi-qo-ro : amphiq^olon = dp9iTr6Acov.
12 =Ad 671
ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o-qe 0. men 5
pu-ro a-pu-ko-wo-ko pa-ke-te-ja-o-qe men 6 [gj ko-wo 6
At Pylos: six (sons) of the headband-makers and the musicians and the
sweepers, six boys; deficit five men.
The second line is to be read first, the words being written in above owing to lack of
space. The sons of the women of three trades are recorded jointly; cf. the next tablet.
a-pu-ko-wo-ko : ampuko-worgon ; dp-rru^ is Homeric {II. xxii, 469) .
pa-ke-te-ja-o-qe : no satisfactory’ explanation ; if from the root of -rraijco it should probably
begin pa-wi-; possibly a derivative of tttiktis.
ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o-qe : the form suggests a feminine from a masculine in -eus. Perhaps from
KaAAuvco, cf. KdAAuvOpov, KoAAuvTqs.
0,: as an abbreviation appears to stand for o-pe-ro, i.e. deficit (see Vocabulary, p. 401).
160
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
13-16
13=Ad691
e-ke-ro-qo-no-qe pa-wo~ko-qe
pu-ro o-pi-ro-qo ko-wo men 9
At Pylos . nine sons of the supernumerary women, and of the wage-earners and
casual workers.
o-pi-ro-qo: opiloip^on, =£TriAoi 7 Tcov; i.e. the women not yet allocated to particular duties.
e-ke-ro-qo-no-qe \ Palmer (1954^, p. 23) proposes enkherorpoimn, from *£yx£ip6-iToivos. For
iyXSipa = MiCTe6s cf. Schwyzer, Dial. 325h and Cypr. uy^pov Schwyzer, Dial. 679 aA
pa-wo-ko-qe: the nominative pa-wo-ke occurs in Aa 795 . Palmer proposes par-worges,
a compound of Trap- with the base *worg-. The apocope of a preposition cannot yet
be paralleled.
14=Ad697 + 698
da-mi-ni-ja
e-re -[ . \-qe-rq-me-no
\ri\-ne-ja-o ko-wo
men[
At Damnia : x sons of the flax-workers ; . . .
da-mi-ni-ja\ presumably a place-name since it is not a genitive plural. Cf. ’ETTi-Sauvos?
da-mi-ni-jo men 40 occurs on 54 = PY Anl 9 and is common on the Knossos tablets,
chiefly those dealing with sheep (see p. 203). The top line gives further information
about this group. Possibly restore e-re-\e\ qe-ro-me-no — ereen g'^elomenoi ‘willing to
row’, or e-re-\td\ qe-ro-me-no = eretai q'^elomenoi ‘becoming rowers’ (cf. Horn. TTEXopai).
15=Ad684
a-pu-ne-we e-re-ta-o ko-wo
pu-ro ti-nwa-ti-ja-o i-te-ja-o ko-wo men 5 ko-wo 2
At Pylos: five sons of the Tz-tztea-sian weavers (sons of rowers at A-pu-ne-we),
two boys.
ti-nwa-ti-ja-o ■. the same as the ti-nwa-si-ja (nom.) PY Abl 4 . It is probably an ethnic
adjective from an unrecorded place-name *ti-nwa-to (-av 9 os?). Nouns in -t- usually
form adjectives in -si-jo = -0105 (see p. 73) ; but there is some wavering, e.g. mi-ra-ti-Ja
from MiAaTos. It is possible that the sound was at this stage intermediate, perhaps
-ts- as suggested by Andrews.
i-te-ja-o: histeidon, a derivative with the suffix -eia from icrros (cf Icrroupyos) ?
a-pu-ne-we: a place-name, elsewhere spelt a-po-ne-we 53 = An 12 , 54 = An 19 , probably
in the dative case. The top line is to be read together with the lower; i.e. the parentage
is recorded on both sides, cf 28 = An 42 .
16=Ad686
o-u-pa-ro-ke-ne-[to ? a]-ka-wq-ta-ra-kp-po-ro
pu-ro ke-re-za ra-wi-ja-ja-o ko-wo men 15
16
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
At Ke-re-za, Pylos : fifteen sons of the captives ; Alkawon the . . . did not present
himself.
ke-re-za\ this word was taken by Furumark in Ab25 and Ab26 (reading ke-re-ta^ as
KpfjTrai; but although this interpretation might still be possible owing to the
ambiguity of za, it seems to be disproved by this tablet, which shows that it is not
part of the description of the women since it is not a genitive plural. It occurs as
first word, followed by ra-wi-ja-ja on Aa807 ; and on Ab25 and Ab26 it is preceded
by pu-ro, apparently without a divider. It seems more likely therefore that it is
a place at Pylos.
ra-wi-ja-ja-jo: Idwiaidon, derivative of Dor. Aata, Ion. Arjtri ‘booty’; cf. Ari'idSas. . •
yuvaiKas {11. xx, 193 ). This has also been proposed by Georgiev.
ou parogeneto Alkdwon. . .-pharos: the name a-ka-wo occurs in other tablets at Pylos,
though not qualified.
ta-ra-ko-po-ro: hardly tragophoros 'wearing a goat-skin’ (cf. Tpayqcpopos, di-pte-ra-po-ro) .
The reading -ko- is very' uncertain.
2. WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT KNOSSOS (Ai, Ak)
This is a much less homogeneous group than the corresponding tablets at
Pylos. The introductory word may be a Cretan place-name or the feminine
of the ethnic adjective derived from one. In some cases there is added or
substituted a man’s name, which may be in the genitive (e.g. Ai63, Ak622),
though in other cases the syntactic relationship is unexpressed and the name
stands in the nominative as a mere heading (e.g. Ag91, 20=Ak824; in this
tablet Furumark is unjustified in presuming a-pi-qo-i-ta to be an adjective in
agreement with do-e-ra, since a compound adjective should normally have only
two terminations). This tablet specifically refers to the women as slaves, and
it is likely that the same applies to the whole group. The children are further
subdivided into ‘older’ {me-zo) and ‘younger’ {me-wi-jo, me-u-jo).
There are a number of other annotations, mostly abbreviations at which we
can only guess (e.g. pa. di.-, pe. di.-, ne. di.-, di. za.-, zo. di.-, de.-, tu.-, *85.-).
The frequent di.- is fairly certainly a contraction of a word spelt more fully
di-da-ka-re ne. 22 = Ak781, di-da-ka-re[ Ak783, Ak784, di-da-ka-[ Ak828. The
form of this word is obscure, the final ne,- is probably an independent abbrevia-
tion (see below). The recurrent di-da-ka-re may then be for didaskale{ion) ,
but the dropping of the extra sign needed is surprising though not impossible;
in the other cases the end of the word is lost and di-da-ka might stand for
didakhdi i) . But the -re appears to be part of the word. Ventris suggests didaskalei,
a locative of the type of oIkei. ^Vhatever the exact form it seems plausible to
conjecture a meaning ‘under instruction’ or the like, and to compare it with
162
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
17-19
de-di-ku-ja 18=Ak611 (abbreviated to de - Ak620?). This word too appears
to be incorrectly spelt if intended for dedidakhuiai, perfect participle of 5i5dcn<co ;
the meaning is clearly intransitive (see p. 89) ‘ having completed their training
It is hardly likely that this has reference to general education; much more
probably these are women newly enslaved who have to be taught a trade;
cf. the Homeric custom by which slave-women are regularly described by such
phrases as duuiiova spycc i5ulas [11. ix, 270) ; cf. tos. . . epya SiSd^aiaa; epyd^eoOai
Od. XXII, 422.
Of the other abbreviations ne.- and pe.- may be newoterai (or simply newai)
and presguterai\ pa.- possibly palaiai. The same suggestions were made by
Furumark (1954).
The expression da i ta i already noted at Pylos recurs at Knossos, and
here we have also ta 2. The relation of these entries to the rest of the text
remains obscure.
17=Ai739 (H li)
^ ra-su-to I a-ke-ti-ri-ja women 2
- ko-wa I ko-wo i
At Lasunthos: two nurses, one girl, one boy.
ra-su-to: a place-name; the adjective ra-su-H-jo occurs on Lc761 ; cf. Actaos, Aaaaia.
18=Ak611 (? xliv)
DA I
^ to-te-ja TA2 woMENio[+ ] de-di-ku-ja woman i [
^ ko-wa me-zo-e 4 ko-wo me-wi-jo i[
: two ta-, one da-', 10+ women; one trained woman; four older girls,
one younger boy.
to-te-ja: not found elsewhere.
de-di-ku-ja: see above.
me-zo-e: mezoes', on the form of the declension of me-zo and me-wi-jo see p. 86.
19=Ak627 (F? lii)
DA I
* '\-to a-no-zo-jo t.\ i [women] 9 pe. di. 2
^ ko-wa mel-zo-e 7 ko-wa me-wi-jo-e [9] To'
^ ko-wo me-zo\-e 2 ko-wo me-wi-jo-e 1:9] To'
At to', nine [female] (slaves) oj A-no-zo', one da-, oneta-; two older women
under instruction', seven older girls, ten younger girls, two older boys, ten
younger boys.
163
II -2
19-22
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-no-zo-jo : presumably a man’s name in the genitive.
pe.di-: see above, p. 162.
tne-zo-e (line 3) : here dual mezoe.
Compare the women and children of two sizes listed on the Sumerian palace ration-
lists from Lagas (e.g. Genouillac 1909, TSA, xn):
40 1. of emmer-wheat to the woman IdlulaWah,
20 1. to a boy {dumu-nita),
two girls {dumu-sal) at 20 1.,
six serving-women at 40 1.,
one small boy [sag-dug-nita) at 20 1.,
two small girls {sag-dug-sal) at 20 1., etc.
20=Ak824 (K Iviii)
1 a-pi-qo-i-ta j do-e-ra women 32 ko-wa rm-Zfl-e 5 ko-wa me-wi-jo-e 15
2 ko-wo me-wi-jo-e 4
Amphiq’^hoitas : thirty-two female slaves, five older girls, fifteen younger girls,
four younger boys.
a-pi-qo-i-ta : only here in this spelling, which can hardly be anything but Amphiq'‘hoitds
= ’Ap9i<poiTris. Elsewhere we find a-pi-qo-ta (see index of personal names). Furumark
understands as adjective d|icpi90iTai (no meaning given), see p. 162.
21=Ak624 (F? xlvi)
da[
1 ri-jo-ni-ja ta[
2 ne. I di. 3 ko-wa me-zo-e [nn
^ ko-wo di. 3 ko-wo me-zo-e [nn
Ri-jo-n\?is\ women : x da-, x ta- . . three young women under instruction, x older
girls . . . , three boys under instruction, x older boys ....
ri-jo-ni-ja: feminine ethnic of the place-name ri-jo-no (.'\p639, etc.).
The annotation di.- applied to boys is unusual ; in view of the order it may distinguish
a class of boys older than those called me-zo-e.
22 = Ak781 (J liii)
1 ] WOMEN 17 [
2 ] ko-wa [
^ ] di-da-ka-re ne. i ko-wo [
. . .seventeen women . . .x girls . . . oneyoung woman under instruction, x boys ....
di-da-ka-re: see commentary, p. 162 above.
164
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
23-25
3. MEN, WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT KNOSSOS (Ag, Ai)
Some tablets record only small numbers of women (and in one case men) ;
they may be records of families, but the introductory name is ambiguous and
may refer to the owner of a group of slaves as elsewhere.
23=Agl654 (?)
qe-ri-jo man*" i woman i ko-wa [
Qe-ri-jo (man), one woman (wife?), one girl (daughter?). . ..
qe-ri-jo •. probably a personal name. But it may be genitive, i.e. slaves of Q,. ; cf. the
next tablet.
24=Ai63 (O xxiv)
pe-se-ro-jo e-e-si
WOMAN I ko-wa I ko-wo i
(The slaves? family?) of Psellos are; one woman (wife?), one girl (daughter?),
one boy (son?).
pe-se-ro-jo: Pselloio; the name recurs in the nominative or dative on MY 105 = Ge602.
e-e-si: eensi, 3 rd pers. plur. of pres. ind. of eipi (see p. 89 ).
ko-wa : the numeral is quite clear on the original.
4. WOMEN WORKERS AT KNOSSOS
At Knossos women are not so often referred to by trade-names as at Pylos;
this sample shows a classification of women containing one of the words found
at Pylos.
25=Ap694 (G xlvi)
* ]-jq ko-u-re-ja women [
- ] ka-ra-we women [
^ ] a-ze-ti-ri-ja women [
ko-u-re-ja: here apparently a feminine trade-name, also found on textile tablets (Lc581)
where it must be connected with the annotation ko-u-ra often associated with pa-we-a
{pharwea). Georgiev notes ‘=KOup£ia’ without comment; presumably as feminine
of Koupeug; but this root has a spurious diphthong arising from *KOpCT-. A connexion
with Koupsiov does not seem more satisfactory.
ka-ra-we: grawes, ‘old women’.
a-ze-ti-ri-ja: the same word as a-ke-ti-ra^ PY 2=Aa815.
165
26-28
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
5. WOMEN WORKERS AT PYLOS
Some similar lists from Pylos record large groups of women classified according
to occupation or origin.
26=An02 [292]
^ si-to-ko-wo
- ka-pa-ra^-de women 24 ko-wo io[ + ?
^ ko-ro-ki-ja women 8 ko-wo [nn
^ ki-ni-di-[ja women] 21 ko-\wo nn
Measurers of grain: twenty-four Ka-pa-ra^-de women, lo-f- boys, eight Ko-ro-
ki-ja women, x boys, twenty-one Cnidian women, x boys.
si-to-ko-wo: sitokhowoi, presumably women responsible for measuring out the correct
amounts of ctItoj. Bennett takes this as an abstract of Aa788, Aa02, and 5 = Aa792,
and restores the numerals accordingly. In this case ko-wo will mean ‘children’.
ka-pa-ra^-de : the reading of the second sign has been corrected by Bennett to pa.
Probably a feminine ethnic in -dSes. It reappears on Aa788 and the genitive
ka-pa-ra^-do on Ad679.
ko-ro-ki-ja: probably another feminine ethnic. Hardly from KpoKos or KpoKT) (acc. KpoKa
Hesych.). The word reappears on Pylos Aa02, Ab07, its genitive ko-ro-ki-ja-o onAdGSO.
27=Ae08 [303]
i-je-ro-jo {ku-ru-so-jo i-je-ro-jo\
pu-ro i-je-re-ja do-e-ra e-ne-ka ku-ru-so-jo women i4[T
At Pylos: 144 - female slaves of the priestess on account of sacred gold.
i-je-re-ja : hiereids. We find a woman named e-ra-ta-ra described as ‘slave of the priestess’
on 119 = Eo02.
e-ne-ka : heneka, despite the presumed *evp6Ka of the etymologists.
ku-ru-so-jo i-je-ro-jo: khrusoio hieroio. The nature of the transaction is obscure; were the
slaves given to the priestess in return for some gold which had been offered? Or are
they allocated to look after the gold ritual objects?
28=An42 [607]
* me-ta-pa ke-ri-mi-ja do-qe-ja ki-ri-te-wi-ja
- do-qe-ja do-e-ro pa-te ma-te-de ku-te-re-u-pi
^ women 6 do-qe-ja do-e-ra e-qe-ta-i e-e-to
^ te-re-te-we women '61 ' 13 '
do-qe-ja do-e-ro pa-te ma-te-de di-wi-ja do-e-ra
® WOMEN 3 do-qe-ja do-e-ra ma-te pa-te-de ka-ke-u
WOMAN I do-qe-ja do-e-ra ma-te pa-te-de ka-ke-u
166
7
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
28
® WOMEN 3
11
vacant 2
ka
At Metapa: women barley-reapers. Six women reapers, their father
a slave and their mother among the Kytherans', thirteen women reapers,
; three women reapers, their father a slave and their mother
a slave of Diwia ; one woman reaper, her mother a slave and her father a smith ;
three w^omen reapers, their mother a slave and their father a smith.
The arrangement of this tablet is unusual since the phrases regularly run on from one
line to the next ( 2 - 3 , 3 — 4 , 5 - 6 , 6 - 7 , 7 - 8 ). It is therefore difficult to know how to
punctuate lines 1 - 2 . Possibly ki-ri-te-wi-ja is part of the phrase ma-te-de ku-te-re-u-pi
inserted above for lack of space or as an afterthought.
Metapa: a well-known place-name, but hardly that in Acarnania; possibly on the
Elean border, see list of place-names (p. 148 ).
ke-ri-mi-ja: the only other instance of this word is on Knossos Lc535, a fragment
mentioning also talasia ‘pensum’ and introduced by the totalhng formula to-sa.
Possibly a derivative of xslp, but the meaning is obscure; cf. also xeApis glossed as
Trais f) AOkiOov (sic) by Hesychius.
do-qe-ja: this is clearly a key-word on this tablet, but unfortunately it occurs nowhere
else; a man’s name do-qe-u KN B 804 looks like the corresponding masculine (cf.
i-je-re-uji-je-re-ja; see p. 89 ). In this case, however, it must be a description of the
women. Various attempts at interpretation have been made; our original idea was to
connect it with Sopirov, but the sense is unsatisfactory. The analogy of other words
such as to-no = Qp6vos leads one to suspect = *6p6-TTEia, cf. masc. paAo-SpOTrpss
(Sappho). The etymology of SpsTrco is not certain; but there is no objection to a
labio-velar in the word, the -it being generalized as frequently. The word rvill perhaps
mean ‘picker’, possibly ‘reaper’ or ‘gleaner’.
ki-ri-te-wi-ja: elsewhere this word stands alone as a description of women [ki-ri-te-wi-ja
e-ko-si 131 =Eb21, 135 = Ep704, but is here probably an adjective qualifying do-qe-ja,
if the order is sound. If this means ‘reaper’, it may perhaps be connected with
KpiOai ‘barley’; the form of the adjective is not without parallel, cf. wa-na-se-wi-ja
235 = Ta711 from pdvaCToa.
doelos pater, mater de . . ..
ku-te-re-u-pi: Georgiev and Andrews suggest khutreuphi ‘potters’; but the ordinary' word
for ‘potter’ is kerameus (52 = An26), and its recurrence as first word on NaOl seems
to prove that it is a place-name (see p. 297 ). It is presumably the instrumental plural
of an ethnic in -eus, used to designate the area. The -phi suffix must here have locative
functions. It is natural to connect this with ku-te-ra^ Aal4, Ab22, gen. plur. ku-te-ra-o
Ad696 ; some derivative of the island Kuthera ? ku-te-re-u-pi refers perhaps to a colony
of Kytherans settled within the Pylian territory.
e-qe-ta-i: = ETTETais. The added -i is the mark of the dative plural, whatever
28-29
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the form intended (see p. 84). Palmer is right in supposing the heg‘‘etds to be an
important person (see on 57 = An 43 below), probably a companion of the king.
e-e-to : the initial e-e- recalls e-e-si and suggests that this too is some part of sipi ; possibly
the 3rd plural present imperative, to be read eest5(n) or eento{n). But an imperative
seems out of place here. Andrews has called attention to the gloss savTO' fiaav
(Hesych.), and suggested that this is some sort of 3rd plural imperfect { = *ehent).
Perhaps the middle conjugation is not impossible; cf. Horn., Aeol. saao, Delph. fiTai,
Mess. fjvTai (dubious Horn, eioro Od. xx, 106).
te-re-te-we : apparently dative singular, or nominative plural or dual of a stem in -us or
-eus. The difficulty is that if from -eus, it must be masculine and so cannot apply to
the women. The analogy of the other entries leads us to expect that this too has
something to do with parentage, but so far it has proved impossible to extract any
convincing meaning from it. The figure 6 may have been changed to 1 3 to include
the 7 recorded below.
di-wi-ja: possibly nominative feminine singular of an adjective diwios = }iom. 6105;
perhaps in the meaning ‘of Zeus’ not found in Homer; cf. the month name di-wi-jo-jo
KN Fp 5 (see p. 305). More likely to be equated with di-u-ja (cf me-ivi-jojme-u-jo) ,
both representing a pronunciation diwja, which is certainly a divine name in
172 = Kn 02 ; cf Aif^i[a] ( = Magna Mater according to Meister) in a Pamphyhan
inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 686, i). If so, to be read here as genitive, another of
the slaves belonging to deities.
6. INDIVIDUAL MEN AT KNOSSOS (As)
In some cases persons are recorded singly; in such cases the name is usually
given, followed by the trade or duties to which he is assigned. The purpose of
these records is probably to keep a note of the numbers for whose feeding or
payment the palace is responsible, as in the case of the groups of women.
29 =As 821 (K lix)
1 ]-ra-jo e-qe-ta-e e-ne-ka ti-mi-to men 2 ki-ta-ne-to j su-ri-mo e-ne-ka o-pa man i
2 J-ne-uje e-rq i-je-[re]-u po-me e-ne-ka / o-pa man i ko-pe-re-u / e-qe-ta e-ki-si-jo
MAN I
. . .two followers on account of tribute', Ki-ta-ne-to at Su-ri-mo^ on account of
dues', . . .priest at E-ra, shepherd on account of dues', Kopreus, follower, of
Exost’.
For the readings see KT 11. The tablet is badly preserved and many signs are doubtful.
e-qe-ta-e: a strange form, but in view of the numeral 2 possibly intended as a dual.
Perhaps the termination of the consonant stems extended to the masculine a-stems.
ti-mi-to: read by Palmer (19546, p. 49) as Themi{s)tos in the Pylos place-name ti-mi-to
a-ke-e. Here possibly as a common noun = ‘ dues, tribute’, cf Anrapds TsAsouai
OEliicTTas 11. IX, 156 (if rightly so taken).
168
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
29-31
ki-ta-ne-to\ a man’s name which reappears in connexion with the place Su-ri-mo on
Dal 108.
o-pa : a wmrd which recurs several times at Knossos and once at Pylos, usually following
a man’s name in the genitive. Perhaps hopd < *soq'‘d, postulated as the base of
oirdcov. But a sense ‘retinue, following’ seems absurd here, in particular of a
shepherd. It may be a feudal term and like ti-mi-to mean some form of service or
goods due to the lord. This would give a satisfactory- semantic development for
OTtdcov, onriSds, but the etymology is obscure.
e-rq i-je-[re]-u: Bennett read ta-ra-pUo?-je-l. If correct e-ra may be either genitive of
the goddess Hera, or more likely locative of the place-name. Is the same man both
priest and shepherd?
ko-pe-re-u \ a man’s name also found at Pylos; =Ko7rp£US 11. xv, 639.
e-ki-si-jo : the word has been split to leave room for the ideogram and numeral. Ethnic
adjective from the common place-name e-ko-so, thus showing that the vowel after k
is ‘ dead ’ ; cannot be ( = Fdf os) .
7. INDIVIDUAL MEN AT PYLOS (Ae)
30=Ae03 [264]
pi-ra-jo I ai-ki-pa-ta su-ra-te du-ni-jo-{jo} me-tu-ra su-ra-se man [i]
Philaios the goat-herd (who is acting as ?) seizer has seized the cattle of Dunios.
ai-ki-pa-ta: aigipa{s)tds? The first part of the compound is obvious; Palmer (1954^,
p. 24) derives the second from the verbal root *pat- ‘see’, found in Cypr. glosses,
and in the reduphcated form TTaTTTaivco.
su-ra-te: apparently the agent noun from the verb to which su-ra-se belongs. The
identification with ovAdco seems hard to avoid, but the sense is unsatisfactory.
Cattle-raiding is not to be excluded, but the use of a formal agent noun added to
the trade-name is puzzling. The phrase du-ni-jo-jo me-tu-ra su-ra-se recurs on two other
tablets of this group (AeOl, Ae02).
du-ni-jo: a common name at Knossos as well as Pylos, where he is called ‘servant of
the god’ (143 = Ep705).
me-tu-ra: presumably the object of su-ra-se', =piTuAa ‘hornless cattle’ ?
su-ra-se: aor. suldse or fut. suldsei?
31 =x\e04 [134] (see plate II {b), facing p. no)
ke-ro-wo po-me a-si-ja-ti-ja o-pi ta-ra-ma-{ta')-o qe-to-ro-po-pi o-ro-me-no man i
Ke-ro-wo the shepherd at A-si-ja-ti-ja^ watching over the cattle of Thalamatas.
ke-ro-wo: nom. of an o-stem, as the gen. ke-ro-wo-jo is found 62 = Cn655. Not therefore
gen. to ke-ro-we Cn09, as proposed by Carratelli (1954, p. 90).
a-si-ja-ti-ja: it is impossible to determine the case, but a locative-dative is preferable
to genitive on grounds of syntax.
169
31-36
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ta-ra-ma-(td)-o : restored from the following tablet.
qe-to-ro-po-pi : q'^etropo{d)phi = TETpatroai.
32 ==Ae 05 [ 108 ]
qo-te-ro ai-ki-pa-ta o-pi ta-ra-ma-ta-o qe-\to-ro-po-pi\ o-ro-me-[no man i]
Qo-te-ro the goat-herd watching over the cattle of Thalamatas.
33 =Ae 07 [ 26 ]
ko-ru-da-ro-jo do-e-ro o-pi pe-mg men 4[
Four (or more) slaves of Korudallos in charge of seed-corn.
pe-mo : spermoi : a more likely reading than pe-me. The numeral must be between 4 and
8 if written normally (cf. Dow, 1954, p. 124).
8 . WORK GROUPS OF MEN AT KNOSSOS (Am, As, B)
34 = Am 601 (? xciv)
e-te e-so-to a-mo-ra-ma
to-so a-mi-ni-si-jo men 9
Total men of Amnisos: nine; the rations are to be from there.
e-te\ enthen?
e-so-to: either a full spelling of esto ‘let there be’, or a 3rd plur. future essontoi.
a-mo-ra-ma: harmoldma ‘ food-lev>' ’ ? (cf dppaAid and see Vocabulary, p. 387). The note
presumably implies that Amnisos, not Knossos, is responsible for providing their rations.
35 =Am 819 (K)
we-ke-i-ja men 18 ko-wo 8
pUo-ra I si-to month? i barley 9 T 7 <13
At PharaiP: wages for eighteen men and eight boys: grain per month 1170 1 .
of barley.
we-ke-i-ja: possibly a derivative of Ipyov. Furumark (1954, p. 22) = ‘Tagewerk’.
Wntris has suggested that the crescent-shaped ideogram *gq. may be the moon,
used ideographically for month, as frequently in other languages, though Greek uses
different words. The quantity of the rations works out at 45 1 . per person if the boys
are reckoned on the same scale as the men. This is high in comparison with the
issues to women at Pylos (p. 1 58) . But this is an issue of barley, and is perhaps the
wages of free men, not a ration for slaves.
36 =B 817 (K lx)
to-so ' ku-su-to-ro-pao men'’ [
So many men in aggregate ....
ku-su-to-ro-pa.y : xunstrophd.
The significance of the alternative forms of the ideogram for man is still unknown.
170
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
36-38
37 =B 823
MEN*^ lO
tu-wi-jo I ta-pa-e-o-te a-pe-o-te men^ 4
. . . men, ten present, four absent.
ta-pa-e-o-te: plainly the opposite of apeontes ‘absent’; perhaps tarpha eontes, wdth an
adverbial formation in -a (cf. 6aiid) from Tapcpesg.
38 = Asl516 (? Ixxxvii)
This, the longest Knossos tablet, consists of an enumeration by name of at
least sixty-seven men, under headings which suggest, as seen by Furumark
( 1954 , p. 19 ) administrative areas. There are a number, though not a large
proportion, of convincingly Greek names: Philinos, Agoraios, Purwos,
[Dejxelawos, Khariseus, Opsios, Amphiwastos, Amphilawos. But many
others are equally certainly non-Greek: e.g. pa.^-me-si-jo, mi-ja-ra-ro, si-ja-
pU2?-ro, pi-ja-si-ro, pi-ja-se-me.
^ [illegible introduction in large letters]
ko-no-si-ja ra-wa-ke-(si)-ja a-nu-wi-ko man i [
3
a-ra-da-jo man i
pi-ja-si-ro man i dq-me-\^
]
MAN I
4
]-ro man I
po-to MAN I
si-pu.^ MAN I
pu-te
M.AN I
jq-sa-no
MAN I
5
pa.^-me-si-jo man
I mi-ja-ra-ro
M.AN I mi-ru-ro
MAN
I
6
[a]-ki-wa-ta man
I u-ra-mo-no
M.A.N I pi-ri-no
.MAN
I
7
qi-to-no-ro man i
pe-te-ki-ja man i ko-ni-da-jo
MAN
I
8
a-ko-ra-jo man i
wa-du-na-to
MAN I qo-te-ro
MAN I
9
i-te-u man I pu-to-ro man i
ka-ri-se-u man
I ai-ko-ta man
I
10
ka-ke man i ru
-na MAN I
pu-vco MAN I a-
-ta-ze-u
MAN I
11
a-ra-na-ro man i
si-ja-pU2?-ro
MAN I to-so X
MEN 31
p(i-i\-ti—jo a-nu-to pa^-si-re-wi-ja man i su-ki-ri-to man i,
etc., etc.
pi-ja-se-me man i to-so x men 23
se-to-i-ja j su-ke-re-o pa.^-si-re-wi-ja man i ku-to m.\n i, etc.
This tablet divides into three sections, listing men under three place-names, Knossos,
Setoia and a third which is lost in a lacuna. The first two sections end with a totalling
formula and a check-mark; the end of the last section is lost. The heading is illegible.
ra-wa-ke-{si}-ja: almost certainly to be corrected as the corresponding term in sections 2
and 3 is pa.^-si-re-wi-ja (basilewia) ; presumably a feminine or neuter noun has to be
understood. The use of these terms suggests that the basilewes of subordinate districts
were in some sense analogous to the Idwdgetds at Knossos.
The first man ideogram in each paragraph does not seem to be included in the totals;
possibly a-nu-ivi-ko is an adverbial phase (see Vocabulary, p. 388).
39
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
39=Asl517 (? Ixxxviii)
' ]-wo re-qo-me-no
“ ? pa.^-si-re-u i a-di-nwa-ta i
^ .^-sa-ta I ti-pa^-jo i
da-wa-no i [ J-zt’o i
^ qi-qe-ro i wi-du-\^ ] i
® ku-ra-no i dq-ipi-\^.^ i
' e-ru-to-ro i ku-ta-i-jo i
® ku-rq-nu-we-to i pa^-ra-jo i
® n’-^o I pa-na-re-jo i
ke-ka-to i to-so men^* 17
vacat
o-pi e-sa-re-we to-ro-no-wo-ko
po-to-ri-jo I pe-we-ri-jo 1
du-ni-jo I
R everse: vacat
za-mi-jo MEN 9
vacat
leiq^omenoi : ‘ being left ’ ?
basileus: the local chieftain? Or a personal name? He is counted in the total. Note
the omission of the man ideogram.
to-so : Bennett’s reading to-sa seems to be unjustified when compared with the form of
sa written in line 3. The sign was originally intended for something else, and has
been corrected. Furumark (1954, p. 19) also reads to-so.
o-pi e-sa-re-we : opi — ewei thronoworgoi : Ptolion, Pe-we-ri-jo, Dunios. e-sa-re-u seems to be
the title of an official, but the meaning of the whole phrase is obscure. Thronoworgoi
may be makers of chairs or garlands, but notice that the form of 0 p 6 vos at Pylos is
to-no. Po-to-ri-jo is more likely a man’s name than the genitive of ptolis.
9 . WORK GROUPS OF MEN AT PYLOS (An)
The key to the following tablet lies in the word ke-ro-si-ja, which is found
again only on An23. It appears to describe both individuals and groups of
men, and is most likely geronsia ( = yepouCTia) ‘council of elders’. Each entrv
is introduced by a name in the genitive. Of these four names, A-pi-qo-ta and
Ta-we-si-jo are found as men’s names at Knossos. The onlv one to recur at
Pylos is A-pi-qo-ta who seems to be called basileus at A-pe-ke-e onJnOS; the entrv
is marred by a lacuna. It would therefore seem likely that these four are basilewes
or local chieftains, and the list records some of their counsellors. On the reverse
the numbers seem to be much larger than the totals of the individual entries.
172
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
40
40=An22 [261] (joined with 857)
^ ] -ii'e ke-'ke-tu-wo-e'
- o-ta^-we-o ke-ro-si-ja ai-nu-me-no man [i]
^ o-ta^-we-o ke-ro-si-ja qo-te-ro man [i]
^ o-ta^-we-o ke-ro-si-ja a^-e-ta [man i]
^ o-ta^-ii'e-o ke-ro-si-ja o-du-pa^-ro [man i]
® a-pi-jo-to ke-ro-si-ja ku-\nel^-u man [i]
^ a-pi-jo-to ke-ro-si-ja o-wo-to man i
® a-pi-jo-to ke-ro-si-ja a-ra-i-jo man i
^ a-pi-jo-\to^ ke-ro-si-ja ri-zo man i
ta-ive-\si-jo-jo^ ke-ro-si-ja [ ] man i
ta-we-si-\^jo^-jo ke-ro-si-ja [ ] man i
ta-we-si-[jo]-jo ke-ro-si-ja [ . "[-wa-ne-u man i
a-pi-qo-\ta-o^ ke-ro-si-ja qi-so-ni-jo man i
a-[j}i-qo-ta-o'] ke-ro-si-ja a-[.]-/^ man [i]
“^^ [ ] ke-ro-si-ja «-[ ] man i
[ ] MAN I
[ ke-rol-si-ja o-[ . ]-A:a-[
a-[pi-qo-ta-o ke-ro-si]-ja o-ro-{
Reverse:
^ ta-we-si-jo-jo ke-ro-si-ja te-[ man i]
^ \ta-we^-si-jo-jo ke-ro-si-ja tu-ru-we-u man i
vacat
^ [ta]-we-si-jo-jo ke-ro-si (sic) men 20
^ a-pi-qo-ta-o ke-ro-si-ja men 17
® a-pi-o-to ke-ro-si-ja men [18]
^ o-tg-ipg-[o ke^-ro-si-ja men [14]
vacat
® ka-ma-e-[we^ men io[-r?]
It is singularly unfortunate that the first line is fragmentary^ ke-ke-tu-wo-e is con-
ceivably a perfect participle. At line 5 of the reverse the hand changes.
o-ta^-we-o: it seems clear that this is the same name as that spelt o-to-wo-o in line 8 of
the reverse and in An23, despite the phonetic difficulties. It is less certain if it is the
same name as o-tu-wo-we who is a smith at E-ni-pa-te-we (255=Jn658, Jn725) ; the
dative of which o-to-wo-we-i recurs on Vn85 1 .
Lines 5-8 of the reverse are apparently repeated by An23 hnes 1 - 4 , thus allowing the
restorations shown in the text.
ka-ma-e-we: this is the name given to holders of land called ka-ma who represent a
special feudal class: see p. 261 .
173
41-42
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
41 = Anl4 [35]
^ to-ko-do-mo de-me-o-te
2 pu-ro MEN 2 me-te-to-de men 3
^ sa-ma-ra-de men 3 re-u-ko-to-ro men 4
vac at
® a-ta-ro tu-ru-pte-ri-ja o-no
® WOOL 2 SHE-GOATS 4 3 WINE 10 FIGS 4
Masons who are to build; Pylos two, to APe-te-to^ three, to Sa-ma-ra^ three,
Leuktron four.
A-ta-ro . . . ; 6 kg. of wool, four she-goats, three . . . , 360 1. of wine, 480 1. of figs.
toikhodomoi demeontes. The classical distinction between toTxos and teIxos is not neces-
sarily to be read into this compound. It is not impossible that this is an attempt to
put the defences in order, though it may relate merely to normal b uildin g operations.
The distinction between the places which have the suffix of motion -de and those
which have not may imply that the masons are already at Pylos and Leuktron (to be
read as locatives) and are being sent to the other towns.
a-ta-ro: the relation of this entr\' to the preceding is obscure; perhaps we should not
look for a connexion between them. The phrase tu-ni-pte-ri-ja o-no recurs on UnOl,
preceded by ku-pi-ri-jo which is probably there a man’s name, Kuprios; hence a-ta-ro
here may be one too.
tu-ru-pte-ri-ja: a connexion with dpuiTTco seems obvious, though it is hard to interpret
if the meaning is ‘crushing’.
o-no: Furumark (1954, p. 33) proposes to interpret as cibvos despite the absence of
digamma (<*poavos) ‘Einkaufspreis’. Carratelli (1954, p. 94) similarly ‘cost of
demolition’? Palmer (1954^, p. 22) prefers ovog in the sense of ‘mill-stone’. In the
latter case the significance of the commodities enumerated is obscure.
On the ideogram *146, perhaps some sort of textile, see p. 290.
42 = Anl7 [37]
' o-za-mi-\^
^ pa-ra-we-wo
^ a-pi-no-e-[
* e-na-[po-ro
^ [
] e-ne-ka
[••]->
] MEN 2
] I
]
This tablet is clearly related to 250 = VnOl Cp. 348), which is an account of a distribution
of wine. The sense of the heading here is puzzling and no translation seems safe
enough to print.
o-za-mi-{: Ventris connects with ^Tipioco ‘thus they are penalized’. The occupational
name za-mi-jo (of uncertain meaning) might be better as this is a list of men* but
0- at Pylos is normally followed by a verb.
174
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
42
pa-ra-we-wo: cf. 250 = \"n01. Possibly a man’s name. The next word is not \wo-no]-jo
as the parallel might suggest. The list appears to consist of place-names in the locative.
An29 is unique among the Pylos ‘man’ tablets in that its second paragraph
lists not MEN but the symbols ‘ze i’ which normally indicate ‘one pair’.
Webster has drawn our attention to the close parallel shown by SnO 1 , in which
the entries also count ‘one pair’; where the paragraphs are similarly intro-
duced by o-da-a^ ; and where the ktoinans ekhontes of line 1 2 can be taken as
a direct antithesis to the aktoinoi of An29.9 (cf. talasian ekhontes '.atalasioi on
253=Jn01, etc.). The two tablets have here been printed together on the
assumption that they belong to a single set; they are similar in size and are in
the same hand.
The first paragraph of SnOl would appear to introduce the set, since its
individuals are important enough to be described as ?ba\silewjonte and classi-
fied as mo-ro-pa^ and ko-re-te (‘ mayor of a village’ ?). This paragraph evidently
covers much the same territory as 258 = Kn01, a list of contributions of gold,
where the men’s names Luros, Poikiloq“s, Psolion and the place-names I-te-re-iva
and Ti-mi-ti-ja recur (also a-to-mo).
The second paragraph of SnO 1 and the two sections of An29 (here lettered
as § 3 and § 4, admittedly without any certain justification) then seem to
record members of successively lower classes in the hierarchy. § 2 embraces
the class of ‘/t^oma-holders’ or telestai; § 3 lists a class of men who are evidently
particularly involved in the ‘military tablets’, since the names Xe-wo-ki-to,
Ro-u-ko, A-e-ri-qo-ta and Ai-ko-ta recur there (59=An656, 57 = An43, 56 =
An657, 56 = An657) ; and finally § 4 refers to the men ‘without a ktoina' . Other
names common both to this set and to the ‘military^ tablets’ are Klumenos
(§ I and 58=An654), Ke-ki-jo (§4 and 56 = An657) and possibly Eruthras
(§ I and 58=An654).
The identity of the object which is counted in pairs is not hinted at, and is
hard to guess (horses?). More puzzling still is the ideogram I, of which SnOl
shows a subsidiary accounting and which has earned SnOl its isolated position
in Bennett’s classification. This is found twice at Knossos, but not in helpful
contexts; G 464 records the o-pe-ro of two places, which is not less than X 4
3 1 56 litres of barley in one case, and not less than I 4 and 1 800 litres
of barley in the other. The other Knossos tablet, G 519, is only a fragment,
but mentions kupairos and apudosis. All that can be deduced from the Pylos
tablet is that it is counted in multiples of three, and is the object or product
of the verb a-ke-re-se; it does not occur where this verb is absent or negatived,
although the item ‘one pair’ is common to all the entries except two. The
enigmatic ideogram will be shown as x in transcription and translation.
175
43
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
43 = Sn01 [64]
1 [ ±5 '\-si-re-wi-jo-te
2 [ ]-ja mo-ro-pa^ to-to we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze i
^ ka-do-wo mo-ro-pa^ o-u-qe a-ke-re-se ze i
^ ru-ro mo-ro-pa.2 o-u-qe a-ke-re-se ze i
® ku-ru-me-no mo-ro-pa.^ i-te-re-wa ko-re-te to-to we-to
® pe-ri-mo ti-mi-ti-ja ko-re-te to-to we-to \o\-a-ke-re-se
^ pe-ri-me-de-o i-* 6 j po-so-ri-jo-no te-ra-ni-ja a-ke-re-se to-to we-to 'o-a-ke-re-se'
X 12
X 3
\j)\-a-ke-re-se x 6
ZE I X 3
® po-ki-ro-qo e-qe-o a-to-mo ze i
vacant 3
o-da-ao ko-to-na e-ko-te
e-ta-wo-ne-u to-to-we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze i x 6
a-qi-zo-we {to-to] to-to-we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze i [x nn]
ne-qe-u e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo to-to we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze i [x nn]
me-wi e-ru-ta-ra me-ta-pa ki-e-wo to-to-we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze i [x nn]
§ I Those functioning as basilewes [contribute as follows ?] :
[So-and-so] the share-holder this year took as follows : one pair, three x.
Ka-do-wo the share-holder did not take: one pair.
Luros the share-holder did not take: one pair.
Klumenos the share-holder, mayor of I-te-re-wa, this year took as follows : six x.
Perimos the mayor of Thimistia this year took as follows : one pair, three x.
The son of Perimedes took. . . of Psolion, this year he took as follows: twelve x.
Poikiloq“s the . . . : one pair.
§ 2 And the holders of land as follows :
Etawoneus this year took as follows : one pair, six x.
A-qi-zo-we this year took as follows: one pair, a: x.
Xe-qe-u son of Etewoklewes this year took as follows : one pair, x x.
Me-wi Eruthras at Metapa of Ki-e-u this year took as follows : one pair, x x.
In line i, Bennett suggests the restoration [paXsi-re-ivi-jo-te = basilewjontes. It is in any
case likely that this fragmentary- word is the nom. masc. plur. of a present participle
of a verb in -suco (Elean -sico), thereby confirming Brugmann’s proposed derivation
from *-11^00 (Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 728 n. i).
mo-ro-pay. mo{i)ro-ppds ‘possessor of a share or portion’; evidently a high ranking title.
to-to u-e-to: despite the phonological difficulties this must be toto (=toOto) wetos;
contrast hateron wetos on PY 178 = Mai 3 .
o-a-ke-re-se-. that this contains a separable 0- is proved by lines 3, 4 and 7: ho agrese.
The sense in which the verb is used cannot be guessed without a knowledge of the
meaning of the ideograms. A future agresei is also possible.
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
43-44
i-*6j: Ventris suggests a comparison with Ivis; but it is not yet possible to give a certain
value to this sign.
te-ra-ni-ja : is this perhaps the word represented by the ideogram x ? ‘ Thus he took the
te-ra-ni-ja of Psolion’? Or a place-name?
e-qe-o a-to-mo : cf. e-qe-a-o a-to-mo KN V 56. Miihlestein has suggested that i-^q a-to-mo-i
on 91 = Fn02 is an alternative spelling (though the trades there seem to be much
more humble), and reads e(^eadn\i(f^jds arthmos, ‘chariot joiner’ (cf. i-qi-ja on
266 = Sd0401, etc.) : this appears extremely doubtful.
o-da-a^ ko-to-na e-ko-te: Andrews understands the word o-da-a.^^ as a verb, Furumark
( 1954 , p. 38 ) as a substantive ‘Anteil’: he translates the heading to § 3 as ‘Leute,
die schuldig sind, Anteile zu liefern’, and to § 4 as ‘Folgende landlose Leute. . .
Anteile’. But its position as first word in its clause, and the fact that it often parallels
a verbal prefix 0 - elsewhere on the same tablet, make it virtually certain that it is
an introductory particle, probably an expanded form of 0 -.
to-to to-to-we-to\ dittography.
e-ru~ta-ra: to understand a feminine name here {‘Me-wi the red’?) conflicts with the
exclusively masculine character of the rest of the list. ‘Eruthras the younger’ (for
me-wi-jo?).
ki-e-wo: gen. of Ki-e-u 55 = An724? His position in the syntax is obscure, but perhaps
parallel to Psolionos in line 7 .
44=An29 [218]
^ o-da-a2 a-na-ke-e o-pe-ro-te [ ? ]
- ri-so-wa i-je-re-u [ ]
MAN I
^ ne-ivo-ki-to i-je-[re\-u da-i-ja-ke-re-u
M.A.N I
\ro'\-u-ko ku-sa-me-ni-jo me-ta-pa
MAN I
^ a-e-ri-qo-ta [ ] o-wi-to-no
MAN I
® ai-ko-ta a-da-ra-[ti-jo?^
M.XN I
vacant 2
^ o-da-a^ e-ke-jo-to a-ko-to-no
pa-ku-ro.2 de-wi-jo
ZE I
[? ai\-ka-re-u e-ko-me-na-ta-o ai<R-te
ZE I
[ ] ke-ki-jo
ZE I
[? pi\-me-ta po-ru-da-si-jo
ZE I
'■* [ ] me-nu-a.y
ZE I
^ ^ ma-ra-te-u a-pu-ka
ZE I
[.~\-qo-te-wo i-* 6 j
ZE I
Reverse;
di-ive-si-pg-u-ti-mi-to-qo-[ ]
3 And those who are obliged to bring (men?), as follows:
Ri-so-wa the priest . . . : one man.
177
4 C
44-45
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ne-wo-ki-to the priest, the divider of lands: one man.
Ro-u-ko the son of Kusamenos at Metapa: one man.
Aeriq“hoitas . . .at 0 -wi-to-no^: one man.
Ai-ko-ta son of Adrastos: one man.
§ 4 And those without land are included as follows ;
Pa-ku-ro^. . . : one pair,
etc.
a-na-ke-e\ anageen ‘bring, contribute’. There does not seem to be room in the damaged
portion at the end of the hne for an explicit object to the verb, but dyco demands
that it should be a person or an animal. It is not clear whether the man ideograms
in lines 2-6 refer to Aeriq^hoitas, etc., or merely to unnamed men that they have
supplied. The analogy of the other paragraphs favours the latter.
0- pe-ro-te : ophelontes.
da-i-ja-ke-re-u\ this may also be a place-name (like Me-ta-pa, etc. in succeeding lines. Cf.
O-re-mo-a-ke-re-u, Pu^ l-ra^-a-ke-re-u.
e-ke-jo-to: possibly the 3rd plural present of eyxeiuai; see Vocabulary, p. 392.
aif-te: cf. ai-te-re, name of an occupation on KN 48 = B 101.
ma-ra-te-u: perhaps a title rather than a name; cf. S6 = An657, 195 = Na67.
a-pu-ka: cf. a-puf-ka 59 = An656, a-pu^l-ka-ne 56 = An657. Apparently a place-name.
1- *65 with a name in the genitive; cf. 43 = Sn01 .7.
The following badly damaged tablet is interesting for its reference to large
numbers of men in various occupations, and to areas of land expressed by the
abbreviation da (see p. 242 ).
45=An830
3 lines illegible
^ mq-ra-ti-sa [ ]
vacat
® a-te-re-wi-ja e-o ko-re-te-ri-jo ke-ke-me-no da 3o[
vacat
® e-sa-re-wi-ja pq-ro-ni-ja te-u-po-rq-]!^ ;(da nnj
® [ fno da 50
[ ] MEN iB
" [ qofu-ko-ro ra-wa-ra-tifa .men 66
o-pi-da-mi-jo pi-*82 qo-\u-kofrg men 60
a^-ki-ja qo-u-ko-ro .men 60 [
A-te-re-wi-ja : a place-name ; derivative of ’ATpEus ?
e-o . the masc. or neut. participle eon is surprising unless A-te-re-wi-ja is a masculine
a-stem: ‘which is common land belonging to the ko-re-te'l Bennett reads e-so.
178
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
45-47
da: in view of 114 = En02 probably a unit of superficial area.
e-sa-re-wi-ja : a derivative of the title e-sa-re-u, apparently functioning as a place-name :
‘the settlement of the e.’? Bennett reads ro-ro-ni-ja for pa-ro-ni-ja.
Lines 11-13 record g^oukoloi ‘cowherds’ at three places; those at Pi-*82 are described
as opiddmioi ‘local inhabitants’? a^-ki-ja is not mentioned elsewhere.
10. WORK GROUPS OF MEN AT MYCENAE
One of the few tablets found at Mycenae seems to fall into this class of tablets
dealing with occupational groups. It is a mere list of names, with the trade-
name as a separate entry' at the bottom.
46=Aul02 (see frontispiece)
1
wa-ra-pi-
si-ro i-jo-qe
MEN
2
2
na-su-to
MAN
I
3
te-ra-wo
ka-ri-se-u-qe
MEN
2
4
e-ke-ne
e-u-po-ro-qe
MEN
0
5
*8^-ja-to
ko-no-pu^ -du-ro-qe
MEN
2
6
ke-re-no
MEN
2
7
wa-a^-ta
de-u-ki-jo-qe
MEN
2
8
mo-i-da
MAN
I
9
o-ri-ko
MEN
3
14
vacant 4
a-to-po-qo
Where there are two names the second is linked with -q'^e. The numerals in Hnes 6 and 9
are puzzhng if these are men’s names.
ke-re-no: Gerenosl recurs in PY Cnl2.
a-to-po-qo = dpTOKOTToi : the lacuna may have contained the summation
MEN 17 . If so seventeen bakers seems a large number to figure in a tablet from a
private house.
11. LISTS OF MIXED TRADESMEN AT KNOSSOS
These usually record a place-name followed by numbers of men analysed by
trades.
47-Am826 (K lix)
a-pa-ta-wa-jo j te-re-ta men 45 [
te-ko-to~ne men 5
Men of Aptara : forty-five (or more) fief-holders, five carpenters.
179
12-2
47-50
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-pa-ta-wa-jo: Aptarwaioi, cf. a-pa-ta-wa Aptarwa KN 83 = Ch902, =”A-rTTapa in Western
Crete (so also Furumark, 1954, p- 22). The etymology of this name is unknown;
the form "ATTrspa is clearly due to popular etymology.
te-re-ta: telestai, officers of the feudal hierarchy: see Palmer, 1955, p. ii.
te-ko-to-ne: tektones.
48 = B 101 (? xxiv)
ko-wi-ro-wo-ko men^ [hr] ai-te-re men’’ 8 [
ko-wi-ro-wo-ko : kowiloworgoi ‘ makers of hollow-ware ’ ? Cf. KoiAog dpyupos Kai yp'^cros
Theopomp. Hist. 283a, ‘silver and gold plate’ (Liddell and Scott®).
ai-te-re possibly the agent noun from the verb the participle of which appears as
a-ja-me-na ‘inlaid’. Cf. aio^-te PY 44 = An29. Chadwick suggests that the correct
reading may be du-.
12. LISTS OF MIXED TRADESMEN AT PYLOS
These are similar to the parallel group at Knossos though longer and more
detailed. The documentation of the workers was obviously more highly organ-
ized at Pylos. The full significance of many of the occupational terms cannot
now be grasped, even when they are etymologically clear.
49 = An07 [427]
’ a-pu^-we da-ko-ro men 5 e-ri-no-wo-[te ]
- pa-ko me-ri-du-ma-te men 5 [a] a-ke-re-\_wa ]
^ a-to-po-qo men 2 pi-pu-te pu-ka-wo men 3 [ ]
At Aipu five temple-servants-, at E-ri-rio-wo . . . ; at Pa-ko five. . . ; at A-ke-re-wa . . .
two bakers ; at Pi-pu three fire-kindlers ....
a-pu.P-we-. a place-name in the dative; perhaps = Aim; (//. ii, 592) ?
da-ko-ro : dakoroi = 30x6901 ?
e-ri-no-wo-[te'\-. cf. PY Na51, Cn09, etc.
me-ri-du-ma-te-. one of the compounds of du-ma: see Vocabulary.
pu-ka-u'o -. purkawoi, cf. irupKasus, etc.
50=Anl8 [39]
* pu-ka-it'o -- MEN 16
- me-ri-du-ma-te men 10 —
^ mi-ka-ta — men 3
^ o-pi-te-u-ke-e-vce men 4 4 -
’ e-to-wo-ko — MEN 5
® ka-sa-to — man
180
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
50
' pu-ka-wo + MEN 23
® me-ri-da-ma-te men 6
® \o-pi\-te-u-ke-e-ui'e men 5
\rni-ka\-ta men 6 +
“ \e-to]-wo-ko MEN 3 a-to-po-qo men 3
Reverse:
^ pq - ru - da - ma-te men 4
vacat
^ pa^-ra.-rte man
^ pu-ko-ro MAN
^ g-ko-so-tq man
® pi-ri-ja-me-ja man
^ e-ni-ja-u-si-jo man
® pte-jo-ri MAN qo-ta-wo [ ]
^ a-ta MAN te-o-po-[ ]
vacant 2
Sixteen fire-kindlers, ten me-ri-du-ma-te, three mi-ka-ta, four riggers, five
armourers', Xanthos.
Twenty-three fire-kindlers, six me-ri-da-ma-te, five riggers, six mi-ka-ta, three
armourers, three bakers.
Four po-ru-da-ma-te.
For Pallas, Purkolos, Axotas, Priameias, Eniausios, Pte-jo-ri, Qo-ta-wo (?),
Anthas, Theopo(mpos ?).
The obverse falls into two sections (i— 6, 7 ~i^) which are in different hands; the second
writer also wrote the reverse. Almost all the entries are accompanied by a check-
mark ( + ) . The reverse consists, after the first line, of a list of indmduals entered by
name in the dative case.
me-ri-du-ma-te: see Vocabulary s.v. du-ma; in line 8 spelt with -da- for -du-.
mi-ka-ta : miktai ‘ mixers ’ ?
o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we : opiteukheewes, derivative of TeOyos, but in what sense ?
e-to-wo-ko : from IvTsa ? Cf e-te-do-mo.
ka-sa-to: the attempt of Meriggi (1954, p. 33) and Carratelli (1954, p. 92) to read this
as a common noun *A'a/2toi' = 5dvTris is rendered unlikely by the absence of a numeral
with the ideogram; cf. the list of names on the reverse. The mixing of names and
occupations in a single list can be paralleled, e.g. An 15 .
a-ko-so-ta: Axotas or Arxotas is an important man at Pvlos; cf. 154 = Eq 01 , 103 = Un 08 ,
249 = Va 02 .
qo-ta-wo: only elsewhere on Na 24 , where it is probably a place-name; as the ideogram
is missing this cannot be excluded here.
181
51-52
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
51=An20 [18]
* e-re-u-te-ri-\^
2 te-ko-to-na-pe man [i
^ i-na-ni-ja mani[ ] man[ ]
^ re-si-we-i [man] i a-se-e man i
vacat
® te-re-ne-we to-kg-do-mo-a-pe-o man i
^ i-na-ne man i te-ko-to-na-pe i
vacat
® qo-u-ko-ro / ti-no men 90
vacat
“ pa-ki-ja-si to-so te-kg-tg-ne j \ti\-ng
*2 MEN 254 [
The heading is again fragmentary and little is clear except that we are told of some
missing carpenters and cowherds. The numbers are surprisingly large. Reference
to men and women who are ‘missing’ is also made on 37 = B 823, 55=An724,
.Ap633, An33; similar annotation to miscellaneous lists of craftsmen is seen in the
Ur tablets (e.g. Legrain, 1947 , no. i 486 ): ‘Sculptor, goldsmiths (one missing, two
at the smithy), . . .Ibni-Adad the bow'-maker, two smiths (one missing) : those of the
scale-control. Goldsmiths, fullers, hired tailor, caulkers, two rope-makers (one ill) :
those in the workshop.’
(.re-u-te-n-\_ : dat. of e-re-u-te-re PY 76 = Cn22? or eleutheri{os) ?
te-ko-to-na-pe : the comparison of te-ko-to a-pe PY An24 shows convincingly that this is a
rare case of sandhi, the final -n of tekton coalescing with the initial vowel of the following
word. This confirms our supposition that the final consonants were not lost in speech.
The meaning of the second word is not plain, but in view' of a-pe-o in line 6 is probably
apes imperfect of OTTEitu ‘was absent’.
i-na-ni-ja-. a place-name, cf PY AeOl, Ae02; the simpler form i-na-ne in line 7 .
te-re-ne-vue-. possibly a place-name in the dative; cf te-re-ne-wi-ja An852, a fragment
which is clearly similar to this tablet.
to-ko-do-mo-a-pe-o : the word-divider is dropped, but there is no sandhi ; toikhodomos apeon.
ti-no-. perhaps thinos ‘of the coast’. Not to be compared with Cret. 6 lva (cf Carratelli,
1954 , p. 216 ) <e£iva. The reading is very' uncertain.
pa-ki-ja-si : dat. -ansi (cf pa-ki-ja-ne XcOl ) of a variant form of the place-name pa-ki-ja-na.
52=An26 [207]
about 3 lines missing
■^ [ ] MEN 10
‘’ [ ] pi-ri-je-te-re men 2
® \^re-ka-ta\-ne a-de-te-re men 2
' re-ka-[ta]-ne ke-ra-me-zi'e men 2
182
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
52
8
re-ka-ta-ne
da-ko-ro
MEN
12
9
wa-a^-te-we po-ku-ta
MEN
10
10
a-nu-wa
ku-ru-so-wo-ko
MEN
4
11
[ ]
me-ri-da-ma-te
MEN
2
12
jo to-ko-so-wo-ko
MEN
5
13
a-pi-no-\e-
wi-jo ? ]
MEN
[nn]
14
so-ro-pe-o
ra-pte-re
[men
nn]
15
ko-ri-si-jo
ra-pte-re
[men
nn]
16
ka-ro-ke-e
ra-pte-re
[men
nn]
17
ra-ni-jo-ne
ra-pte-re
MEN
[nn]
18
[ ]-ka-si-
■da ra-pte-re
MEN
20 [
A list of tradesmen prefixed by what appear to be ethnic adjectives; very few of these
are recorded elsewhere. Some seem to be place-names rather than adjectives.
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo are mentioned in PY 184 = Nn01, etc.; ko-ri-si-jo is probably Korinsioi
from ko-ri-to Korinthos, PY Ad07; wa-a^-te-we is to be connected with wa-a^-te-pi
PY Nal9.
pi-ri-je-te-re : the singular pi-ri-Je-te is found on the Knossos sword tablets, which suggests
a connexion with Trpico; prietere ‘cutlers’?
a-de-te-re: singular PY Eq887. Perhaps an-detere ‘binders’.
keramewe: ‘potters’.
da-ko-ro: see on 49 = An07.
po-ku-ta : pos-khutai ‘ wine-pourers ’ ?
ku-m-so-wo-ko: khrusoworgoi ‘goldsmiths’.
to-ko~so-wo-ko : toxoworgoi ‘bow-makers’.
ra-pte-re: rapteres ‘tailors’; the word has no digamma, see Vocabulary, p. 407 .
13. ROWERS AND TROOPS AT PYLOS
The following group of tablets falls into two parts; one naval, one military.
The subject-matter of the naval tablets is indicated by the word ‘rowers’
which appears in the first line of all three. The first is a list of the numbers
of rowers to be provided by various towns for an expedition to Pleuron. The
second is probably somewhat similar, but the heading is almost all lost, and
the numerals are much larger; in all 443 men are recorded, and some numbers
are obviously missing in the lacuna at the right-hand edge. These numbers make
it certain that we are not here concerned with a peaceful mercantile venture,
but a naval operation; and it would be unlikely that the business of trade
would be thus organized by a central authority. It is possible that the thirty
men specified in 53 = Anl 2 is the complement of a Mycenaean ship; but the
evidence of Homer suggests a figure of fifty oarsmen per ship (G. Thomson,
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
1949, p. 423), SO thirty may be only part of the complement or for a smaller
ship. The second tablet then appears to allow for at least nine ships. Even so
this is a small figure compared with the ninety which Nestor took to Troy.
The third tablet is more enigmatic, for despite Bennett’s join with a new
fragment there are irritating lacunae; the heading speaks cleai'ly of ‘rowers
who are absent’ (without leave?). Until more of the linguistic problems are
solved we must be cautious in theorizing about the significance of this
document.
The second group of tablets are distinguished by the word o-ka. Only one
of these (57 = An 43 ) was known from the 1939 finds; even so several people,
including Palmer (1955, p. 20) and Miihlestein (1954), had suggested that this
was a military^ document, since it associated large numbers of men with
place-names. Muhlestein’s suggestion that a variant form of the man ideogram
on these tablets meant ‘armed man’ is unfounded; it can be shown to be due
merely to a difference of handwriting. Palmer interpreted the tablet as a record
of troop movements to guard against a threatened invasion from the north —
a threat which the destruction of Pylos shows to have been unsuccessfully
countered, hluhlestein goes further in identifying some of the places mentioned
with historical place-names scattered over the west, north and centre of the
Peloponnese; if right this would imply a vast dominion stretching almost to
the gates of Mycenae. But would such a kingdom have been controlled from
a remote spot in the far south-west ? There is no evidence in tradition for such
a large kingdom, and it is at variance with the Catalogue of Ships, not that we
can expect a close coincidence. More serious is the objection raised by one
of the new tablets (56 = An 657 ), which has a heading preceding the recurrent
formula and may therefore have introduced the whole series. This heading
informs us that these are dispositions to guard the coastal regions. We must
therefore reject any interpretations which involve places far distant from the sea.
Tradition and dialect evidence suggest that the Mycenaean kingdoms fell
before invaders coming from the north-west; and there are reasons for thinking
that Pylos was especially concerned with the coastal area to the north. The
identification of U-ru-pi-ja-jo with ’OAu|jnria and of 0 -ru-ma-si-jo with ’Epupioa; 9 os
has independently suggested to several minds that we have a reference to the
general area of Elis. The two references to Pleuron are interesting as suggesting,
not that Pleuron was in the orbit of Pylos, but that there was an alliance with
an Aetolian kingdom; which would be natural enough if the danger came from
the north-west. But 0 -ka-ra^ can hardly be the Aetolian OixccAir) ; it is very
dangerous to press the evidence of place-names (see p. 139). Pylos may have
been desperately engaged in an attempt to organize the defence of the whole
184
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
53
west coast — an impossible task without immense resources, and the resultant
splitting of forces may have been responsible for her defeat.
A curious fact which Palmer and Miihlestein have both emphasized is the
connexion between 57=An43 and 76 = Cn22. Several of the place-names
recur, including the pair o-ka-ra^ a.^-ra-tu-[w)a, and the phrase pi-ru-te ku-re-we
(another pair of place-names according to Palmer). 76 = Gn22 is a list of
oxen, and will be discussed in the next chapter. Palmer has attempted to
bring the two into close connexion by supposing a religious motive for the
distribution of cattle — sacrificial animals to ensure divine favour in the
threatened sectors. The clue to this puzzle is the heading of the cattle tablet,
on which there is unfortunately still no agreement.
The repeating pattern of the military tablets is plain, though the meaning
of some of the key words is not. It begins with a man’s name in the genitive
followed by o-ka. This is most satisfactorily explained as orkhd=aip'Yj\, pre-
sumably in the sense of ‘ command ’ ; cf. op^ocuos. P. von der Miihll suggests
6rkhd=6pypf^ ‘Reihe, Zug’ (Miihlestein, 1955a, Nachtrag). Then we have
a list of from three to seven names in the nominative, presumably the subordi-
nate commanders. The pattern continues with varied phrases including two
trade-names ke-ki-de and ku-re-we (some kind of troops?) accompanied by
place-names or ethnics, and followed by m e n and a numeral. Palmer appositely
quotes ;
ETTr’ eaav fiyepovss <puAdKcov, ekcctov Ss sKdaTCO
KoOpoi dpa oteIxov. . . . (//. ix, 85-6)
The final item is the formula me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta followed by a name. The
last word was at first thought to be a verb, but it now appears likely that the
middle termination is -toi not -tai (see p. 87) ; it must therefore be the noun
heq^etds ( = eireTTis) used as a title. The name is usually accompanied by
a patronymic adjective, a rare distinction which Palmer is probably right in
supposing to prove the high rank of the heq^etds.
53=Anl2 [1]
^ e-re-ta pe-re-u-ro-na-de / i-jo-te
2 ro-o-wa MEN 8
^ ri-jo MEN 5
po-ra-pi MEN 4
^ te-ta-ra-ne men 6
® a-po-ne-we men 7
vacant 2
185
53-54
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Rowers to go to Pleuron: eight from Ro-o-wa, five from Rhion, four from
Po-ra-, six from Te-ta-ra-ne, seven from A-po-ne-we.
eretai Pleuronade iontes: possibly the Homeric Pleuron in Aetolia {II. ii, 639 + ), but there
is no evidence to support a positive identification. All the towns from which the
rowers come are mentioned elsewhere, but none are satisfactorily interpreted except
Ri-jo= Rhion, a common place-name, which is associated with Asine in Messenia.
Po-ra-pi: presumably an instrumental plural serving as locative: Phordphi (Oapai) ?
CarrateUi (1954, p. 226) =2-rropd(6)(pi.
Te-ta-ra-ne: hardly TsTpavp as suggested by Carratelfi as it must be dative.
54 = Anl9 [610]
1
[ ]-««
e-re-ta
2
[ ye
ki-ti-ta
MEN
46
[
]
3
[ yta
MEN
19
[
]
4
[ y^y
li-ta
MEN
36
[
]
5
me-tq-ki-ti-ta
MEN
3
[
]
6
e-wi-ri-po
MEN
9
po-si-ke-te-re [
]
7
a-ke-re-wa
MEN
25
wo-qe-we [
]
8
ri-jo
MEN
24
wi-nu-ri-jo [
]
9
te-ta-ra-ne
MEN
31
me-ta-\^
]
10
a-po-ne-we
MEN
37
me-ta-\_
]
11
ma-ra-ne-nu-we
MEN
40
po-ti-ja-ke-e
MEN
6
12
[z(i\-ku-si-jo
MEN
8
za-e-to-ro
MEN
3
13
da-mi-ni-jo
MEN
40
e-ke-ra^-wo-no
MEN
40
14
we-da-ne-wo
MEN
20
ko-ni-jo 126 me-
-ta-ki-ti-ta
MEN
26
15
pg-ku-ta
MEN
10
we-re-ka-ra-{tay
te-pa^-ta-qe
MEN
20
vacant 5
ki-ti-ta: ktitai ‘settlers’, metaktitai ‘new residents, metics’? In view of the association
with ktimena the terms probably have a special feudal meaning.
E-u'i-ri-po: place-name, Euripos', A-ke-re-wa, Ri-jo, Te-ta-ra-ne, A-po-ne-we, and Ma-ra-
ne-nu-we are all also place-names; cf. 53 = Anl2.
po-si-ke-te-re: pos-ik{e) teres ‘supphants, refugees’?
wo-qe-we: cf 55 = An724; perhaps a place-name.
wi-nu-ri-jo : place-name or ethnic ?
me-ta-[ : metaktitai or Metapa?
po-ti-ja-ke-e: place-name; cf Ti-mi-to a-ke-e.
[za]-ku-si-jo : cf za-ku-si-ja PY 286 = Sa787 and man’s name ^a-ku-si-jo MY Oel22;
= ^akunsioi (of Zakunthos) .
da-mi-ni-jo: a place-name, common on the D tablets from Knossos, but only found
elsewhere at Pylos in the form da-mi-ni-ja 14 = Ad697.
E-ke-ra^-wo-no, We-da-ne-wo: the entries so far have been either place-names, ethnic
186
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
54-55
adjectives or descriptive titles; here we pass abruptly to the genitive of men’s names.
Ekheldwon and We-da-ne-u are obviously men of importance if they can produce forty
and twenty men respectively; Bennett reads the latter figure too as forty; see further
pp. 265 and 279.
ko-ni-jo: in view of the absence of the ideogram Ventris proposes skhoinioi ‘ropes’ (see
Vocabulary) ; but the dropping of the ideogram may be due to lack of space.
we-re-ka-ra-{ta): cf. PY An08.
55=An724 ( = An32 joined)
^ ro-o-wa e-re-ta a-pe-o-te
^ me-nu-wa a-pe-e-ke a-re-sa-ni-e
^ o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de ki-ti-ta o-pe-ro-ta [e\
^ e-re~e man i
^ e-ke-ra^-wo-ne a-pe-e-ke a^-ri-e |m.a.n i|
® o-pe-ro-te e-re-e men 5
^ ra-wa-ke-ta a-pe-e-\ke ]-e man [nn]
® ta-ti-qo-we-u o-[ man i
® a-ke-re-wa ki-e-u o-pe-[ ]-e a-ri-ja-to
ki-ti-ta MAN I o-ro-ti-jo di-qo «-[..]
“ o-pe-rq [. . .] e-ko-si-qe e-qe-ta ka-ma
e-to-ni-jo e-nwq-ri-jo man i
wo-qe-we \e\-qo-te ru-ki-ja a-ko-wo m.\n [nn]
ri-jo o-no e-qo-te men io[
No translation is attempted in view of the numerous problems. The general sense is
plain : there are rowers missing, and certain places and lords are responsible ; but it
does not seem possible to offer an easy solution to the question why they are missing
— absent without leave ? — or what is being done about it.
Ro-o-wa: obviously an important coastal town; it provides eight of the thirty men for
Pleuron (53 = Anl2); it is the seat of a coastal command (57=:An43). As the
Lawagetas and other important people such as Ekhelawon are associated with it
here, it may well be the port of Pylos itself.
Me-nu-wa: a man’s name found in the form Me-nu-a, 44 = x\n29; =Mivuas? In view
of E-ke-ra^-wo-ne all the three nouns preceding a-pe-e-ke are presumably datives. This
suggests that a-pe-e-ke is an impersonal verb and a-re-sa-ni-e and a.^-ri-e are infinitives
following it. Satisfactory interpretations are lacking, a-pe-e-ke fits well as apheeke
(d9fr|m), though this is not used impersonally. But there are other possibilities:
ap-eekhe (ccttexco) or amphe-ekhei (=dp<pi-; cf. a-pi-e-ke PY 97 = Un03). The sense of
a-re-sa-ni-e and a.y-ri-e cannot be deduced from the context ; Ventris compares the latter
with a^-ri-sa PY 154 = Eq01.
o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de : only found again, mthout the -de suffix, in a very fragmentary context
PY An35, which is possibly another list of rowers. The final -de might be enclitic
‘ but ’ or the suffix of motion towards. If the former, \’entris suggests opikherion
187
55-56
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
= UTTOXEipiov (cf. Od. XV, 448 ) ; if the latter, Chadwick proposes a place-name
Opiskherion, cf. ETnaxepm, Sxeplri.
ki-ti-ta: probably ktitdn ophelonta.
e-re-e: Ventris: heleei ‘he will take’ (but the future eAco is only found at a late date).
Chadwick; ereen infinitive of *Epco, root verb later replaced by spEacrco; ‘a settler
who is under obligation to ser\’e as a rower’. For opkeldn + mfin. cf. [o^pheldn-q'^e
teleiaen Eb39. In any case this word is probably not the same as e-re-e 258 = Kn01,
where it appears to be dative of a place-name, probably Helos.
o-pe-ro-te: presumably plural ophelontes in view of the numeral 5 ; but this cannot be
reconciled with the accusative in line 3 .
ra-wa-ke-ta: Idwdgetdi ‘the leader of the army’. The lacuna might contain \a-re-sa-ni\-e
or [o-pe-ro-ta e-re]-e.
Ta-ti-qo-we-u: a man’s name, recurring as one of the commanders on the military'
tablets (58 = An654); Stdtig'^oweus?
A-ke-re-wa : a new section must begin here with the change of scene.
Ki-e-u: apparently a man’s name; cf. 43 = Sn01.
o-pe-[ : ophe\ldn (or -lonta) ere^en?
a-ri-ja-to: 3 rd sing, middle of a.^-ri-e?
o-ro-ti-jo di-qo ; the latter may be a man’s name at Knossos D1 930.
e-ko-si-qe : ekhonsi-q^e heq^etai khamds ? etonion . . . ‘ and the follow'ers have the freehold of
the holding'. The vocabulary here is that found on the land ownership tablets; see
pp. 253 , 261 . The connecting link must be the holding of land in return for feudal
service.
e-nwa-ri-jo: = E-nu-wa-ri-jo = Enualios? Bennett reads «-[.]-re-n-yo.
wo-qe-we: cf. 54 = An 19.
e-qo-te: heq^ontes with active inflexion = ETr 6 pEvoi?
a-ko-wo : hardly akoru'os (Homeric oKoupos) .
Ri-jo : another change of scene.
o-no-. cf. 41 = Anl4, but this may be a different w'ord. The phrase probably recurs on
An35 edge.
56 = An657
^ o-u-ru-to o-pi-a-y-ra e-pi-ko-wo
- ma-re-iL'o o-ka o-ivi-to-no
^ a-pe-ri-ta-ivo o-re-ta e-te-wa ko-ki-jo
su-ice-ro-wi-jo o-wi-ti-ni-Jo o-ka-ra^ men 50
vacat
® ne-da-iL'a-ta-o o-ka e-ke-me-de
a-pi-je-ta ma-ra-te-u ta-ni-ko
® a.y^ru-ii'o-te ke-ki-de ku-pa-ri-si-jo men 20
vacat
ai-ta-re-u-si ku-pa-ri-si-jo ke-ki-de men 10
188
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
56
me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta ke-ki-jo
a-e-ri-qo-ta e-ra-po ri-me-ne
o-ka-ra o-wi-to-no men 30 ke-ki-de-qe a-pu^-ka-ne
MEN 20 me-ta-qe pe-i ai-ko-ta e-qe-ta
Thus the watchers are guarding the coast.
§ I Command of Maleus at O-wi-to-no: Ampelitawon, Orestas, Etewas,
Kokkion.
Fifty su-we-ro-wi-jo men of O-wi-to-no at Oikhalia.
§ 2 Command of Nedwatas: Ekhemedes, Amphi-e-ta the ma-ra-te-u, Ta-ni-ko.
Twenty Kuparissian ke-ki-de men at A-ru-wo-te,
ten Kuparissian ke-ki-de men at Aithalewes,
(and with them the Follower Kerkios).
Aeriq“hoitas, Elaphos, Ri-me-ne.
Thirty Tcicnfrom Oikhalia to O-wi-to-no,
and twenty ke-ki-de men from A-pu-ka,
(and with them the Follower Ai-ko-ta).
The section numbers here and in succeeding tablets are inserted merely for ease of
reference.
o-u-ru-to : the negative ou makes no sense here. It is more likely that u-ru-to represents
a verb beginning wr- (so written because there is no sign for ivu), and 0 - is the usual
prefix. Probably therefore an athematic 3 rd plur. present indie, ho wruntoi (cf.
pOa 0 ai) .
opi{h)ala: ‘the coastal regions’, cf. to £Tri 0 aAdaaia.
epikowoi: cf. the man’s name Pu-ko-wo = Purkowos, Delph. TTupKooi. It will mean
‘watchers, look-outs’. Not = siriKoupoi ‘allies’; see V'ocabulary, p. 392.
O-wi-to-no: clearly a place-name with medial -t{h)n-; cf. the adjective 0-wi-ti-ni-jo.
su-we-ro-wi-jo : it is not clear where the list of names ends ; this word may be a name or
go with what follows.
O-ka-ra^: cf. O-ka-ra in line 13 . Possibly Oikhalia (so Palmer), on the Messenian-
Arcadian frontier, the later Andania or Karnasion ; but this seems far removed from
the sea. Alternatively the town in Aetolia, though this too is not on the coast.
ma-ra-te-u: cf. ma-ra-te-we PY 195=Na67; apparently a title or occupational name
rather than a personal name.
A^-ru-wo-te: probably a place-name in the dative; not 'AAous in Arcadia?
ke-ki-de : possibly a description of some sort of troops.
Kuparissioi: from KuTrapiocria (cf. KutTapiaafjsis, It. 11 , 593 ).
Aithaleusi: dative of ethnic used as place-name?
pe-i: spheis or sphe’i = (j(fiai; cf. Arcad. o'qjgis (dat. plur.).
A-puj?-ka-ne: nom. masc. plur. of ethnic? Cf. A-pu-ka 44 = An29.
57
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
57=An43 [519]
^ to-ro-o o-ka ro-o-wa
^ ka-da-si-jo mo-ro-pa^ wo-zo
^ ki-ri-ja-i-jo wa-tu-wa-o-ko mu-to-na
* o-ka-ra^ a^-ra-tu-wa meniio[ ]
vacat
® ke-wo-no-jo o-ka ka-ke-[ ]
^ tu-si-je-u po-te-u [ ~\-wo-ne-\^ ]
® a-pi-te-wa i-wa-so men [ ]
vacat
a^-te-pg de-wi-jo ko-ma-we
“ o-ai^-ta-qe u-ru-pi-ja-jo
o-ru-ma-si-ja-jo men 30
vacat
pi-ru-te ku-re-we men 50
me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta ro-u-ko
ku-sa-me-ni-jo
§ 3 Command of Tros at Ro-o-wa: Ka-da-si-jo a skidst-holditT, performing feudal
service, Kriaios, Wastuaokhos, Mu-to-na.
no men from Oikhalia to A-ra-tu-wa.
§ 4 Command of Ke-wo-no: . . Tu-si-je-u, Ponteus, ....
X men from Amphi-te-wa to Iwasos.
A-te-po, De-wi-jo, Komawens,
and thirty men ... of Olympia and Erj/manthus.
Fifty ku-re-we men from Pi-ru-,
(and with them the Follower Ro-u-ko son of Kusamenos).
Troos : a surprising name to find at Pylos.
tvo-zo : ivorzdn, the verb has a technical sense as a feudal term, see p. 255 .
A^-ra-tu-iva: also spelt A^-ra-tu-a 76 = Cn22, pointing to a ghde. Mtihlestein compares
’Apai&upea, ’Apovria, old names of Phhus in the Argolid.
ka-ke-{ ; \Vade-Ger\' suggests Kkalke[dei] =XaAKis in Triphylia.
A-pi-te-wa I-wa-so: probably places not people; Palmer takes them as a pair of towns
denoting a sector. Muhlestein identifies the latter with “lacros on the Arcadian-
Laconian border.
A-te-po De-wi-jo : Muhlestein = ’ ApTirrous (or 'AvTicpos) and Aif 105 .
Ulumpiaioi : a form ’'YAupiros is mentioned as Aeolic for 'OAupiros by a grammarian.
0-Tu-ma-si-ja-jo: a derivative of *Orumansia, itself derived from 0-m-ma-to 76 = Cn22
= ’Eputiav9os? The form is explained as due to remote assimilation by Muhlestein.
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
57-58
The connexion of two geographical names from the same area seems to guarantee
the interpretation ; but even this may be illusory.
Pi-ru-te ku-re-we: cf. 76 == Cn22. The latter word seems to denote another kind of troops
distinguished from ke-ki-de. The view of Palmer (19545, p. 52) that it is a place-name
is refuted by the next tablet.
Ro-u-ko: cf. 44 = An29.
58 = An654
^ ku-ru-me-no-jo o~ka pe-ri-te-u
~ wo-ne-wa a-ti-ja-wo e-ru-ta-ra
^ o-ai^-ta me-ta-pi-jo ke-ki-de
^ MEN 50
vacat
® u-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo ku-re-we men 60
^ me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
^ a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo e-te-wo-ke-re-we-
® i-jo
vacat
ta-ti-qo-we-wo o-ka to-wa
po-ki-ro-qo pe-ri-no de-u-ka-ri-io
ra-pe-do do-qo-ro pe-ri-ra-wo
e-no-wa-ro to-so-de pe-di-je-we
wa-wo-u-de ke-ki-de men 10
u-ru-pi-ja-jo men 10 ku-re-we men 20
i-wa-so men 10
o-ka-ra^ men 10
§ 5 Command of Klumenos; Perintheus, Woinewas, Antiaon, Eruthras.
Fifty. . .ke-ki-de men of Metapa,
sixty ku-re-we men of U-pi-akron,
(and with them the Follower Alektruon son of Etewoklewes) .
§ 6 Command of Statig^oweus : . . . , PoikiIoq“s, Pelinos, Deukalion, Ra-pe-do,
Do-qo-ro, Perilawos, E-no-wa-ro.
The following numbers plainsmen:
Ten ke-ki-de men of Wa-wo-u-,
ten men of Olympia,
twenty ku-re-we men;
ten men at Iwasos,
ten men at Oikhalia.
58-59
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Klumenoio: a Homeric name; he is described as mo{i)roppas on 43 = Sn01.
cf. 57=An43. ^ ..
U-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo\ presumably an ethnic, cf. U-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja PY An08, U-po-ra-ki-ri-ja
Cnl3.
Alektruon: another Homeric name, recurring on PY 167 = Es650. He is presumably the
brother oi Xe-qe-u, another son of Eteocles mentioned on 43 = Sn01.
To-wa: a man or a place?
pediewes: =Tre5iel5; but ‘plainsmen’ seem odd; not ‘foot-soldiers’?
Wa-wo-u-de: analog)^ suggests that this is a place-name or ethnic; cf. wa-wo-u-[ 7\
Xb02.
59=An656
^ wa-pa-ro-jo o-ka ne-wo-ki-to
- [•••■! e-ri-ko-wo Oo-di-je-u
2 a-ki-wo-ni-jo I?!
wa-ka-ti-ja-ta ke-ki-de sa-pi-da
5 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
® pe-re-qo-ni-jo a-re-i-jo
’ ne-wo-ki-to wo-wi-ja ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo
® MEN 20 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
® di-wi-je-u
vacat
du-wo-jo-jo o-ka a-ke-re-wa
ao-ku-ni-jo pe-ri-me-de T?^
pu^-ti-ja a-pUn]-ka-ne ke-ki-de po-ra-i men 20
me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta di-ko-na-ro a-da-ra-ti-jg
u-wa-si ke-ki-de ne-wo men 10
me-ta-qe pe-i pe-re-u-ro-ni-jo e-qe-ta
vacat
a-ke-re-wa ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men 50
me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta ka-e-sa-me-no
a-puji-ka
§ 7 Command of \\ apalos: P\ewo-ki-to, Erikoivos, Ardieus, A-ki-wo-ni-jo.
. . .ke-ki-de men of Wa-ka-ti-ja\
( and with them the Follower Presg*^onios son of Ares).
Xewo-ki-to borders'.
Twenty men of Krokida',
(and tvith them the Follower Diwieus).
§ 8 Command of Dwoios at A-ke-re-wa : A-ku-ni-jo, Perimedes, Puthias.
Twenty ke-ki-de men of A-pu-ka at Po-rai ;
192
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
59-60
(and with them the Follower Di-ko-na-ro son of Adrastos).
Ten young ke-ki-de men at U-wa-si;
(and with them a follower from Pleuron).
Fifty men of Krokula at A-ke-re-wa\
(and with them the Follower Ka-e-sa-menos oi A-pu-ka).
Pfe-wo-ki-to : perhaps the same person as the priest of 44 = An29. Palmer ( 1955 , p. 10 ) :
jXewokhitdn.
Erikowos: (or -gowos, -kovcon) a ‘slave of the god’ in PY Ep02; here more hkely the
hasileus of Jn845.
sa-pi-da : cf. sa-pi-de MY 105 = Ge602, PY \’n05 ; but the explanation ‘ boxes ’ proposed
there makes no sense here, ke-ki-de is elsewhere followed by men and a numeral,
sometimes with an ethnic adjective intervening.
wo-wi-ja-. possibly worwia = 6p\a. Elsewhere apparently a second member of a place-
name, the first part of which is a man’s name in the genitive; cf. Ko-ro-jo-wo-wi-ja
PY MnOl, Ru-ke-wo-wo-wi-ja Na35.
Diwieus: here clearly a man’s name; cf di-wi-je-we PY 76 = Cn22, where Palmer takes
it as adjective with ereuteres, ‘of Zeus’.
Dwoioio: ‘Double’.
A-pU 2 ?-ka-ne: plural of an ethnic, the singular of which recurs in A-pu^^-ka line 20 .
Pleuronios: ethnic or name? Elsewhere e-qe-ta precedes the name (except for 56 =
An657.14), so the variadon may be significant; cf. the mendon of Pleuron in
PY53=Anl2.
60 = An661
^ e-ki-no-jo o-ka e-o-te-u
- a-ti-rg-qe i-da-i-jo e-se-re-a^
^ e-na-pg-rg i-wa-so men 70
[.]-o-n-[ ] MEN 30
^ ka-rq-do-ro ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men [nn]
® gq-e-to-ro ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men 20
' me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta wo-ro-tu-mi-ni-jg
vacat
^ e-ko-me-na-ta-o o-ka
ti-mi-tg q-ke-i ma-re-u ro-qo-ta
• ‘ q-ke- [ . ] -a a-ke-wa-to
q^rka-a^-ki-ri-jo u-ru-pi-ja-jo
ne-do-wo-ta-de men 30 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
§ 9 Command of Ekhinos : E-o-te-u and A-ti-ro, Idaios, E-se-re-a.
Seventy men from E-na-po-ro to Iwasos,
thirty men . . . ,
13
193
V
60
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
X men of Krokula at Kharadros,
twenty men of Krokula at ^a-e-to-ro ;
(and with them the Follower Wo-ro-tu-mnios).
§ I o Command of Erkhomenatas at Ti-mi-to-a-ke-i ; Maleus, Re-qo-ta, A-ke — u,
Arkhewastos.
Thirty men of A-ka-akron and Olympia to Nedwon;
(and with them a follower).
A-ti-ro-qe: possibly complete as a name, connective -q'^e being unusual in these lists;
but A-ti-ro recurs at Knossos.
E-na-po-ro: interpreted as a common noun enarspkoroi by Debrunner and Von der Muhll
(Miihlestein, 1955 a, Nachtrag); but its identification as a place is guaranteed by its
inclusion in the tribute lists of the Na group (Na02, 184 = Nn01; cf. Vn04 where it
reappears in company with Kharadros) ; possibly a place named after the hero
Enarsphoros.
ti-mi-to a-ke-i, the common place-name, more usually spelt with a-ke-e. The reading
is doubtful; Bennett ^ 2 - [*&].
a^-ka-a^-ki-ri-jo : cf. A^-ka-a^-ki-ri-ja-jo PY 76 =Cn22.
Pfedwonta-de: accusative of NeScov river of Eastern Messenia?
194
CHAPTER VII
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
This chapter must begin with a discussion of the ideograms for livestock which
are set out below :
*23
r
ox
*22
T
GOAT
109^
f
ox/bull
107“
HE-GOAT
log*’
n
cow
107*^
'f
SHE-GOAT
OX + SI
*85
PIG
*21
T
SHEEP
108“
BOAR
106®
1
RAM
108*^
SOW
106*’
1
EWE
PIG + SI
T
SHEEP + TA
PIG -tKA
*75
2
Kind of sheep?
105
HORSE
104
DEER
FOAL
The domestic animals of the tablets are four, if we exclude the deer which
appears on only three tablets (PY CnOl, 868, 875 ). To these may be added the
horse, which appears only in connexion with chariots, and is clearly used only
for military purposes (see p. 379). The signs for the horse and the deer
are self-evident; that for the pig is almost as clear, and was recognized by
Evans {PM, iv, p. 722). The identification of the other three signs has been
much disputed. Evans, followed by Furumark and others, thought that the
ox was a variant of the horse. Others, including Palmer (i954fl, p. 67),
have preferred the value ox (cf Carratelli, 1954, p. 219). It is comparatively
scarce; it occurs in pairs on a series of Knossos tablets (e.g. 83 =Ch 902 ) and
is qualified by the word wergatai (e.g. KN 84 = C 59 , cf. PoOs epydrris
Archilochus, 39, etc.). The proof seems to lie in PY 76 = Cn 22 , where five of
these animals are enumerated, the heading containing the word qo-o', this is
almost certainly a part of the word corresponding to poug, the best suggestion
195
13-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
being that of E. Risch (Miihlestein, 1955a, Nachtrag) that it is a scriptio plena
for g^ds (acc. plur.). It is also observable that the ideogram though stylized
clearly shows a horn, and the meaning ox may be regarded as certain.
It would seem likely therefore that the remaining two signs should represent
sheep and goats, and the problem becomes merely that of deciding which is
which. SHEEP are much more numerous than goats; and they are repeatedly
associated with the sign wool, sometimes with nothing intervening (see p. 205) .
This in turn is associated with textiles (see p. 314), and the animal product
most likely to be used in garments is wool. Goats’ hair or goatskin is not
impossible, but is obviously less likely to be a common commodity. Finally
we may point to the apparent use ofsHE-GOATas the female of the agrimi
(see p. 302). The use of sign *75 = we for a kind of sheep suggests an abbrevia-
tion of wetalon ‘yearling’; it may also be used of goats, see p. 208.
Compound Signs
The question of the compound signs is only partially resolved. The signs
indicating sex are certainly identified; the rest obscure. Those with two hori-
zontal bars indicate male animals, those with a bifurcated stem females. Evans
{PM, IV, p. 723) had already conjectured that these signs represented the sex
and had correctly interpreted them; his interpretation was, however, attacked
by Sundwall (1936, pp. 25-38), who reversed the sexes, taking ram for instance
as ‘cow’. The sexes were finally determined by Kober (1949, p. 398) who
demonstrated that the word for ‘total’ now read as to-so, to-sa, showed gram-
matical inflexion, and that rams were counted with the same form as men,
and EWES with the same form as women. The complication of a third gender,
indistinguishable in this word from the feminine plural, does not vitiate the
conclusion, since the neuter can be ruled out when it is a case of distinguishing
between the two sexes. The undifferentiated forms of the livestock signs have
been transcribed by the name of the species; but it is possible that these in fact
indicate the young animals, and we should call them rather calf, lamb, etc.
On the different forms of the horse sign see p. 210. 109“, properly bull,
is used also to denote the castrated, working ox.
The other compounds are less common and their meaning is unexplained.
The syllabic sign si compounded with pig is specifically coupled with the
word sialos on PY 75 = Cn 02 . But this may be fortuitous, since the ox is also
compounded with si, and these signs may well be taken over from Linear A;
BULL for instance figures in the tables of Carratelli (1945, p. 479). The sheep
sign compounded with ta figures only on PY Cn 09 , CnlO, both of which have
the introductory^ word ta-to-mo, perhaps stathmos.
196
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
Adjuncts
In addition to the compound signs, adjuncts written before the ideogram
are frequently used (more often at Knossos than at Pylos). The following table
shows which occur:
SHEEP 0
RAM 0
EWE 0
HE-GOAT
PIG 0
0 is certainly here as elsewhere an abbreviation of o-pe-ro (or the like) and
means ‘lacking, deficient’. No entirely satisfactory^ explanations have yet been
proposed for the remaining adjuncts. The analogy of the cuneiform tablets
suggests the following distinctions for sheep, in addition to male/female:
wool sheep / hair sheep / eating sheep
grain-fed / grass-fed / fattened / milk-fed
shorn / unshorn
sheep / lamb
It would be an interesting, though perhaps unprofitable, game to look for
Greek words which could be abbreviated by the phonetic symbols, and which
would correspond to these distinctions, pe suggests pekos ( = Tr6Kos) or pektos
‘shorn’, ne and pa might be newos and palaios (cf. the adjuncts ne and pa
applied to women, p. 163). ki might be connected with xi^os ‘green fodder ’
(hardly Kpios ‘ram’), sa with otikos (Dor. aoKog) ‘fold’ or aijTES (Dor. ctotes)
‘this year’. But it must be emphasized that such guesses cannot be verified.
Purpose of the Tablets
The livestock tablets from Knossos attracted a good deal of attention pre-
vious to the decipherment. Evans {PM, iv, p. 723) first called attention to
the large numbers of cattle involved; but it was Sundwall (1936) who pointed
out the curious fact that on most of the complete tablets the figures add up
to 100 or a similar round number, including the deficit noted by 0. (For
examples and a fuller discussion see p. 201.) The numbers at Pylos are not so
obviously round figures, but the majority are multiples of ten, and of the
remainder a fair number end in five. At Pylos, however, we do not have the
check provided by the mathematics of the deficit.
It is on this fact that any theory of the transaction recorded must be based.
They cannot be a simple census of flocks of sheep and other cattle, since
a natural distribution would not show these round numbers, nor would this
pa pe ki ne ki.ne za sa
se
ai
197
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
explain the deficits. Real flocks too would hardly show the disproportion of
rams to ewes which is evident. It follows then that these are allocations or
contributions, and that performance in many cases falls short of the amount
due. The high numbers of rams would not occur if these were allocations by
the palace ; but they would naturally occur if the owners were obliged to supply
so many sheep annually. They would of course pick out the least useful members
for the regeneration of the flock. We may therefore feel sure that those are
right who have seen in these tablets a record of tribute imposed on his subjects
by the overlord. Sundwall, regarding the cattle as oxen, suggested that these
were ‘ hecatombs ’ of sacrificial animals. Although this explanation cannot be
ruled out, the numbers seem far too large for this purpose. Several of the
Knossos tablets which apparently give totals have figures in excess of 2000;
one fragment contains the numeral 19,000. This would have been piety indeed.
Even if the figures are regarded as tribute, they are large for an annual con-
tribution. Evans was certainly right in setting down cattle-raising as one of the
principal sources of wealth. It might be tempting to regard these sheep not
as real animals, but merely as a token of exchange, as oxen are used as
a standard of measurement in Homer; but imaginary sheep cannot be divided
into rams and ewes, apart from the other subdivisions. Nor is there any
evidence in the tablets of anything approaching currency. Every commodity
is listed separately, and there is never any sign of equivalence between one
unit and another.
The state of the Knossos tablets and the fact that some of them appear
to record the totals make it very difficult to arrive at any firm conclusions
on the numbers mentioned. There are too a considerable number among
the newly published fragments. The much smaller number of tablets involved
at Pylos make the census easier. Even so it must be remembered that our
collection of tablets is doubtless far from complete, and many tablets have not
survived entire. On the other hand some may duplicate entries relating to
the same cattle. In any case, as explained above, there is good reason to think
that the figures recorded are only a small percentage of the total flocks.
Male
Female
Unclassified
Total
SHEEP
8217
1554
386
10157
GOATS
1004
771
50
1825
PIGS
57
234
249
540
OXEN
—
—
8
8
STAGS
—
—
16
16
The above table shows the total numbers of each of the principal categories of
livestock at Pylos on C- tablets sufficiently preserved. Damaged numerals have
198
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
61
been read as the smallest number which can be restored. The proportions
of SHEEP / GOATS / PIGS are probably reasonably accurate, but the relative
scarcity of oxen is surprising.
1. FLOCKS OF SHEEP AND GOATS AT PYLOS (Cc, Cn)
The first example illustrates the formula; (place-name) we-re-ke. Ventris and
others have proposed wergei (with a scriptio plena to avoid confusion) ‘encloses’.
But these cannot be the total numbers of cattle kept at these places, and the
construction seems a little curious. It is noticeable that Ro-u-so, which is later
a plural AouctoI, is equally followed by we-re-ke, not *we-ro-ko-si. We might
expect a formula with prefixed o- to introduce the enumeration, cf. 75 = Cn02.
It may therefore be wondered whether we-re-ke is a plural substantive, which
is in some way applicable to both sheep and goats. The place-names occurring
in this series are: Pi-* 82, Ro-u-so (twice) and A-ke-re-wa. In the text quoted
each entry consists oA paro followed by a man’s name in the dative; the single
exception has Ma-ro-pi (place-name in locative-instrumental plural?) and
apparently the name in the nominative. In the preceding line an erroneous
nominative has been changed to the dative.
61 = Cn04[131]
^ pi-*82 we-re-ke
^ pa-ro pi-me-ta rams 200 pa-ro o-ku-ka rams 130X
^ pa-ro ku-pi-ri-jo rams 50X pa-ro a-ka-ma-wo rams 120X
^ pa-ro ko-ru-no rams ioox pa-ro ne-ri-to rams 30 x
® pa-ro po-ro-u-te-we rams gox pa-ro o-wa-ko she-goats 54 x
® ma-ro-pi to-ro-wi rams 130X pa-ro a-no-po rams 130X
^ pa-ro ke-ro-wo rams 13OX pa-ro ra-pa-sa-ko rams gix
® pa-ro po-ke-we ewes 27 pa-ro a-ri-wo-ne rams ioo
^ pa-ro a-we-ke-se-we rams 180 pa-ro po-ko-ro rams ioox
pa-ro e-ti-ra-wo rams ioox pa-ro a-ta-ma-ne-we rams 140X
“ pa-ro se-no ewes 44 x pa-ro ko-ro ewes 24 x
pa-ro do-qo-no rams Sox pa-ro wo-ki-to rams 73 x
pa-ro me-te-we rams 163X pa-ro ke-sa-me-no ewes 40 x
pa-ro pu-wi-no she-goats 55
Pi-* 82 encloses'.
from Pi-me-ta 200 rams
from Ogugas 130 rams
from Kuprios 50 rams
from Alkmawos 120 rams, etc.
199
61-62
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ke-ro-wo\ if this is the same man as that described as a shepherd at Asiatia 31 =Ae04,
this is further proof of the identity of the sheep ideogram, and suggests that all these
men are the herdsmen and not the owners of the flocks.
The next tablet deals with the same area and seven of the personal names are
the same. In this case the sheep are not recorded as ‘from’ a person, but the
place-name is followed by either (a) a man’s name in the nominative after
which there is another name in the genitive and the word a-ko-ra (probably =
agora in the sense ‘collection’ or ‘flock’, see Vocabulary, p. 387), or {b) a man’s
name in the nominative or genitive followed by pa-ra-jo. If this is some part
of TToAaios it presumably cannot be in agreement with the man’s name where
this is in the genitive, though a failure of eoncord cannot be ruled out. In the
second tablet quoted here the expression ‘:r’s flock’ is substituted by ‘x a-ke-re\
i.e. agirei. Hence we may suppose that the men so designated are in some way
responsible for ‘ collecting ’ the cattle. There are only four of them : A-pi-me-de,
A-ke-o, A-ko-so-ta and We-da-ne-u. The latter two are mentioned elsewhere in
contexts that make it plain they are people of some importanee : We-da-neus
is one of the persons who receive minor contributions on the Poseidon tablets
(169 = Es646, 170 = Es649) ; A{r)xotas is issuing spices on 103 = Un08, inspecting
land on 131 =Eq01, and he appears on several other tablets. It would seem
likely therefore that these four are officials or representatives of the palace.
62 = Cn655
1
ma-ro-pi
qe-re-wa-o
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
136
2
ma-ro-pi
to-ro-wi-ko
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
133
3
ma-ro-pi
ke-ro-wo-jo
RAMS
85
4
ma-ro-pi
ra-pa-sa-ko-jo
RAMS
69
5
ma-ro-pi
pu-wi-no
a-pi-me-de-o
a-ko-ra
RAMS
190
6
ma-ro-pi
i-wa-so we-da-ne-wo a
-ko-ra
RAMS
70
7
ma-ro-pi
ti-rnq-wo
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
70
8
ma-ro-pi
o-ka-ri-jo
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
95
9
ma-ro-pi
e-ti-ra-wo
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
70
10
ma-ro-pi
a-ta-ma-m
-u pa-ra-jo
RAMS
60
11
ma-ro-pi
qi-ri-ta-ko
a-ke-o-jo a-
■ko-ra
RAMS
90
12
ma-ro-pi
a-ri-ivo a-ke-o-jo a-ko
-ra
[X nn]
13
ma-ro-pi
i-re-jo ive-da-m-wo a-
ko-ra
[X] 60
14
ma-ro-pi
o-pe-re-ta
ive-da-ne-wo
EWES
86
15
ma-ro-pi
po-ro-pa^-
^a-jo u'e-da-m
-wo
EWES
63
16
ma-ro-pi
to-ru-ko-ro
vce-da-ne-wo
EWES
88
17
ma-ro-pi
ma-ma-ro
we-da-ne-wo
RAMS
90
200
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
62-63
18
[ma-ro'\ -pi
ma-du-ro
we-da-ne-wo
RAMS
100
19
\ma-ro'\-pi
se-no we-da-[ne]-wo
EWES
40
20
\ma-ro-pi\
ta-ta-ke-u
\itJi'e-da\-ne-wo
EWES
30
At Ma-ro-: the. . .of Q^elewas 136 rams.
At Ma-ro- the. . .of Trowix: 133 rams,
etc., etc.
63 = Cc660
a-ke-o a-ke-re
me-ta-pa j pa-ro ka-ra-su-no h e-goats 30
At Metapa: Alkeos collects thirty he-goats from Ka-ra-su-no.
2 . FLOCKS OF SHEEP AT KNOSSOS (Da-Dg)
All the tablets of this group are really alike, varying only in the different ways
in which the total is built up. They begin with a man’s name, presumably
that of the shepherd as in the parallel tablets at Pylos, written in tall characters ;
then the tablet is usually divided by a horizontal line, the top
line containing the name of the ‘collector’ in the nominative 106=^ ^ ram
or genitive, and the number of rams and/or ewes; the lower
line usually gives the place-name and any minor entry, such ^ ewe
as the deficit. These positions, however, are not invariable.
Unlike the Pylos tablets, there is a separate tablet for each entry. The numbers
are as a rule round hundreds, or a series of lesser numbers adding up to a round
total. In these cases the sum is never shown on the tablet. A few examples
will illustrate the principle:
Total
Dal 147
RAMS
100
100
Del 148
RAMS
95
pe. RAMS 5
100
Ddll50
RAMS
70
EWES
29
pa. RAMS
I
100
Dell51
RAMS
264
EWES
22
0 . RAMS
14
300
Del 152
RAMS
46
EWES
22
0 . RAMS
12
80
Dcll54
RAMS
91
0 . RAMS
9
100
least thirty places
; are
mentioned
on these
tablets —
-the
exact figure
depends on whether a few which occur only once are correctly identified as
names. These places can be safely presumed to be in some sense tributary to
Knossos. The only ones which can be located geographically are: Phaistos,
Lato, Lyktos, Tylissos, and probably = Setaia and U-/a-;zo = Itanos.
This distribution covers central and eastern Crete ; the only two places known
from the tablets in West Crete (Kydonia and Aptara) do not figure in this
201
64-«7
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
series. It would, however, be rash to generalize from what may in any case
be an accidental distribution, since we can locate so few of the place-names.
The western towns may possibly be excused from sending sheep owing to the
lack of suitable cattle roads.
The collectors are a little more numerous than at Pylos, but a large number
of tablets do not bear this entry. The two most frequently recurring names are
U-ta-jo and We-we-si-jo, the former in connexion with ten places {Da-wo,
Da-*22-to, Do-ti-ja, E-ko-so, Ku-ta-to, Phaistos, Pa^rko-we, Ra-su-to, Ri-jo-no,
Tu-ni-ja), the latter with eight {Da-ra-ko, Da-wo, Da-*22-to, Di-ro, E-ko-so,
Ku-ta-to, Phaistos, Su-ri-mo). Since there is considerable overlapping we cannot
suppose that the collectors were each responsible for separate areas.
64 = Da 1221 (L Ixxvii)
RAMS 200 [
pa^-ko-we [
Aithalowens: 200 rams at Pa^-ko-we.
Aithalowens: =aJ6aA6£i5; the name recurs at Pylos.
ai-ta-ro-we j
65 = Dbl 232 (L Ixxviii)
na-pu-ti-jo j
RAMS 23 EWES 27
ti-ri-to pe-ri-qo-te-jo
Naputios: twenty-three rams, twenty-seven ewes at
Peri-qo-te-jo.
Ti-ri-to ;
(collector)
Naputios =VTi'TTvnos.
Ti-ri-to: recalls Tp(T(T)a, the old name of Knossos according to Hesych.
Pe-ri-qo-te-jo: the name of the ‘collector’ or official responsible. Note the unusual
arrangement. The numbers add up to fifty.
66 = Dcll 29 (L Ixxviii, numbered 1 1 61)
po-ro-u-te-u /
u-ta-jo RAMS 37
da-* 22 -t 0 0. RAMS 63
Plouteus: at Da-*22-to, thirty-seven rams, deficit sixty-three rams; (collector)
U-ta-jo.
67 = Ddll 71 (L xci)
, RAMS 20 EWES 72
/ A • . A o
pa-i-to pa. RAMS o
Poros: at Phaistos, twenty rams, seventy-two ewes; eight pa- rams.
pa. : stands here in the same position and relation to the other numerals as 0. The total
is too.
202
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
68-70
68 = Del648 (L?)
, we-we-si-jo-jo rams ^8 ewes 2
n-fp-TTin ^ ^ ^ v/
' ku-ta-to 0. RAMS 50
Anthemos: at Ku-ta-to, fifty-eight rams, two ewes; deficit rams; (collection)
of W erwesios.
Here the name of the 'collector’ stands in the genitive. The total, if the numerals are
correctly read, is no.
69 = Dflll9 (L xci)
, , , da-mi-ni-jo rams ewes 16
de-ke-se-u ; , „
ku-ta-to pe. rams 28
Dexeus : at Damnio- in Ku-ta-to, fifty-six rams, sixteen ewes, twenty-eight pe- rams.
Da-mi-ni-jo : from its usage alone this seems to be another place-name ; when associated
with another name this is always Ku-ta-to, so it may be a local district of this place.
70 = Dgll58 (L Ixxviii)
. . , , we-we-si-jo rams 62 ewes 2 ^^
a-m-ia-to / ,
' pa-i-to pa. rams 2 0 . rams 12
Aniatos: at Phaistos, sixty-three rams, twenty-five ewes, two pa- rams; deficit
twelve rams; (collector) Werwesios.
The total including the pa- rams is 102; they can hardly be excluded from the calcula-
tion in view of cases like 67 = Dal 171 where they are needed to make the too, but
the reading of the last figure is uncertain, and the ‘two’ may have been erased.
3. FLOCKS OF SHEEP AND CONSIGNMENTS OF
WOOL AT KNOSSOS (Dk, Dl)
These tablets are similar in general form to the preceding series, but differ in
having an entry with the ideogram wool. The identity of this sign is still not
fully confirmed, and some are inclined to regard it as a mere unit of measure-
ment or value. It is, however, principally used in con-
nexion with sheep, as here, or with textiles (cloths, jQ5a 1 RAM
pa-we-a). It is normally counted, but is subdivided by
i into thirds, written i i and i 2. Further subdivision by 106'’ ewe
weight occurs in the Od tablets. Since i 1= approx.
I kg., the WOOL unit must be equivalent to about H5 wool
3 kg-
The amount ofwooL is proportionate to the number of sheep, the deficits
being noted in the usual way. The proportion is shown between the total
203
71-73
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
number of sheep and the total amount of wool, and the deficit of wool is not
proportionate to the deficit of sheep. In one set of tablets the proportion is
four sheep : one unit of wool.
SHEEP
WOOL
Dkl 070
100
7 +18 =25
Dkl 071
50
6 + 6^ = 12
Dkl 072
100
= 25
Dkl 073
50
6§+ 5 i=i 2
Dkl 074
100
19 + 6 =25
It was at first thought that in some cases the proportion was incorrectly
calculated ; but checking of the original tablets shows that these cases are due
to misreading of the numerals, which are often damaged (1070 and 1073 are
here corrected). The approximation of 12J to the correct i2| seems to indicate
that division was not customary except into thirds.
In the second set the proportion is ten sheep: one unit of wool, a difference
which suggests that these are arbitrary figures, rather than the yield of two
different kinds of sheep.
SHEEP
WOOL
D 1 933
40 + 20 + 60= 120
3 + 9 = 12
D 1 938
50 + 40+10= 100
7 + 3 = 10
D 1943
90+90 =180
11 + 7 = 18
D 1 946
70 + 70 =140
7 + 7 = 14
D 1 947
80+10 + 70= 160
11 + 5=16
71=Dkl072 (L Ixxiv)
, , X RAMS 100 WOOL 12 i I
ka-te-u / , , , ,
ku-ta-to 0 . WOOL II e2
Ka-te-u: at Ku-ta-to, 100 rams; 40 kg. of wool; deficit 35 kg. of wool.
X is a ‘check mark’ here as on 61 = Cn 04 .
72 = Dkl074 (L Ixxiv)
, X RAMS 100 WOOL IQ
e-ru-to-ro / , , , n
' ku-ta-to 0 . WOOL o
Eruthros: at Ku-ta-to, 100 rams, 57 kg. of wool; deficit 18 kg. of wool.
73=D1943 (K Iviii)
a-ko-i-da
po-ti-ni-ja-we-{joy
pa.^-niva-so o.ki.
EWES 90
RAMS 90 0 .
WOOL II
WOOL [8] '7'
204
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
73-75
A-ko-i-da \ at Pa-nwa-so, ninety ewes, 33 kg. of wool; deficit ninety ki- rams and
21 kg. of wool; belonging to the Mistress.
Po-ti-ni-ja-u'e-: shown by other similar tablets (D1930, D1933, D1946) to have lost its
final -jo. The meaning is difficult ; it is clearly a derivative of po-ti-ni-ja Potnia, though
the Mistress is not necessarily divine in this context. On the other hand this place
on the tablet is normally occupied by a man’s name, and it is just possible that
Potniaweios is a man at Knossos, though the word is certainly adjectival at Pylos.
The last numeral has been corrected by the erasure of the last stroke.
74 = D 11061 (K xciiij
[ifo]-5a / pa-i-ti-ja sheep wool 456
So much sheep’s wool from Phaistos: 1368 kg.
The sign preceding tvooL is badly damaged by a crack; but apparendy nothing
intervenes between the two ideograms. This collocation can now also be found on
D1M4, 7135, 7280, 7300.
4. MISCELLANEOUS LIVESTOCK AT
*23 'y
ox
*75
Z
¥
OX + SI
107-^
PIG + SI
0
0*
1
106^ ^
RAM
PYLOS (Cn)
Kind of sheep?
HE-GO-A.T
SHE-GOAT
As shown above, pigs and cattle are not often recorded at Pylos. Perhaps
Pylos was not so rich in livestock generally as Knossos. A particularly
interesting record of pigs gives us one of the examples of the nine towns which
seem to be the chief tributaries (see p. 142).
75 = Gn 02 [ 608 ]
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
jo-a-se-so-si
o-pi-da-mi-jo
pi-* 82
me-ta-pa
pe-to-no
pa-ki-ja-si
a-pu^-we
a-ke-re-wa
PIGS-fSI
PIGS + SI
PIGS-rSI
PIGS-f-SI
PIGS-I-SI
PIGS + SI
How the local inhabitants
will fatten fat hogs:
at Pi-* 82 three hogs
at Metapa three hogs
at Pe-to-no six hogs
at Pa-ki-ja- two hogs
at Aipu two hogs
at A-ke-re-wa two hogs
205
75-76
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
9 e-ra-te-i pigs+si 3 at three hogs
10 ka-ra-do-ro pigs + si 2 at Kharadros two hogs
ri-jo PIGS + S12 at Rhion two hogs
jo-a-se-so-si: an example of jo- = o-, ho; cf. jo-do-so-si PY 257=Jn09. This spelling is
hardly to be regarded as due to preservation of the initial j- of Indo-European; it
alternates with simple 0 -. The verb is difficult. Palmer ( 1954 ^, pp. 19 - 22 ) takes it as
asesonsi, future of aco (aaai) ; the ordinary future is aaco so a special formation must
be supposed. But the analogy of the other lists of tribute suggests that a verb of
giving, sending or prowding would be more appropriate, though there does not seem
to be any suitable verb in Greek; the future of ippi kesonsi leaves the first syllable
unexplained.
opiddmioi: according to the sense of the verb this can be either nominative plural ‘local
inhabitants ’ or accusative plural agreeing with sialons. Since the list details a number
of localities, the former is slightly more likely. The other alternative suggested by
Palmer (/oc. cit.) ‘how the fat hogs in the demes are to batten’ seems to take no
account of the subsequent list.
The two tablets quoted dealing with oxen both raise special problems. The
first is connected by its place-names with the military dispositions of 57 = An43
(see p. 185). Palmer (1954^, pp. 20, 53) has explained this tablet as a list of
oxen which are being assigned to the sectors indicated, as sacrificial victims
to ensure divine favour in the event of a battle. That there is some connexion
cannot be denied; but less picturesque explanations, such as food-supply, can
be imagined. The correctness of Palmer’s view depends to some extent on his
ingenious interpretation of i-je-si as from not ip pi but another homonymous
verb connected with Ispos and meaning ‘to dedicate or sacrifice’. Some
support for this comes from the apparent use of the verb in 172 = Kn02, where
the context is certainly religious. However, some reasons for doubting the
explanation here are advanced in the notes; but the difficulties are far from
solved, and any translation must be regarded as very tentative.
The second tablet refers to livestock of other kinds, and apparently records
the colour of some oxen. This, combined with the small numbers involved,
may suggest sacrificial victims; but the text is too damaged for any firm
conclusions.
76 = Cn22 [3]
jn-i-je-si me-za-na
e-re-u-te-re di-wi-je-we
qo-o
a^-ra-tu-a o-ka-ra^
ox I
pi-ru-te ku-re-we
ox I
e-na-po-ro i-wa-si-jo-ta
ox I
206
4
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
76-77
® o-ru-ma-to u-ru-pi-ja-jo ox i
^ a^rka-a^-ki-ri-ja-jo u-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo ox i
vacant 2
How . . . are sending oxen to the inspector Diwieus :
A-ra-tu-a and Oikhalia: one ox.
The ku-re-we men at Pi-ru- : one ox.
The men of Iwasos at E-na-po-ro : one ox.
The men of Olympia at Erumanthos: one ox.
The. . .of the Olympian', one ox.
jo-i-je-si: ho hiensi: ‘send’ or ‘sacrifice’?
me-za-na : Palmer and Georgiev both believe this to be a spelling, variously explained,
for melanas ‘black’; but if it agrees with qo-o, the word-order is extremely strange.
Andrews and Miihlestein interpret as Messdndn ‘to Messene’, which is perhaps
possible, although -oa- arising from dental + j is ordinarily written s (e.g. to-so) ; but
the name in view' of its termination may be pre-Greek. The other examples of this
word (296 = Sh736, me-za-ne 91 = Fn02) throw very little light on the meaning.
e-re-u-te-re: Palmer’s ereuter ( =£p£uvTiTris) ‘searcher, inspector’ is preferable to the
attempts of Furumark (1954, p. 26) and Muhlestein (1954, p. ii) to make the word
a personal name Eleuther. What is not clear is whether it is dative singular or
nominative plural. Palmer prefers the latter, making di-wi-je-we an adjective (‘of
Zeus’) in agreement. Meriggi (1954, p. 28) takes di-wi-je-we as the nom. plur.
subject. But it is highly probable that ku-re-we is nominative plur. as it is the title
of a class of armed men in the military tablets (see p. 191); and i-wa-si-Jo-ta must
be an ethnic Iwasidtai. If then the individual entries each contain a subject (the
groups of men) and an object (the oxen), it is hard to see how ereuteres can be equated
with them. On the other hand a heq‘‘etds named Diwieus is mentioned in 59 = An656,
and the words e-qe-ta e-re-u-te-re appear together on a fragmentary sealing Wa917.
It therefore seems easier to take these words as dative singular, and this in turn
implies a meaning ‘send’ for the verb.
qo-o\ the suggestion of E. Risch (Muhlestein, 1955a, Nachtrag), that this is a scriptio
plena for g‘ 5 {n)s acc. plur. = poDs, cf. Skt. gdh (hardly singular g^on), offers the easiest
solution to the difficulty caused by the apparent lack of the digamma. The scribes
seem to have tried to avoid any monosyllabic w'ord.
A^-ka-a.^-ki-ri-ja-jo: this would appear to be not a place-name but an ethnic, and the
genitive singular U-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo is surprising if not an error; cf. a^-ka-a^-ki-ri-jo
u-ru-pi-ja-jo 60 = An661.
77 = Cn23 [418]
^ pa-ro we-u-da-ne-we
- re-u-ko a-ko-ro-we-e oxen+si 2
^ re-\u\-kg ma-ra-ku pe-ko a-ko-ro-we ox-f-si i
207
77
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
^ [
^ [
^ [
^ re-u-ko
^ RAM I
From We-u-da-ne-u:
] 3 HE-GOATS 3 WE 3
] 2 [
[. . .] pe-kg
HE-GOAT I
] 2
]
a-ko-ro-we [
WE [
SHE-GOATS 3
]
]
Two oxen uniformly white,
one ox uniformly white . . . ,
three. . three he-goats, thxtc yearlings, three she-goats, etc.
We-u-da-ne-we: probably an alternative spelling of We-da-ne-we, but it may be a different
person.
a-ko-ro-we-e\ dual akhrowee ‘pale’ or more likely hakhrowee ‘uniformly coloured’.
ma-ra-ku pe-ko : a comparison of line 2 suggests that these two words should be taken
together as some qualification of ‘uniformly white’. They are in fact written in
characters of the same size, while the preceding and following words are respectively
slightly larger and smaller, ma-ra-ku might be for |3pa)(us, if this is from *mr-, cf.
Avest. msrazu-; but the Aeolic form is ppox'JS- pe-ko is perhaps to be connected with
TreoKO? (neut.) ‘hide’, an accusative of respect?
The ideographic use of *75 ( = we) here in connexion with goats as well as sheep
suggests that it may mean not a kind of sheep, but merely a young animal; it is
attractive to identify it with wetalon ‘yearling’. Note that the last ideogram in line 4
is probably female, not male as shown in ‘The Pylos Tablets’.
Line 6 probably contained a fresh heading: pa-ro followed by another name.
5. MISCELLANEOUS LIVESTOCK AT KNOSSOS
(C, Ca, Ch, Co, Dm, Dn)
106^^
1
RAM
109^
OX / BULL
106*’
Tf
EWE
109'’
!f
cow
107^^
HE-GOAT
170
i
Calf?
107'’
t
SHE-GOAT
108®
‘f
BOAR
105
HORSE
108'’
If
sow
*23
r
ox
Some of the tablets dealing with hvestock at Knossos seem to be not lists of
tribute, as in the case of the sheep, but gifts or allocations which are being
208
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
78
sent out by the Palace. Others are possibly totals, but their relation to the
other records is still obscure.
78 = C 914 (K Ixvii)
, . . , , pa-ra-ti-jo rams f^o
a-ka-wi-m-de
' pa-ro HE-GOATS 50
To Achaea : from Pallantios, fifty rams, fifty he-goats.
Akhaiimjdn-de‘. the -de suffix marks this out as a place-name, and the spelhng exacdy
fits the form ’Axcxif^ia postulated as the Greek original of the Hittite Ahhijawd. There
is, however, no clue to its location. It is by no means impossible that it is merely a
place in Crete, though nowhere else mentioned on the tablets. Most of the proposed
locations of the Hittite name (Rhodes, Cyprus, or even the Greek mainland) would
be possible, for there is no reason why sheep and goats should not be carried by sea.
The status of Pallantios is obscure; spelt Pa^-ra^-ti-jo the name recurs on Dgl 235 ,
where he is presumably a shepherd.
One series of tablets (Dn) appears to give totals of rams for each of the places
mentioned. The entries complete enough to transcribe are listed below:
TijP-JO
50
Da-wo
2440
Da-*22-to
1370
E-ko-so
2262
E-ra
134
Luktos
200 [
Phaistos
1509
Pa^-ko-we
2003
Pu-na-so
330
Ra-ja
904
Su-ki-ri-ta
517
[Su\-ri-mo
2390
Ti-ri-to
50
Unknown
10,892
Total
25.051
There is also a fragment with the numeral ig,ooo [ + ?], which should perhaps
be added in. What these figures represent is hard to say; they do not appear
to bear any relation to the total numbers of sheep represented on the other
tablets. The figure for E-ra (134) can hardly be related either to the total
number of sheep recorded on surviving (published) tablets (809) or to the
deficit (215) or to their sum (1024).
14
209
V 4 k C
79-82
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
79 = Dnl094 (joined with 1 3 1 1 L Ixxii, Ixxxv)
pa-i-to RAMS 1509 I40I
da-wo RAMS 2440
80 = C 913 (K Ixxij
pa-ro e-te-wa-no ai. he -goat i [
pa-ro ko-ma-we-te he-goat i pa-[ro?
From Etewainos one ai- he-goat; . . . ; from Komawens one he-goat; from. . . .
81=Dmll80 (joined with 5048 L)
ai-mi-re-we rams 4
pa-i-to ,
^ e-ka-ra-e-we rams 20
At Phaistos : four . . . rams, twenty . . . rams.
ai-mi-re-we, e-ka-ra-e-we: these two words characterize a small group of tablets, all of
much the same form, except that ai-mi-re-we is sometimes omitted, and in one case
(Dml 184) we have the entry ]-ter-to o-pa. This latter word may be a term describing
some sort of tribute (see p. 169 ). As pointed out by Carratelli ( 1954 , pp. 220 - 1 ),
the numbers of e-ka-ra-e-we are greatly in excess of those of the other category. The
natural interpretation is to regard these two words as masculine nominative plurals
describing the rams; Carratelli, however, takes them as dative singular {-ewei),
denoting the person to whom the animals are sent, and connects them with soxotpa
( = a sacrificer on a fire altar) and alpa ( = a sacrificer of drrupa kpd). The formation
of the second name is obscure, the meaning of both doubtful. No wholly satisfactory
solution has yet been proposed; see the Vocabulary for further suggestions.
82 = Ca895 (K Ixvi; see plate II {a), facing p. no)
i-qo 5 ^7^ 4 Po-ro [
o-no ^ 3 po-ro ((^2 ^ 4 [
Horses ; five mares, four (full-grown) horses, x foals.
Asses: three she-asses, two foals, four he-asses.
The beginning of this tablet, containing the initial two words and half the horse’s head
on the second line, was found by Chadwick among some unpublished fragments in
Iraklion Museum in .April 1955 . It had already attracted much attention, and Evans
[PM, IV, p. 799 ) first pointed out that the foals are distinguished from the horses by
being shown without manes. This distinction certainly holds for the last two entries
of line I ; the left side of the first ideogram in the line is broken, but may have had
a mane. This is the ordinary^ form on the chariot tablets {Sc), the mane usually being
tied up into three ‘top-knots’. On the other hand the second line is more difficult,
since it is now clear that none of the animals have manes, the first and third showing
210
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
82-83
instead the usual marks of sex. Whether any distinction is intended between the
ideograms of lines i and 2 is hard to say; no immediate differences are apparent,
and if the latter are really intended for asses the characteristic long ears do not seem
to be adequately represented. It is possible that the ideogram (as we may suspect
in other cases too) is merely a conventional form used alike for horse and ass, the
distinction here being adequately indicated by the initial words.
In each case three sorts of animal are listed separately, though in a different order.
In the second hne the distinction is clearly between female, male and foals, and this
is therefore likely to apply to the first line as well, though the first two ideograms seem
to lack distinguishing features; if the first were complete the difference might be
seen, as suggested in the drawings here.
hiqq^oi'. a welcome confirmation of our interpretation of this word, which some have
been inclined to doubt.
polo: dual in line 2 . Evans had suggested this reading on the basis of the Cypriot
syllabary, but he was so convinced that the language was not Greek that he rejected
it as illusory.
onoi: without prejudice to the other places where o-no is found (never in contexts
suggesting an animal; see V'ocabulary), the interpretation here seems incontestable;
i-qo and o-no are clearly parallel words describing animals of equine type.
83-Ch902 (K Ixiii)
[Probably about twelve lines of this very thick tablet lost.]
1
mi-ru-ro si-pe-we
ox
ne. 8
li
>
0
o-du-ru-wi-jo ko-re-te
ox
ne. d!
12
3
wa-to 1 ko-re-te ox ne. & 12
wa-to 1 dq-nu-wo
0:
c S
12
4
si-ra-ro ko-re-te
ox
I
ne.
&
12
5
pa^-ko-we e-ra-ne
ox
I
ne.
S
12
6
o-du-ru-we u-wo-qe-we
ox
I
ne.
S
12
7
ri-jo-no ko-re-te
ox
I
ne.
s
12
8
ru-ki-ti-jo
ox
I
ne.
s
12
9
a-pa-ta-wa ko-re-te
ox
I
ne.
s
12
10
ku-ta-i-to ko-re-te
ox
I
ne.
s
12
11
re-nq-jo e-re-ta
ox
I
ne.
s
12
12
[. .Uwa-to we-re-we
ox
I
ne.
s
12
[One or more lines lost.]
Mi-ru-ro at Si-pe-we (?) : one ox, twelve calves.
The mayor of Odrus: one ox, twelve calves.
The mayor of Wa-to: one ox, twelve calves. Da-nu-wo of UP- to: one ox,
twelve calves.
The mayor of Si-ra-ro: one ox, tswchrc. young calves.
The E-ra-ne at Pa-ko-we : one ox, twelve young calves.
21 1
14-2
83-84
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The U-wo-qe-we at Odrus: one ox, twelve calves.
The mayor oi Ri-jo-no\ one ox, twelve calves.
The people of Luktos; one ox, twthrc young calves.
The mayor of Aptara: one ox, twelve calves.
The mayor of Ku-ta-i-to: one ox, twelve young calves.
The rowers of Re-na: one ox, twelve jvoaa^ calves.
The we-re-we . . . : one ox, twelve young calves.
The key to this puzzle is the ideogram H ; the number of these is always a dozen, and
it is preceded by the adjunct ne. which elsewhere may be newos ‘young’. The sug-
gestion that it is a special sign for calf has here been followed in the translation
but without conviction. In three cases the vertical stroke of the ox ideogram seems
to have something attached to it, possibly a ligature with -ta, though this is not
recognized by Bennett; cf sheep + ta PY Cn09.
Ali-ru-ro: a man’s name, cf. 38 = Asl516.
Odruios: apparently the adjective of Odruei (dat.) line 6. The name recalls the Thracian
'OSpuCTai (cf. "Odpus). Surprisingly the word recurs on a Theban jar: ka-u-no
o-du-ru-wi-jo wa-na-ka-te-ro (TH I).
ko-re-te : as at Pylos the title of some kind of local official, perhaps mayor. The Greek
form is obscure, see Vocabulary', p. 397.
wa-to : apparently an otherwise unknown place-name. The recurrence of this word on
the Theban jars is a strange coincidence. The suggested reading wastos ‘citizen’
(cf. Bjorck, 1954a, p. 123) is not altogether satisfactory; it might here mean the
citizens of the town of Knossos, as distinct from the Palace.
da-nu-wo: Bennett read mi-pa^-wo; possibly a title rather than a name.
e-ra-ne: surely not Helldnes? Some connexion with the place-name E-ra?
u-wo-qe-we-. cf. u-wo-qe-ne V 145, a tablet with several echoes of this one, including
u-du-ru-wo, perhaps genitive to o-du-ru-we, and we-re-we.
84 = C 59 (? xxiii)
1
2
[.]-5a / we-ka-ta oxen 6 da-wo j we-ka-ta
r n , , ta-ra-me-to ^ - ,
[l or 2j-to / , OXEN D da-*22-to j
OXEN 6
da-mo
we-ka-ta
OXEN 6
^ tu-ri-so ! , ^ OXEN o ku-do-m-ia / we-ka-ta oxen 50
^ we-ka-ta
At. . .-sa: six working oxen.
At Da-wo : six w'orking oxen.
At. . .-to\ six working oxen;. . ..
At Da-* 22 -to: six working oxen; for the village.
At Tulissos: six working oxen; for the village.
At Kudonia: fifty tvorking oxen.
212
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
84-86
wergatai-. ‘workers’, a word used especially of oxen; so also CarrateUi (1954, p. 219).
Furumark’s p^crra ( = lK6vTa) translated ‘gezahmte’ cannot be justified either on
grounds of form (Cret. pEKOtdda is not the earliest form and in any case is feminine:
Bechtel, Griech. Dial, n, p. 694) or of meaning. The use of the male form of the ox
ideogram (except in one case, probably an oversight) does not of course imply that
the beasts were not castrated. The mention of Kudonia is interesting as it appears
to show that western Crete too was under the control of Knossos ; the references to
it on the chariot tablets are ambiguous.
An interesting series of tablets (some of those with the Ch prefix) give us an
intimate glimpse of rustic life. They record yokes of oxen, which are given
names; these were identified by Furumark (1954, pp. 28-9). A full list of
these names will be found at the end of the Index of Personal Names (p. 427).
85 = Ch 896 (K Ixvii)
^ , . ke-ra-no-qe
ta-za-ro / ai-wo-ro ne.we. oxen ze i
Ta-za-ro: one yoke young working oxen, Aiwolos and Kelainos.
Ta-za-ro-. the name of the ox-driver?
ne.we.'. abbreviations of newos ‘young’ and we-ka-fa = wergatds ‘working’? Cf. the
preceding tablet.
Mixed livestock are occasionally recorded under the heading of a place-name
and the word a-ko-ra-ja or a-ko-ra-jo, probably agoraios. This may mean
‘belonging to the agora or collection’ in the sense explained above; see p. 200.
It might, however, merely denote ‘belonging to the herd’, and it is remarkable
that in opposition to the tribute lists of cattle, the males are in a much sounder
proportion to the females, though still sometimes excessive for breeding pur-
poses. The places named on the surviving tablets are: Wa-to, Kudonia,
Ka-ta-ra-i, Si-ra-ro, Aptara and Odrus.
86 = Co 907 (K Ixviii)
^ si-ra-ro j a-ko-ra-jo rams 202 ewes 750
2 HE-GOATS 125 SHE-GOATS 240 BOARS 21 SOWS 60 BULLS 2 COWS 10
6. GRAIN CONSIGNMENTS AND RATIONS AT KNOSSOS (E, F)
Although there is no indication whether these tablets record payments or
receipts, the former seems more likely on general grounds,
as the people concerned are often ethnic groups. We are T wheat
not told their numbers, so there is no possibility of calcu- ^ ^ Month?
lating a ration. In most cases the commodity is the staple ^
213
87-89
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
grain wheat, but occasionally other commodities are added such as olives;
cf. the rations of wheat and figs at Pylos (p. 157). The crescent-shaped ideo-
gram is discussed in the notes on KN 35 = Am 819 .
87 = E 668 (F? xlviii)
^ ru-ki-ti-jo wheat 246 T 7
2 tu-ri-si-jo wheat 261 ra-ti-jo wheat 30 T 5
Men of Luktos: 29,604 1 . of wheat.
Men ofTulissos: 31,320 1 . of wheat.
Men of Lato : 3660 1 . of wheat.
88 = E 749 (I lii)
^ pa^-ra-jo wheat 25
- ru-ki-ti-jo wheat 2i[ +
^ ti-ri-ti-jo WHEAT [ ]
* [su]-ri-mi-jo wheat[ ] T2 <13
^ pa^-mi-jo wheat 12 T 5
® u-ta-ni-jo wheat [ ]
’’ pu-si-jo wheat [ ]
vacant 3
Men of Pharai : 3000 1 . of wheat.
Men of Luktos: 2520 1 . of wheat.
Men of Ti-ri-to : x 1 . of wheat.
Men of Su-ri-mo: (30 + ) 1 . of wheat.
Men of Pa-mo: 1500 1 . of wheat.
Men of Itanos: x 1 . of wheat.
Men of Pu-so : 1 . of wheat.
The figures in lines 4 and 5 are added from a new fragment joined by Bennett.
89 = E 777 (J liii)
‘ ko-no-si-ja ki-ri-te-wi-ja-i month i wheat ioo
“ a-mi-ni-si-ja month i wheat ioo
^ pa-i-ti-ja month i wheat ioo
Reverse:
a-ze-ti-ri-ja wheat [
Women of Knossos (for the ki-ri-te-wi-ja women) : ration for one month 12,000 1 .
of wheat.
Women of Amnisos: ration for one month 12,000 1 . of wheat.
214
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
89-90
Women of Phaistos; ration for one month 12,000 1. of wheat.
jXurses: x 1 . of wheat.
If the crescent-shaped sign is rightly interpreted as ‘month’ here we have fairly clearly
a distribution of rations, in this case to women, as is shown by the feminine endings
and the two female occupational names. Either the rations are very generous or
large numbers of women are concerned ; 500 at each place on the Pylos ration scale
(seep. 157).
ki-ri-te-wi-ja-i: possibly a rehgious office, see Vocabulary; the form is dative plural.
a-ze-ti-ri-ja : one of the cases of substitution of ^ for k ; = a-ke-ti-ri-ja (see on PY 2 — Aa 8 15 ).
The form here could be dative singular or nominative plural.
90 = G 820 (K Iviii)
^ ]-(/? e-ko-si a-pi ku-do-ni-ja pa-sa ki-ri-ta month i
- ^-ja-qe pa^-ko-we-i-ja-qe months 4
^ ku-ta-ti-ja-qe po-ti-ni-ja-we-ja a-pu ke-u-po-de-ja months 4
. . .have in the region of Kudonia all the barley: one month’s rations.
Women of. . .and Pa-ko-we: four months’ rations.
Women of. . . and Ku-ta-to, belonging to the Mistress, from . . . : four months’
rations.
ekhonsi amphi Kudonidi pansan krithan (or pansans krithans) : similarly read by Furumark
(1954, p. 30) and Carratelli (1954, p. 89). Ventris reads a-pi for Bennett’s a-pu, either
of which makes sense.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-ja-. the feminine of the adjective derived from floTvia; it is not clear here
whether it agrees with the women from the places mentioned or is to be taken with
ke-u-po-de-ja. This is a feminine to ke-u-po-da (KN X 442, X 1044; PY 190 = Na 55 ,
etc., see p. 299), but its meaning is unknown; Furumark ‘aus dem Magazin (??)
der Potnia’.
7 . GRAIN RATIONS AT PYLOS (Fn)
The group of tablets classified as Fn is marked by the grain ideogram which
is provisionally identified as barley. The entries consist largely of occupa-
tional names in the dative, and would therefore appear to be a distribution
of pay or rations; the size of the groups is not specified
when the entry is plural. The amounts range from two to 121 ^ barley
a maximum of 80 litres. In some cases other commodities
are also included in the ration; figs in FnOl, olives in Fn05, Fn06 and
Fn918. Apparently included in some lists are offerings to shrines: FnOl has
entries Posidaionde and Pa-ki-ja-na-de and even U-po-jo Potnidi (cf. Furumark,
1954 , P- 35)-
215
91
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
91 =Fn 02 [ 50 ]
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
pa^-si-re-wi-ja
pa^-si-re-wi-ja
pa^-si-re-wi-ja
a-ki-to-jo
ke-ko-jo
a-ta-no-ro
me-za-ne
me-ri-du-(rna)-te
di-pte-ra-po-ro
a-to-po-qo
o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we
ze-u-ke-u-si
BARLEY <1 2
BARLEY <1 3
BARLEY <i 2
BARLEY <1 2
BARLEY <i 2
BARLEY <1 4
vacat
BARLEY [
BARLEY [
BARLEY T[
ai-ki-a^-ri-jo (barley) <1 i[
mi-ka-ta barley <1 3
e-to-wo-ko (barley) <1 2
pQ-ro-du-ma-te barley <1 3
i-ZQ-a-to-mo-i barley <1 3
* 8 ^-\^.'\-ja-te-wo do-e-ro-i
mi-jo-\^pa^ do-e-ro-i
a-pi-]^. . .] do-e-ro-i
\_.^-wo-\^. . . .do-e-ro'\-i
barley T I
BARLEY <1 3
BARLEY <1 3
BARLEY T 3
vacant 5
(Distribution of) barley:
for the retinue of Alkithos: x 1 .
for the retinue of Kerkos : x 1 .
for the retinue of Antanor; x 1 .
for the me-za-ne: 4 1.
for the shore-man : 2 1.
for the me-ri-du-ma : 6 1.
for the mi-ka-ta: 6 1.
for the leather-bearer: 4 1.
for the armourer: 4 1.
for the baker: 4 1.
for the po-ro-du-ma: 6 1.
for the rigger: 4 1.
for the i-za-a cutters: 6 1.
for the yokers: 8 1.
for the slaves of. . . : 12 1.
for the slaves of Mi-jo-pa : 6 1 .
for the slaves of Amphi- . . . ; 6 1 .
for the slaves of. . . : 36 1.
pa^-si-re-wi-ja: basilewidi. This implies that the men named in the genitive are pacriAEij;
unfortunately only one is named outside the Fn group, Antanor, who is associated
with the place Pa-ki-ja- in Vn04.
216
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
91-92
me-za-ne : of the remaining entries two are certainly dative plural, as is do-e-ro-i in the
second paragraph ; if therefore the rest are dative, they must be singular.
di-pte-ra-po-ro'. diphtheraphoroi ‘wearer of a leather garment’, perhaps a title of a trade
or post? Or -poloi ‘leather-seller’; or even a metathesis for diphtheraloiphoi ‘school-
master’? See Vocabulary, p. 390.
i-za-a-to-mo: possibly containing the word a-to-mo = arthmos, cf. e-qe-[d)-o a-to-mo
43 = Sn01. Or -tomos ‘cutter’ as in du-ru-to-mo?
mi-jo-[pa 2 \\ can be supphed from Fn867, and if genitive must be feminine.
8. OIL CONSIGNMENTS OR RATIONS AT KNOSSOS AND
MYCENAE (Fh, Fo)
It seems clear from the archaeological evidence that olive-oil was in extensive
use in Mycenaean Greece. It is thus surprising to find that records dealing
with it are not very common; some at least of those at Knossos are religious
offerings. There is, however, a group of small tablets
which appear not to be religious, but allocations of oil. 130 OLIVE-OIL
The introductory word, which may be a dative, is often
a personal name, but occupational terms also appear; and sometimes a place-
name is added. There are also a number of other terms occasionally found,
such as apudosis ‘ payment ’ and zo-a which seems to be 36T1, some sort of decoction
of oil.
92 = Fh 349 (C xxxii)
ru-ki-to I a-pu-do-si oil 53 [
Luktos: payment 1908 1 . of oil.
Mention of oil at Pylos is even rarer; it may have not yet been produced
in Messenia and be therefore a luxury article, an impression also obtained
from the references to it in Homer. One of the new tablets from Blegen’s
excavations of 1954 (Gnll 84 ), however, plainly records a transaction in oil
between two men who are elsewhere named as ‘unguent-boilers’; and the
identity of the ideogram is happily confirmed by the spelling e-ra^-wo = elaiwon.
Its text runs: ko-ka-ro a-pe-do-ke e-ra^-wo to-so e-u-me-de-i oil 18; pa-ro
i-pe-se-wa ka-ra-re-we 38. ‘ Kokalos repaid the following quantity of olive-oil
to Eumedes: 648 1 .; from Ipsewas thirty-eight stirrup-jars J The association of
e-ra^-wo with oil is confirmed by four or five new tablets found in 1955 in the
pithos magazine behind the Megaron. At Mycenae Wace in 1952 named the
building which he had discovered two years earlier ‘the House of the Oil-
merchant’ because the basement yielded thirty large stirrup-jars which ‘had
originally contained oil, for their clay is heavily impregnated with oil’ (Wace,
217
92-93
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
1953^, p. 423). This name is not entirely substantiated by the tablets found in
this house, since most of them refer to wool. But one tablet, which is quoted
here, bears testimony to dealings in oil, apparently a distribution to various
persons and groups. Dealings in wool would of course hardly leave an
archaeological trace, and if the owner of the house was really a merchant he
may have dealt in at least two commodities.
93 =Fol 01
^ a-ne-a^ <1 3 pa-na-ki <1 i
- ma-no <1 i a-na -*88 A i
^ to-ti-ja <1 I we-i-we-sa <1 i
ke-ra-so <1 i
^ pi-we-ri-si ^ 1 ] <1 i
® ko-ma-ta <1 i na-ta-ra-ma <1 [i]
' <1 I pu-ka-ro [<l i]
® o-ta-ki <1 I
® e-ro-pa-ke-ta oil i
a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i A 4
vacant 4
to-so OIL 2^1 <1 I
For Aineas'. 6 1 . of oil.
for Phainax: 2 1 . of oil, etc.
Total: 86 1 . of oil.
a-na-*88: the last sign is unlike any recorded elsewhere, but may be a variant of
*^^ = ra3; cf. the man’s name a-na-ro KN D1928.
pi-we-ri-si ■. dative plural offTispiSss; cf. pi-we-ri-di Oel03; man’s name Pi-we-ri-ja-ta
PY 254=Jn04. Does this imply not a sale but an offering?
a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i'. dative plural; see Vocabulary, p. 387.
9. MIXED RATIONS AND CONSIGNMENTS AT KNOSSOS (F)
120 WHEAT
*30 y FIGS
This small class of tablets from Knossos shows a mixture of various agricultural
products. Some tablets seem to belong to the lists of offerings (e.g. F 953 ),
but others are more likely secular. The commodities are chiefly wheat and
218
122
OLIVES
OLIVES+A
^ OLIVES + TI
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
94-95
barley, but the tablets quoted are of interest as adding figs and olives. The
identity of the sign 122 olives seems to be confirmed by the reading, but no
explanation has yet been offered of the ligatured versions of it.
94 = F 841 (joined with 867 K Ixii, Ixiii)
^ sa-pi-ti-[ne]-vi'e-jo [
“ a-di-*22-sa wheat T 6 figs 8 [
^ ]-ng-di-mi-zo-jo [?] wheat 2 figs 34 [
^ pa-i-to mi-sa-ra-jo sa-pi-ti-ne-we-jo [
“ su-za FIGS 75 ka-po e-\ra-wal
® e-rd\-wa olives 46 e-ra-wa [
vacant 2
Too fragmentary for translation; the quantities in lines 5 and 6 are considerable:
9000 1. of figs and 5520 1. of olives.
sa-pi-ti-ne-we-jo: cf. the man’s name sa-pi-ti-nu-wo 38 = Asl 516 . Possibly a patronymic,
in which case mi-sa-ra-jo will be a man’s name.
su-za: cf. 166 = Gv 864 . Apparently for suka ‘figs’, with for k as in other words.
ka-po e- \ra-wa : karpoi elaiwds ‘ fruits of the olive ’ ? In the next line e-ra-wa is presumably
plural ‘olives’.
95 -F 852 (K liv)
^ da-voo I a-ma e-pi-ke-re wheat io,ooo[
2 OLIVES+A 70 OLIVES + TI 20 0 IL[
At Da-wo: harvest. . . : 1,200,000 ( + ) 1 . of wheat.
a- olives 8400 1., ti- olives 2400 1, x 1. of oil.
a-ma : occurs five times at Knossos in connexion with wheat. The formula a-ma e-pi-ke-re
is repeated once (F 851); elsewhere a-ma is preceded by broken words which may
be names, and once appears on a fragment with da-mo, but not on the same line.
It seems likely that it has something to do with dpdco ‘reap’; possibly a noun
= ‘ harvest’, though a third singular of the verb cannot be excluded (for the form
cf. te-re-ja). dtir] in later Greek means ‘shovel’ or ‘bucket’ and Ventris has proposed
amd epikheles ‘bucket full to the brim’, but the relevance of this to the context is
uncertain. The latter word could also be a hypothetical episkheres (cf. E-mayEpcb) .
10 . MIXED RATIONS AND CONSIGNMENTS AT PYLOS (Un)
A small group of tablets record a large variety of agricultural produce and
livestock, in considerable amounts. Unfortunately in no case is the heading
really intelligible; some appear to be a requisition, and in one place a deficit
is recorded. But the reason for this impost is not clear. Most of the ideograms
219
96
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
are now identified. No. 125 has been provisionally named cyperus; what
appears to be the same sign is at Knossos also found in a form (no. 1 24) which
contains the condiment sign (no. 123), and this is glossed ku-pa-ro on
102 = Ga517. The same sign is also found with superimposed ku (no. 126).
The value of no. *65 flour is given by 171=Un718, where the sign in
I 2 I
1
BARLEY
*65
It
FLOUR
122
OLIVES
132
V
P
I3I
S
WINE
ME
T
Honey?
io6a
T
RAM, and other livestock ideograms
*30
Y
FIGS
125
r
Cyperus?
146
A textile?
a simphfied form is glossed by me-re-u-ro = meleuron — &Ksj^ov (see Vocabulary,
p. 399). No. 132 is a liquid, but its nature is entirely unknown. The abbrevia-
tion ME, being a liquid, is probably meli ‘honey’; there is nothing to show that
it has the same meaning when it appears as an entry on the Ma tablets (see
p. 290), where the quantities are very large if we transcribe the figures as liquid
units (36 1.). The meaning of no. 146 is discussed on p. 290, and the suggestion
is made that it is some kind of textile.
96==Un02 [138]
* pu-ro qe-te-a.2 pa-ro du-ni-jo
- BARLEY 18 T 5 po-pa^ OLIVES 4 T 3 <1 5
^ WINE 13 RAMS 15 WE 8 EWE I HE-GOATS I3 PIGS 12
^ PIG-rSI I COW I BULLS 2
® me-za-wo-ni barley 4 T 8 <i i ka-pa olives 7
At Pylos: due from Dunios: 2220 1. of barley, 526 1. oieating olives, 468 1. of wine,
fifteen rams, yearlings, one ewe, thirteen he-goats, twelve pigs, one fat
hog, one cow, two bulls.
From Mezaii’on: 578 1. of barley, 840 1. of. . .olives.
qe-te-a ^ : a word which recurs at Knossos in the forms qe-te-a and qe-te-o (see Vocabulary,
p. 406). It must record the nature of the transaction and Furumark (1954, p. 42)
is probably right in regarding it as meaning ‘to be supplied, due’. It is more difficult
to find a satisfactory etymology. A connexion with OecrcracrQai ‘pray for’, Horn.
ccttoOecttos, is possible, but the meaning presents obstacles, and Furumark’s q'^hestea
cannot be explained by the suffix -rfes, which is generally agreed to be from *-t£[^os.
220
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
96-97
Possibly to be identified with t^Oos ‘payment due’ ; in this case the form qe-te-o must
be genitive.
po-pa^: also applied to olives at Knossos 164 = Gv863. Probably denotes some kind
of olive as distinguished from ka-pa. The spelling would fit (poppf), <popj3d5, possibly
meaning ‘for eating’.
ka-pa: the name of a different kind of olive; connected with oxa^Ti ‘trough’, i.e. for
pressing?
97 = Un 03 [ 2 ]
^ pa-ki-ja-si mu?-jo-Tne-no e-pi wa-na-ka-te
^ q-pi-e-ke o-pi-te-iu)-ke-e-u
^ BARLEY l6 T 4 * 12 j T I <1 3 0. <1 5
^ FLOUR I T 2 OLIVES 3 T 2 * 1^2 ^2 ME ^ I
^ FIGS I OX I RAMS 26 EWES 6 HE-GO.\TS 2 SHE-GOATS 2
® PIG + SI I SOWS 6 WINE 20 1 I *146 2
At Pa-ki-ja-^: . . .for the king, the rigger keeps: 1968 1 . of barley, 18 1 . oicyperus
(deficit 10 1.), 144 1. of flour, 384 1. of olives, 24 1. of. . ., 12 1. of honey,
1 20 1. of figs, one ox, twenty-sbc rams, six ewes, two he-goats, two she-goats,
one fat hog, six sows, 732 1. of wine, two cloths.
mu?-jo-me-no: to judge by the form this might be a middle or passive participle, but
hardly puopsvos unless = nuoupevos. It is possible that it is dative : ‘ on the occasion
of the initiation of the king’, sm + dat. = ‘ in the time of’ is found in Arcadian.
wa-na-ka-te: wanaktei, with the same use of a as a dead vowel (after the nominative
wa-na-ka) as in wa-na-ka-te-ro.
q-pi-e-ke: amphi-ekhei = 6.\yniyp\? or aph-ieke = a<^tr\Kp Carratelli (1954a, pp. 101-2)
translates ‘collects’.
opiteukheeus : the restoration is almost certain in view of the other examples of this w'ord
(see Vocabulary, p. 402), but the meaning of the Tsuxsa is not yet discovered.
11. SPICES AT KNOSSOS (Ga, Og)
All three sites have produced written evidence of the use of spices or condi-
ments, though in this case the richest find comes from Mycenae. The use of
spices such as coriander and aniseed is attested archaeologically for the Bronze
Age, and it is reasonable to suppose that many of
the condiments used in classical times for culinary or
medicinal purposes had been known much earlier.
Few have names with Indo-European cognates, and
most were probably in use in the Aegean area before
the arrival of the Greeks, or were introduced by trade during the Mycenaean
age. Coriander and cyperus are both described at Knossos as ‘ Cyprian ’, wKich
123 CONDIMENT
124 Cyperus?
221
98-101
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
probably refers to their provenance ; and there is an unidentified spice called
Phoinikio- which clearly betrays its origin. The ideogram no. 123 was taken by
Evans to represent a building without eaves (‘granary’ sign — PM, iv, p. 622),
despite the presence in some forms of what is obviously a handle. For Myres
{SM II, p. 33) it was ‘obviously a rick or granary’, and in the form no. 124
‘the cylindrical wicker-structure with lifting handle, still in use among the
Southern Slavs’. It resembles more closely a large pepper-pot, and its true
significance emerged from the identification of coriander and cyperus as a
result of the decipherment [Evidence, p. 92). From its use with the fractional
signs for dry measure (e.g. Ga415) it follows that it denotes the unit of spice
(approx. 120 L). The variant no. 124 appears to contain the ‘cyperus’ ideo-
gram no. 125.
98 = Ga415 (E xxxiv)
ru-ki-ti-jo / ko-ri-ja-do-no condiment 2 T 6
Men of Luktos : 3 1 2 1. of coriander seed.
ko-ri-ja-do-no: this word is found also at Pylos and Mycenae, where its plural is also
spelt ko-ri-a.2-da-na. It is an ancestral form of Kopiavvov, KopiavSpov, which may be
derived from koria{n)dnon by assimilation and popular etymology. The fruits of the
coriander, Coriandrum sativum, are widely used as a condiment. The ancients seem to
have obtained it from Egvpt, though it was originally imported into Egypt from
India.
99 = Ga418 (E xx.xiii)
su-ri-mi-jo j
po-ni-ki-jo
ko-ri-ja-do-no T
3
M
Men of Su-ri-mo: 3 kg. of Phoenician spice, 60 1. of coriander seed.
100 = 0g424
pa^-ko-we-i-jo
(E xxxiv)
po-[ni]-ki-jo
a-pu-do-si
5
Men of Pa-ko-ive : payment 5 kg. of Phoenician spice.
101=Ga675 (F lx, xlix)
wa-na-ka-te j pe-ma condiment 10
For the king: 1200 1. of seed for condiment.
The absence of a word or sign indicating the nature of the condiment is unusual, but
cf. Ga416. These tablets may have formed part of a series which made it unnecessary
to repeat the name of the commodity on each.
222
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
102-103
102 = Ga517 (F xl)
tu-wi-no I
, ku-pi-ri-jo
ku-pa-ro
^124 I
Twinon: 120 1. of cyperus seed from Cyprus.
Tivindn: cf. tu-wi-no-no Ga 676 , which may be genitive. Probably a man’s name,
perhaps = Sivcov.
ku-pi-ri-jo: not, like po-ni-ki-jo, the name of a separate commodity, so presumably
adjectival; it might mean only ‘of the Cyprian variety’. At Pylos it is a man’s name,
but this is unlikely here.
12 . SPICES AT PYLOS (Un)
The two chief spices at Knossos, cyperus and coriander, reappear at Pylos,
together with other enigmatic ideograms. No. 157 is so far unidentified; it
appears to be counted, or if in standard units is not yet found with any
fractions. It is also found on An23 reverse, which
seems to have no connexion with the obverse and
ranks for classification with the two U n tablets quoted
here. No. 127 (also found on An23 rev.) is a mono-
gram of KA + po, though it is impossible to be sure
of the order in which these signs are to read ; cf. the
monogram A-f-RE-i-PAin descending order in U n06,
in ascending order in 171=Un718. It seems likely
that this should be connected with ka-po in KN 94 =
F di^l=karpos ‘fruit’. No. 131b appears to be
merely half of no. 131 wine, but cannot be identical
with it since it appears in the same list; possibly a
special kind of wine (e.g. must) . The presence of no.
145 WOOL among a list of commodities such as
spices, fruit and wine is also puzzling, in particular in the second of these
tablets, where it has the annotation wi-ri-za. This cannot be unconnected, since
It recurs at Knossos. It is possible that there is some confusion here between
the WOOL ideogram and the syllabic sign ma used at Mycenae as an abbrevia-
tion for ‘fennel’ (see p. 227) ; there seems to be similar confusion on KN 203 =
F 953.
103 = Un08 [267]
* o-do-ke a-ko-so-ta
- tu-ire-ta a-re-pa-zo-o
223
123
4
CONDIV
^57
•3
127
Fruit?
131
fi
WTNE
131b
7
ME
T
Honey?
145
®
WOOL
103-104
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
^ tu-we-a a-re-pa-te ize-so-mel
^ ze-so-me-no l[A:o3
® ko-ri-a^-da-na condiment 6
® ku-pa-ro^ condiment 6 *157 16
^ KA + PO 2 T 5 WINE 20 ME 2
® WOOL 2 * 1 ^ 1 ^ 2
three lines erased
Thus A[r)xotas gave spices to Thuestas the unguent-boiler, for unguent which
is to be boiled:
coriander seed 720 1.
cyperus seed 720 1.
... 16 units.
fruits 300 1.
wine 720 1.
honey 72 1.
wool 6 kg.
must 72 1.
ho doke: cf. a-pu-do-ke.
tu-we-ta: taken by Furumark (1954, p. 41) as thuestas, correctly seen by Palmer
p. 21) to be a man’s name. Evidently names not infrequently fitted professions;
cf. ka-ke-u the name of a xccAkeu; Jn 750 .
aleiphazoov. the identification of this trade-name gains further confirmation from Pylos
Gnl 1 84 , where two men who are elsewhere given this title are engaged in a transaction
concerning olive-oil (see p. 217).
thuea-. aromatic substances used in the making of perfumes; the sense of ‘burnt offering’
for 0 UOS is not necessarily the earliest; cf. (lAaiov) TseucouEvov ‘perfumed’ { 11 . xiv,
172). _
aleiphatei zesomenoi : the words of which aleipha~zoos is compounded. Palmer translates :
‘ How A. gave to T., the unguent-boiler, the Ouea for boiling in (or with) the unguent.’
But this would require ze~so~me-na. The translation proposed involves a rare use of
the dative to denote purpose: cf. 'HpoKAEiois yovals, Pind. Isth. vii, 7, ‘for the
begetting of Herakles’. In either case the future middle participle must be taken in
passive sense. It would also be just possible to take it as a true middle with Thuestdi:
Thus A. gave to T., who is to boil spices in unguent’; the object of doke would
then be koria{n)dna, etc. But the order is against this.
104 = Un 09 [ 249 ]
po-ti- [nf ] -ja-we-jg
1 pi-ra-jo I a-re-pg-zg-[o ] ku-pa-ro.^ condiment 2 T 5
- wi-ri-za wool 2 [ ] 10
224
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
104
3 [ ] T6
vacant 2
Philaios the unguent-boiler of the Mistress: 300 1 . of cyperus seed; root (?)
6 kg. of wool-, 10 units of . . . ; 72 1. of . . ..
a-re-pq-^o-\o-. Chadwick disagrees with Bennett’s reading of the last preserved sign as
we-, it could be zo, thus allowing an obvious restoration.
wi-ri-za: found again with wool on a Knossos fragment OdM26. It would seem to
be the equivalent of pija (Lesb. ppioSa), but its meaning is obscure.
13. SPICES AT MYCENAE (Ge)
The three texts quoted here are representative of a group of seven similar
tablets found by Wace in the House of the Sphinxes in 1954. These together
with the other Mycenae tablets are being published by Bennett (MT II) with
a commentary by Chadwick.
The tablets numbered Ge 602-608 form part of a consistent series dealing with
a range of commodities, most of which can be confidently identified with
herbs and spices. Some tablets have an introductory phrase, but apart from
this the text consists entirely of a list of personal names, each followed by
specified quantities of the various commodities. Ge 606 and Ge 607 are slightly
different in form, but deal with the same commodities. The names in the lists
vary between nominative and dative, even on the same tablet : Pe-ke-u 105 =
Ge 602 (nom.), but Ka-e-se-we (dat.) two lines further on; cf. Ka-e-se-u Ge 605 .
Possibly the dative implies that the transaction was indirect, i.e. ‘on behalf of’.
The purpose of the records is to some extent conjectural; but if the House
of the Sphinxes is in fact a private house and not an appendage of the palace,
they may be a merchant’s records of his business dealings. Since the amounts
associated with each name are comparatively small and are not totalled, they
may represent sales of these commodities; and in some cases the wording
suggests that they are amounts outstanding against future payment. In the
absence of any form of currency the debt can only be recorded in terms of the
actual commodities sold.
Lists of spices in a rather different context, referring to the produce of
certain places, are quoted by Lacheman ( 1939, p. 535) from the Nuzi tablets.
Among the spices mentioned both there and at Mycenae are coriander, fennel
and kamunu, which Lacheman following Bezold translates as ‘caraway’.
A new ideogram which makes its appearance on these tablets is no. 155,
which looks like some sort of dish or basket. It may perhaps be a container
in which the spices were kept. There is also a form without handles, which is
15
225
VAC
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
virtually indistinguishable from the metric sign tip ( = approx. 0 - 51 .), but
seems here to be a container; it is transcribed as cup. The metric sign itself
has a handle on a new Pylos tablet (Uni 1 85) . Since the principal commodities
recur frequently it will be convenient to discuss them before commenting on
the texts.
123
CONDIMENT
KU
/
Cumin
PE
Bunch?
MA 1
|| Fennel
155
BASKET
MI [
} Mint?
KO
Q
CUP
Coriander
SA '
1 * Sesame
ka-da-mi-ja: apparendy kardamia, a feminine or neuter plural form for KdpSapov ‘garden-
cress, Lepidium sativum’, the pungent seed of which was much used as a condiment
especially in Persia (Xen. Cyr. i, 2, 8, Aelian Var. hist, m, 39). The alternative
reading ka-da-mi-ta suggests KaXdpivOa, a kind of mint, if we accept the representa-
tion of A by in pre-Greek words; cf. da-pU2?-ri-to-jo = 'Ka^\jpivQo\o in KN 205 =
Gg702.
ka-na-ko: this occurs by itself or in the ligature ka-fna-i-ko. More often, however,
it is qualified by an adjective: e-ru-ta-ra = eruthrd ‘red’, or re-u-ka = leukd ‘white’;
e-ru-ta-ra may even stand by itself, ka-na-ko re-u-ka is always measured; e-ru-ta-ra
is always weighed (weights from i to 3 kg.). This is clearly the plant known as
KvpKos (original long d is attested by the Doric adjective kvcckos), the gender of
which varies between masculine and feminine. The identification of the plant has
been contested, but is generally supposed to be safflower, Carthamus tinctorius, the
florets of which are used to make a red dye. The oil is also used medicinally and
for culinaiy purposes. Dioscorides (iv, 88) says that the flower of kv^kos is used as
a relish (sis Tct TrpoaovyijpaTa). The distinction of ‘red’ and ‘white’ seems to be
confirmed by the varying senses of the adjective recorded by Hesychius: KvqKov
TO KpoKijov dveous' ots 5e d-rro KapiroO, to Xeukov. It serves
here to distinguish the red florets from the pale seeds. It should be observed that
KvfiKos has an I.-E. etymology and is originally an adjective of colour ‘tawny’.
ka-ra-ko: probably the Boeotian yAdycov (or yAocycb) = Attic PApycov, Ion. yApycov,
penn\ royal, Alentha pulegium . It was used as a condiment in cooking ; cf. kukecov
pApycovias, Ar. Pax, 712.
ko-no or once ko-i-no: this is counted (numbers from 2 to 12) and is qualified by a-po-te-i[,
e-ne-me-na (abbre\ rated to and de. The varlatrons of spelling can be paralleled
in other words (e.g. ko-to-na at Pylos ==ko-to-i-na at Knossos). At Knossos ko-no is
found on one tablet 203 = F 953 -i- 955, where it prefaces the abbreviation ma.
226
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
105
It is probably to be equated with the Greek oxoTvog (which is sometimes feminine) ;
but with precisely which of the plants so designated is not clear. Possibly ‘ ginger-
grass, Cjmbopogon schoenanthus\ a fragrant plant used in the manufacture of perfumes
and later imported into Greece from Syria for this purpose. See especially
Theophrastus, H.P. ix, 7, 3, where it is said not to grow in Europe.
ko-ri-ja-da-na, ko-ri-a^-da-na: abbreviated ko, sometimes inserted in the condiment
ideogram. It is measured (amounts from 12 to 24 1 .). ‘Coriander’; see on
98 = Ga 415 .
ku-mi-no, ku-mi-na: abbreviated ku; it is measured (amounts from to 4 1.). kuuivov
‘ cumin, Cuminum cyminum’. The word is Semitic, though Akkad, kamunu is alleged to
mean ‘caraway’. According to Dioscorides (in, 59) it was imported from Egypt and
Ethiopia, but also grown in Galatia and Cilicia. An oriental provenance is at least
likely. It is widely used in cooking.
ma-ra-tu-wo\ abbreviated ma; it is measured (amounts from 4 to 2 1.). marathwon, to be
equated with the classical forms ndpocOov or (idpccSpov. The former is usually explained
as derived by dissimilation from the latter; we may, however, suspect in the latter
the influence of the suffix -6pov. The measured quantities clearly refer to the seed,
which is used in cooking. The plant is widespread in distribution, so that this is
more likely a local product than an import.
mi-ta: abbreviated mi(?); counted with pe (numbers i, 2 and perhaps 20). It is
possible that pe represents some sort of measure; perhaps ‘bunch’. The use of pe in
Cypriot as an abbreviation of the coin tteAekus can hardly be relevant. The plant
is obviously pivOa, ufvQri, some kind of mint, a common and widely distributed
plant.
sa-pi-de: counted (numbers 6 and 12). The identification is uncertain, and may be a
container rather than a spice. The word recurs at Pylos (Vn 05 , to which a new
fragment found in 1954 has been joined), where numbers of these are mentioned in
connexion with the nine towns; the numbers are damaged, those readable being
200, 80, 60 and 40. Possibly sarpides ‘boxes’; cf. aapiris = aapiros, An. Ox. ii, 466,
and odpiTous' kiPootous, Hesych. A connexion with crdAirr) ‘saupe fish’ or 097110
‘cuttle-fish’ seems much less likely.
sa-sa-ma: abbreviated s.a.; measured (amounts i to 5 1 .). Equivalent to ariaduri
or afiaaiia. The word is Semitic, the Ugaritic form [ssmn) being nearest to the
Greek. The oil resembles olive-oil, but the small quantities of seeds can hardly
have been intended for pressing. The seeds are themselves eaten, and a sweetmeat
called halvas is still made from them in Greece today. It was grown in antiquity in
Mesopotamia, but is said not to have been introduced into Egypt before the first
millennium b.c.
se-ri-no: measured (amounts from 4 to 5 1 .). oeXivov ‘celery, Apium graveolens\ The
seed is clearly intended.
105 = Ge602
‘ jo-o-po-ro a-ro-\2-'^'\-mi-jo / pe-se-ro
- pu^.-ke ma-ra-tu-wo 'c? i [
227
15-2
105
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
^ pe-ke-u ku-mi-no "^ [ ]
\ma-ra\-tu-wo <1 i
sa-sa-ma ■o 2
sa-pi-de 6
^ ka-e-se-we ka-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra [ ]
[sa]-sa-ma <1 i
ma-ra-tu-wo <1 i
sa-pi-de 6
^ ke-po ka-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra ^^ [ ]
[ ]
mi-ta p E 2
ko-no a-po-te-i\
® [ ] DE I
BASKET [l]
How . . . owed for spices to Psellos :
Pu-ke: fennel seed 0-5 1.
Phegeus : cumin x
fennel seed 2 1.
sesame seed i 1.
boxes 6
For R'a-e-se-u: red safflower x
sesame seed 2 1.
fennel seed 2 1.
boxes 6
Ke-po : red safflower x
. . .X
mint 2 bunches
rushes . . .
I bundle
[i] basket.
jo-o-po-ro: ho ophlon ‘how’ or ‘thus they owed’. c&cpAov is originally aorist to OfpslAco.
Cf. o-o-pe-ro-si ho ophelonsi PY 184 = Nn01.
a-ro-{\ Palmer conjectures a-ro- [wa-to] = dpcbuora. But the shape of the break does
not favour this restoration ; and it does not lead to an easy solution of the next word,
which may be the nominative plural subject. The comparison of the first word of
Ge606 [doiysi-mi-ja might suggest a similar restoration here; cf do-si-mi-jo PY
\Va730.
pe-se-ro ; written in smaller characters. Cf. the man’s name in the genitive pe-se-ro-jo
KN 24 = Ai63; =’f£AAcp? The word is not known as a name until late, but the
228
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
105-106
adjective is at least as early as Aeschylus. The syntax is obscure, and he may be not
the merchant himself, but his clerk.
a-po-te-i[: The reading is uncertain and the apparent absence of a numeral is
surprising.
de: p>o&sih\y = desmd ‘bundle’.
106 = Ge603
* ke-po ko CONDIMENT T 2
ka-na-ko re-u-ka A i
da-ra\. ?^-ta-qe 20
\ka\-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra i 1
[?]ka-ra-to cup i
- pu-ke-o ko a
ku <1 2
ma 2
sa xj 2
ka-na-ko i i cup i
ko-no 10 e-ne-me-na i
^ i-na-o ko 1 2
ku <1 I
\nii 2o]i
ko-no 10 El
ka-na-ko e-ru-{ta-ra) i i
^ rq-ke-dq-no ko 1 2
ku A 2
[ erased ? ]
ko-no 12 E [i]
cup I
a-ke-re-ivi-jo ko 2
ku <1 I
ma <i I
no-ko (sic) 10 de [i]
cup 1
® pe-ke-u ko 1 2
ku <1 I xy 2
ma <1 I
ko-no 10 El
ka-na-ko i 2
cup I
229
106-107
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
" pu-wo ^0 T 2
ku <1 2
W<2 <i [ ]
ko-no DEI
CUP I
Reverse: rne-[ ] 2
Ke-po : coriander seed 24 1.
white safflower 2 1.
. . .20
red safflower i kg.
basket i
Pu-ke-o : coriander seed 24 1 .
cumin 4 1.
fennel seed i 1.
sesame i 1.
safflower i kg., cup i.
rushes 10 e-ne-me-na i
Inaon : coriander seed 24 1.
cumin 2 1.
mint 20
rushes 10 e- 1
red safflower i kg.
etc.
There is no introductor)' phrase, and the personal names are all in the nominative.
It is perhaps one of a set, of which the preceding tablet forms the first.
ka-ra-to: if the word is complete as it stands this might be kalathos, i.e. a description of
the CUP ideogram which follows, which may be no more than a handleless variant
of the BASKET.
ra-ke-da-no ; nominative to ra-ke-da-no-re 107 = Ge604. This is evidently one of the class
of names in -dndr, but the first part of the compound is obscure.
a-ke-re-wi-jo: this recalls the Pylos place-name A-ke-re-wa; the use of ethnic adjectives
as personal names is found elsewhere on the tablets (see p. 98 ) .
pu-wo: Purwos ='n<jppos; also found at Knossos.
’ ke-e-pe o-pe-ro ka-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra [ ]
[ ]
[ ] DE I
ku <i I
230
107 = Ge 604
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
107
2 i-na-o-te o-pe-ro ku <1 i
sa <1 I
ko-no 2
se-ri-no i 2 cup i
^ ra-ke-da-no-re o-pe-ro e-ru-ta-ra i i
ma <1 I
sa <1 I
^ a-ke-re-wi-jo o-pe-ro e-ru-ta-ra i 3
^ pu-ke-{o o')-pe-ro{ro} ka-na-ko i i
ma "c? 2
sa 'SD 2
ka-da-mi-ja [ ]
In this tablet all the names are in the dative, followed in each case by the word
o-pe-ro ‘deficit’. In line 5 the scribe has written pe-ro-ro, which is plainly
an error, and the name is probably pu-ke-o as in 106==Ge603.2 rather than
variant form of pu.^'^-ke 105 = Ge602.2.
231
CHAPTER VIII
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
The £■- series of tablets, one of the most extensive at Pylos but regrettably
poorly represented at Knossos, is distinguished by the ideogram no. 1 20, which
is measured in amounts varying from 137 units (? 16,440 litres) down to
<1 I (2 litres). This commodity is one of the staple cereal
grains, and has here been translated as ‘ wheat ’ ; F urumark 120 wheat
and Carratelli read ‘barley’.
Even before decipherment it was possible to guess, from the complex arrange-
ment of the Pylos E- tablets, that they record hierarchies of different classes of
persons on an apparently territorial basis. This was confirmed by phonetic
transcription: the word ko-to-na (Knossos ko-to-i-na), whose detailed listing
constitutes the primary purpose of the series, is evidently the classical KTofva.
This term was used on Rhodes of a territorial unit equivalent to the Attic
deme, and is glossed by Hesychius in the plural as Sqpos petispiaii^os ‘sub-
divided deme'; it is derived from the stem *kti- ‘settle, with buildings and/or
cultivation’ (cf Skt. ksitih ‘settlement’. Arm. sen ‘settled; village’). At Pylos
it apparently refers to the small-scale unit of cultivation, a ‘field’ or ‘plot’.
Since our first reference to theE'- tablets as records of land-tenure {Evidence,
pp. 98-9) they have been discussed in greater detail by Furumark (1954,
pp. 36-7), Webster (1954, pp. 13-14), Carratelli (19540, pp. 102-12, 1954^,
pp. 221-2), and Palmer (1955, pp. 6-18). Our commentary on this series,
of which a large and representative selection is printed below, owes much
to their analysis.
The ktoinai are generally described as being either ki-ti-me-na or ke-ke-me-na :
the exact significance of this distinction is disputed. The first term, which is
confined to the ‘first set’ of tablets (114 = En 02 et seq.) apparently recording
actual ownership, is clearly ktimenai, from the same stem *kti- ‘settle’ and
formally identical with the participle seen in:
Od. XXIV, 226; TOV 6’ OlOV TTCXTEp’ SUpEV eO-KTipEVT) £V OtAcO^.
Od. IX, 130: o! K£ acpiv Kai yfiaov eO-ktipevtiv fi<dpovTo, etc.
Carratelli supports the suggestion that ktimenai Rkekeimenai distinguish
‘cultivated’ land from ‘fallow’ or ‘uncultivated’; there is a parallel in the
distinction at Ugarit between sd ubdy ‘uncultivated or fallow fields’ from those
232
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
that are n'my ‘blooming’ (Virolleaud, 1951, p. 32). But it can hardly be
a coincidence that Ikekeimenai is almost invariably confined to fields admini-
stered by the ddmos or ‘village’ (a term which might refer either to its people
or to its land). The only exceptions are EalO, Eall, where ?kekeimenai ktoinai
are attributed to the ‘swine-herds’ and ‘cowherds’; 146 = Eb 34 (cf. Ep 03 . 14 )
and 140 = Eb 35 , where they are recorded as subject to the obscure condition
e-to-ni-jo; and Ea 809 .
Our translations will provisionally follow Furumark in translating the par-
ticiples as ‘private’ and ‘communal’ respectively, even though these may be
their effective rather than their etymological meanings. Ktimenai may once
have meant ‘land outside the ager publicus reclaimed by private initiative’.
W ebster compares Od. xxiv, 205-7 (and Nilsson’s commentary, 1933, p. 242) :
01 6’ g-TTEi h< ttoAios KOfT6|3av, T&xcc 5’ ctypov ikovto
KaAov AaEpTao TETuypsvov, 6v pd ttot’ outos
A aspTris KTsaTiacTEv, ettei pdAa ttoAA’ EpoyricrEV.
On this view, the ktoinai ktimenai correspond approximately to the category
of yfj i 5 i 6 KTTiTOS in the Egyptian system of land tenure recorded at Tebtunis
(Rostovtzeff, 1941, pp. 274-92). Less probable alternatives are ‘land actually
occupied by its owners’ or ‘land with a separate dwelling on it’, which the
usual translation of Horn. sO-KTipa;os by ‘good to live in’ might suggest.
The second term ke-ke-me-na may perhaps be formally connected with Ksipai,
KeipEvos, whose stem shows reduplication in Skt. gigye\ there are, however,
other possible derivations (e.g. from the stem of Homeric yivro ‘seized’).
Palmer (1955, P- 7 ) connects ?kekeimenai with Koivos ‘common’ and with
Germanic haim- ‘ nucleated village settlement ’ : the sense ‘ communal ’ would
be confirmed by the phrase ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-na (Ep 02 . 3 ), if the
spelling in fact represents ?kekeimends ktoinds koinds and not an erroneous
repetition of syllables by the scribe.
Palmer (1955, p. ii) appositely compares the stipulations of the Hittite
Code (§§ 39-40, trans. Goetze, in Pritchard, i950j:
If the inhabitant of a town has possession of another inhabitant’s fields, he shall also
perform the respective feudal service to the liege lord ; if he allows the fields to lie idle,
another man may take the fields, but he must not sell them.
If a ‘ craftsman ’ disappears and a socman is assigned in his stead, if the socman says
‘this is my craftsman’s fee but this other one is my socage’, he shall secure for himself
a sealed deed concerning the fields; then he has legal possession of the craftsman’s fee
and shall also perform the socage. If he refuses the craftsman’s service, they will declare
the fields of the craftsman vacant, and the people of the town shall work them.
233
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
From these and other somewhat obscure clauses on the same subject it
appears that Hittite land was in principle divided into two classes (see Gurney,
1952, pp. 102-3). The inalienable land of the socman (‘liege-man’ or ‘fief-
holder’) is held under specific terms of service [sahhan), and on his death the
fief returns to the palace; the holding of the craftsman (lit. ‘ man of the tool’),
or member of the artisan class, derives its title from the local authority, can
be bought and sold, but reverts to the ‘ men of the village ’ when the title lapses.
The owners of ktoinai ktimenai at Pylos, among whom no women appear,
are classified as te-re-ta ( 114 =En 02 . 2 , cf. 152 = Er 01 . 6 ), probably telestai\
cf. Elean am psras am tsAeotoc ‘whether he be private citizen or magistrate’.
In view of initial t-, not the Mycenaean term is probably from teAt)
‘services due’ rather than from t^os ‘fulfilment’, and it may imply original
feudal obligations on the part of holders of such land. Palmer (1955, p. 13)
suggests a direct comparison between these obligations and the sahhan of the
Hittite land-owning class. He translates telestai as ‘barons’, arguing that this
term, perhaps derived from a Germanic bar a related to 96905 ‘tribute’, may
reflect a parallel feudal organization.
Palmer similarly equates the lands administered by the Pylos damos with the
Hittite ‘village land’ ; and suggests that the Homeric name 5 T)|jiio£py 6 s, applied
to craftsmen, minstrels and physicians, in fact originally meant ‘those who
work village land’, i.e. a parallel class to the Hittite ‘men of the tool’.
To make deductions about the precise conditions of Mycenaean land tenure
from the apparent etymology of the terms used is of course rather precarious,
in view of the historical adaptations which the system and its terminology may
have undergone since the Greeks’ original settlement in the country. Palmer’s
attempt to use them for a reconstruction of the ‘Indo-European’ institutions
which they may have brought into the country with them encounters the same
difficulties (as well as neglecting the possible influence of ‘Minoan ’ institutions) ;
but it represents the courageous first step in a necessary line of enquiry.
The evidence of the tablets does not allow us to assume with certainty that
the land administered by the damos is in fact an ager publicus, in the sense of
being owned on a collective basis and subject to periodical redistribution. It is
conceivable that the Ikekeimenai ktoinai merely represent the residue of such
a system; perhaps ‘land lying uncared-for’, whose ownership has lapsed due
to death or punishment, and which only then reverts to the village for admini-
stration — as seems to be the case with the ‘vacant’ craftsman’s land in the
Hittite clauses. Compare also Gardiner’s remarks on the category of khato land
in the Wilbour Papyrus (1948, ii, p, 210).
For a theoretical discussion of primitive land tenure, see Thomson, 1949,
234
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
pp. 297-33 1 . He makes it clear that the Spiioi represent the units of clan settle-
ment, initially founded on a collective administration of the land. The
agglomeration of these original villages into centralized towns was evidently
not far advanced in Mycenaean times: Thucydides (i, 5 and 10) preserves
a memory of ‘ unfortified TToAeig whose people lived in scattered villages ’ . Most
of the references to the damos on the Pylos tablets probably apply, not to the
centre ‘Pylos’ itself (only the palace and the seat of administration?), but to
the satellite village of Pa-ki-ja-, one of the nine which are frequently listed
together in a fixed order. Most of the spellings of this name appear to imply
a nominative plural in -dries, which looks more like a clan or tribal name than
primarily a place-name (cf "EAAdves, ’AKapvoves). Is the theos who figures
so largely in the records of this village (cf. 172 = Kn02 rev.) a tutelary divinity
of the clan? Thomson (1949, pp. 361-2) concludes from Od. in, 7 that Pylos
consisted of nine Sqpoi; the possible connexion with the nine villages of the
tablets has long been noted by Blegen and Bennett.
Though the ‘first set’ of Pylos tablets contains records for ktoinai ktimenai
as such, there are no tablets listing the land of the damos except in the form of
o-na-ta (singular o-na-to, evidently neuter). These apparently constitute some
kind of subordinate title to the use of particular fields, and we have translated
them as ‘leases’. Those who have ‘leases’ oi ktoinai ktimenai in the ‘first set’ are
called o-na-te-re (nom. plur.), something like ‘tenants’. Whether the onata paro
damoi represent the only way in which the ‘ communal ’ land was farmed is not
clear, since the surviving records may well be confined to certain restricted
categories of tenure, in which the palace authorities were particularly interested.
One might have considered translating o-na-to as covtitov (Dor. cbvocrov)
‘bought, buyable’, whatever this precisely means in a primitive economy; but
the Skt. vasndm suggests that covf) (Lesb. ovva) should have initial *w-, and
a derivation of the Mycenaean term from ovivriiJi ‘bestow a benefit’ is more
probable. Such an ondton may originally have meant a plot of land given to
a retainer as a reward, cf Od. xiv, 62-7 :
... 65 K£V £lJl’ EVSUKECOS £<piA£l KOI KTljaiV OTTaaCTEV,
oiKov TE KAfjpov T£ TToAupvTicrrriv TE yuvalKa,
old TE d) oiKh'i dva^ EuOuiios eScokev,
6s 01 TToAAd Kapi^ai, Seos 6’ etti ipyov oe^t],
WS xai Epoi toSe Epyov ds^ETai, c& mipiiivco.
Tw K£ PE ttoAA’ dbvriCTEV dvo^, El ouToO’ Eyi^pa.
Is the expression ke-ra o-na-to on 137 = Eb30 (cf. 135=Ep704.2) con-
ceivably the complete form of the expression, i.e. yepas ovriTov ‘a pension
which brings (repeated) profit’? Cf also Od. xxiir, 24: as 5e toOto ys yfjpas
235
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ovi^asi. But the fact that the owners of the larger ktoinai can themselves be
ondteres of another man’s land makes it unlikely that all the ‘ tenants ’ at Pylos
have actually received their holdings as rewards for services rendered. The
form ondter (cf classical ovriTcop) suggests by its form ‘ one who bestows a benefit ’
rather than the expected ‘beneficiary^’, but it may be denominal from ondton\
cf doTncTTfip (Horn. dcrrTicn-fis), etc.
The class of ondteres includes fullers, potters and other trades, as well as one
or two priests or priestesses ; the great majority, however, are described simply
as ‘servants of the god’, including both men [theoio doelos) and women (A doeld).
This is probably a formal title, and does not rank them in the servile class of
the doeloi and doelai of the other tablets, on which these are counted but not
referred to by individual names. It is tempting to compare the name iepoSouAoi
given to the farmers of temple lands in Egypt (Rostovtzeff, ibid.). Their precise
status here is obscure. Does the large number of these ‘theodules’ (and of
religious functionaries in the ‘third set’, pp. 252-8) imply that the land tenure
recorded on these tablets is primarily connected with the organization of
religious institutions at Pylos? Or is it due to the fact that certain favoured
craftsmen and temple acolytes were the only persons, below telestas level, who
were allowed to hold leases of land ? Or are the theoio doeloi just farmers, whose
liability to pay temple dues is thereby recorded ?
Two other kinds of land-holding, the kama and the temenos, will be discussed
later in this chapter (pp. 261, 266).
The relation between the schedule of land holdings and their corresponding
amounts of wheat is expressed by the phrase to-so-{de) pe-mo or pe-ma (only
on 152 = Er 01 , 153 = Er 02 ). Since pe-ma is applied to coriander-seed on KN
Ga 674 , it is natural to read it as cnrepija ‘seed’ (or ‘sowing’, class, generally
orropd or orropos) . Pe-mo apparently has the same meaning, either as a spelling
variant {-mo from *-mn?) or as a doublet in -mos, cf 65upp6s/65uppa,
Kcc6app6s;'Kd6ap|ia in Aeschylus.
It is not clear whether the amounts of seed grain are a record of an actual
transaction (an issue from the royal granaries?), or merely a theoretical way
of expressing the acreages of the land (being recorded for purposes of taxation?) .
In either case there is evidently an accepted density of sowing which makes it
unnecessary to record the acreages in other measures of area (except once on
114 = En 02 . 1 ). The Nuzi texts use the Babylonian imeru ‘donkey-load’ to
measure both amounts of grain and the acreages of fields; Lewy (1949) argues
that the Sumerian system of land measure is similarly derived from the corre-
sponding unit volumes of seed, and quotes the Arab lexicographers as defining
units of surface area by the volumes of grain needed to sow them.
236
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
The densities of sowing quoted for ancient times by Neo-Babylonian texts,
by Cicero and Columella, and by the Talmud are in agreement with those in
use today, and vary generally between 150 and 200 litres to the hectare
(if-2i bushels to the acre). Webster (1954, p. 13) has pointed out the absurdly
low acreages which result for the Pylos lands if we use this rate of seeding,
and the litre equivalents of the wheat measures suggested in ch. ii, as our
conversion factors. The situation is somewhat improved if we assume that the
amounts of wheat are those actually issued for a season’s sowing, not theoretical
acreage equivalents, and that half the land is at one time left fallow: in that
case we may double the area of the king’s temenos, and of the ktoinai ktimenai,
which we have calculated from the sperma figures. The alternative by which
pe-mo is regarded, not as wheat sown, but as some kind of tax levied on the
crops of the ktoinai (Carratelli, 1954a, pp. 102, no) does not produce any
improvement in the figures, since a reasonable levy on a crop of grain might
well be larger than the amount of seed required to produce that crop ; but it
cannot be excluded merely on this account.
Lewy (1944) has shown, however, that the rate of seeding assumed in
Mesopotamian records earlier than c. 1000 b.c. was very considerably less than
the modern figure. She quotes 50 litres per hectare for the Neo-Sumerian and
Kassite periods, 60 litres for the Nuzi texts; and adduces evidence from the
Mishna for an earlier system of cereal culture in which ‘instead of leaving an
entire field fallow for one season, the farmers of the ancient Near East prevented
the exhaustion of their soil by dividing their fields into one-furrow beds which
were alternately tilled and left fallow’. The spacing of these sown furrows
would be three times wider or more than that usual under the later system.
Whether or not this explanation will hold good for Mycenaean Greece, it may
be of interest to see what acreages result for the Pylos lands if we take a sowing
of 50 litres per acre, and the value of the wheat unit measure as 120 litres
King’s temenos
Total for ‘first set’
Medium-sized ktoina
ktimena
Medium-sized onaton
Smallest onaton
(once only)
hectares per unit
measure) .
Sowing of wheat
Area
Population supported
50 units (6000 1.)
120 ha = 297 acres
83 men for a year
40 units
96 ha = 237 acres
67 men for a year
2 T 3
5-4 ha= 13-3 acres
4 men for a year
T I
0-24 ha= 1% acre
^ man for a year
<1 I
0-04 ha = jQ acre
3^g man for a year
The small size of some of the fields is not surprising for Greek terrain, and is
paralleled on the Alalakh tablets (Wiseman, 1953) U'ilbour Papyrus
237
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
(see below). The figures for ‘population supported’ are estimated on a 5-fold
consumable yield (which is the upper limit quoted for wheat on the Nuzi
tablets, Lacheman, 1939), and on a monthly ration of T 2^ = 30 litres: this
result is not, of course, affected by variations in the rate of seeding which we
assume. The surviving tablets evidently record only a very small fraction of
the total acreage required to feed the population of Pylos and its outlying
settlements. Either the smaller tenants had more land to support their families
than the diminutive onata recorded on the surviving tablets; or else these are
no more than allotments with which they supplemented an income derived
from other work, as is evident in the case of the potters and fullers. For com-
parison, in Anglo-Saxon times the normal holding for a peasant household
owning two plough-oxen was a quarter-hide (30 acres), though ‘cottars’ might
support themselves on as little as 5 acres.
One might still speculate (with Webster, 1954, p. 13) whether the pe-mo
figures, while indeed referring to seed-corn, may in fact ‘ only represent some
known fraction of the total sowing’ ; one might imagine, for example, that the
palace granaries provided half or a quarter of the seed required, possibly in
a situation of emergency ; or that the palace granaries received^rowz the farmers
a tax equal to half or a quarter of their sowing (and hence the different formula
applying to the temenos of the king, 152 = ErOl ?) . There is no explicit evidence
with which to attempt a final answer to this difficult problem.
Two examples of cuneiform tablets of somewhat similar context may be
compared.
1. Sumerian, from Lagas (Genouillac, 1909, TSA, xxxviii) :
2580 litres of emmer-wheat (first time), 600 litres of emmer-wheat (second
time) and 1260 litres of barley have been drawn for the field Datiramma:
the steward Eniggal delivered them from the Ekiqala building to the farm
superintendent Ur-Enki (sixth year).
2. Nuzi (AASOR 16 , 1935-6, no. 87):
500 litres of barley, given to Kipali for sowing on five imeru of land
belonging to Uzna; the lands of Uzna are for ‘partnership’ (cf o-na-to?T)
and Kipali shall not dispose of them.
Note that Babylonian issues of seed grain sometimes include an extra above
that calculated for the acreage, to allow fodder for the plough animals (see also
p. 260).
The closest parallel to the arrangement of the Pylos E- tablets is, however,
provided by the paragraphs of the long Wilbour Papyrus (Gardiner, 1948).
It contains a cadastral survey, made in about 1 150 b.c., of a large number of
fields along the left bank of the Nile, together with their assessment for taxes
238
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
of emmer- wheat. In spite of the elaborate phraseology and calculation of each
paragraph, Gardiner admits that much of the real meaning and purpose of
the series remains obscure, as it must with our Pylos tablets.
The different terms which differentiate the fields show distinctions (i) of
ownership, whether by individuals, temples. Crown, etc.; (2) of condition —
‘newly opened up’, ‘(normal) arable’, ‘tired’, ‘uncultivated’, etc.; (3) of
location with regard to the rise and fall of the Nile flood. The entries of small-
holders which constitute many of the paragraphs resemble those at Pylos in
their listing of personal names and occupations, and in the fact that many
women appear. E.g. :
§ 84. The landing-place of Pharaoh in Hardai. Measurement made to the south of
P-ma:
The lady Hathor, together with her brethren; 3 arouras = J at li measures of corn.
Apportioned for Suchus of P-ma, cultivated by the hand of Hori: 10 arouras
= 2i at 1 1 measures.
The charioteer Pra'(hi)wenmaf, cultivated by the hand of the cultivator Amene-
mope; (20) 5 arouras = i at G measures.
The lady Tkamen : 5 arouras = i at G measures.
The herdsman Set(em)hab: 5 arouras = i at li measures.
The bee-keeper Pkhore: 5 arouras = i at if measures.
The retainer Nakhthikhopshef: 5 arouras = f at if measures.
The stable-master Kenhikhopshef: 5 arouras = f at if measures.
The slave Shedemdei: 3 arouras = f at i| measures,
etc.
The size of such small-holdings varies from as little as 0-0164 ha acre)
up to II ha (27 acres), while the fields of khato land belonging to the Crown
have limits of 0-55-93 (1^230 acres) : Gardiner (ii, p. 98) quotes Lozach-
Hug for the statement that in recent times about 40 per cent of holdings in
Egypt were of f acre or less.
1 . TYPICAL FORMULAE ON SHORT PYLOS TABLETS
Before examining the large and complex tablets which make up the three most
important ‘sets’, let us look at the typical land-tenure formulae in isolation,
as they occur on some smaller tablets. The first three examples all refer to the
shepherd Mo-ro-qo-ro. On the first his name appears in the genitive as the
actual ‘ owner ’ of a ktoind ktimend ; on the second a tenant is recorded as having
a lease ‘ from Mo-ro-qo-ro’ % plot ’ ; the third (the most usual wording of the same
formula) describes a lease ‘from Mo-ro-qo-ro himself’, where his name goes
into the dative case. Note the grammatical agreement shown by the descrip-
239
108-113
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
tion poimenos (gen.), poimenei (dat.); but on the first tablet (as on lll = Ea23)
poimen appears added in small letters above the line, as if in parenthesis, where
we should logically expect the genitive case.
108 = Ea817
mo-ro-qo-ro-jo / ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na 'po-me' WHEAT3 Ti <li
The private plot of Molog“ros (shepherd) : 374 1. wheat.
109 = Ea782
ru-ko-ro e-ke o-na-to 'ra-wa-ke-si-jo' pa-ro mo-ro-qo-ro-jo ko-to-na po-me-no
WHEAT T I
Lugros, servant of the commander {similarly on Ea09, Ea823, Ea882), holds
a lease from the plot of Molog“ros the shepherd: 12 1. wheat.
110 = Ea800
ke-re-te-u e-ke o-na-to pa-ro mo-ro-qo-ro po-rrw-ne wheat 2
Kretheus holds a lease from Molog“ros the shepherd : 240 1. wheat.
The same variation in formulae is shown by the tablets referring to another
shepherd :
lll=Ea23 [71]
ko-do-jo j 'po-me' ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-na wheat i T 4 <1 3
The private plot of PKoldos (shepherd): 174 1. wheat.
112 = Ea825
ta-ra-ma-ta I e-ke o-na-to pa-ro ko-do 'po-me-ne' wheat T i
Thalamatas holds a lease from ?Koldos the shepherd : 1 2 1. wheat.
Ko-do' s third tablet exemplifies the second kind of Tease’ recorded on the
E- tablets, that held not from an individual but from the damos (see the
‘fourth set’, pp. 258 - 64 ).
113=Ea824
ko-do e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo 'po-me' wheat T 4
?Koldos the shepherd holds a lease from the village : 48 1. wheat.
2. THE FIRST PYLOS SET
The thirteen paragraphs making up this series have been preserv^ed in two
separate recensions, of which the larger tablets (‘Version A’) introduced by
114 = En02 have here been printed first and may represent the later and more
pohshed documentation. The reason for the two versions, whose items show
240
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
114
identical quantities and order but some variations in spelling and phraseology,
is not altogether clear ; but a large proportion of the remaining E- tablets show
a similar bureaucratic duplication, as will be seen from the other sets printed
below.
The ‘ first set ’ gives the complete breakdown for an area oiktimena (‘private ’ ?)
land which, though not large (approx. 96 ha, or 240 acres?), shows a complex
pattern of land tenure. The introductory adjective Pa-ki-ja-ni-ja is evidently
derived from Pa-ki-ja-, the name of one of the nine ‘satellite towns’, and shows
the location of the land. Why do no other place-names appear on the Pylos
E- tablets ? Do the other records of land, in the absence of a specific title, also
refer to Pa-ki-ja, or to the territory of ‘ Pylos ’ itself? The existence of a series
for Pa-ki-ja, but for none of the other nine, may be due to the accidents of
survival; but it might also indicate that Pa-ki-ja represents the largest fertile
area close to ‘Pylos’; which may be the name (transferred from another site
by a migrating dynasty?) only of the palace complex itself.
Version A
114 = En 02 [ 609 ]
^ pa-ki-ja-ni-ja to-sa da-ma-te da 40
^ to-so-de te-re-ta e-ne-e-si men 14
^ wa-na-ta-jo-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de-pe-mo wheat 2 <1 i
o-da-d^ o-na-te-[re] e-ko-si wa-na-ta-jo-jo ko-to-na
^ a-tu-ko e-te-do-mo wa-na-ka-te-ro o-na-to e-ke (to-so)-de pe-mo wheat
<1 I
® i-ni-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T2 <14
^ e-* 6 j-to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2
® si-ma te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo w'he.^t T i
vacat
a-ma-ru-ta-o ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 3
\0-da-a2 e-ko-si a\-ma-ru-ta-o ko-to-na o-na-te-re
\so-u-ro te-o-jo do\-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <1 3
[e-do-mo-ne-u te-o^-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T [i]
[e-sa-ro te-o-jo do^-e-ro \o-na-to^ e-ke [to-so-de^ p^-f^o wheat <1 3
\wa-na-ta-jo te-re-ta.... o]-ng-tg e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
[e-ra-ta-ra i-je-re-ja do-e-ra\ pa-ki-ja-na o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo
WHEAT T I
[po-so-re-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o^-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat
T I ^ 3
[i-je-re-ja pa-ki-ja-na o-na\-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 3
16
241
VAC
114
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
(There are) so many acreages belonging to Pa-ki-ja-^ : 40,
And there are so many fief -holders upon them: fourteen men.
§ I The private plot of ?W arnataios, so much seed : 242 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to ? Warnataios:
? Atukhos the king’s artificer holds a lease, so much seed : 2 1 . wheat,
1., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 32 1 . wheat,
E., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 24 1 . wheat,
5., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 . wheat.
§ 2 The private plot of Amaruntas, so much seed: 276 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Amaruntas:
S., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 6 1 . wheat,
E., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
E., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 6 1 . wheat,
? Warnataios the fief-holder holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
E., the servant (f) of the priestess of Pa-ki-jat’, holds a lease, so much seed:
12 1. wheat,
P., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 18 1 . wheat.
The priestess of Pa-ki-jat’ holds a lease, so much seed: 36 1 . wheat.
da-ma-te: since it cannot be neuter plural, this noun must be either feminine singular
or plural; the name of a class of persons (cf. du-ma-te 257 =Jn09 damartes?) is excluded
by the lack of a man or woman ideogram. The ethnic adjective P., and en-eensi in
line 2, suggest a topographical term whose initial is repeated in the ideogram da
(also found on Knossos tablets of similar context, e.g. 157 = Uf835). If it is a measure
of area, it is significant that the total amount of wheat recorded on this set of
tablets appears to add up to approximately 40 measures (c. 4800 litres). Webster
(1954) and Furumark (1954) accept Zlamter = ‘ corn-land ’ ; this is doubted by
Carratelli (1954, p. 225) who suggests a derivative of *dam-jdom-, perhaps ‘family
units’ (originally the area of land regarded as sufficient for one household, like the
Old English ‘hide’?).
to-so-de (line 2) : enclitic -de ‘and’? These fourteen telestai are evidently the individuals
whose ktoinai introduce each of the separate paragraphs of the set. The same persons
are also described as ktoinookhoi on 131 = Ep01 ; and ?\Varnataios, subject of the first
paragraph, is described as a telestas when he himself appears as a ‘tenant’ in the
second. There is an evident discrepancy in the fact that the set appears to consist
of only thirteen paragraphs, and it is possible that the ktoinai of § 6 in fact have two
telestai (a different explanation by Bennett, see p. 261).
ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na (line 3) : it is not clear from the spelling, or vital to the meaning,
whether this is to be taken as singular or plural.
o-na-te-re e-ko-si (lines 4 and ii) ; note the free variation in word-order (not extended
to the introductoiv' o-da-a^ shown by the successive recurrences of this phrase;
242
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
114-115
e-ke-si on 115 = En03 .21 is clearly a scribal lapse, and not to be equated with the
‘spears’ of 257=Jn09 .3. As usual on these tablets, ekheijekhonsi implies ‘tenancy’,
not ownership (recorded by the genitive, as in lines 3 and 10 ). An alternative con-
struction could be : ‘ how they occupy PWarnataios’ ktoina (singular) ’ ; but the usual
opposition onaton ktoindsjonata ktoindon suggests that the ktoina is the unit of individual
working, not the unit of overall ownership.
115=En03 [74]
^ ru-*8j-o ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-{na) to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T [ 5 ]
- o-da-a^ o-na-te-re ru-^S^-o ko-to-na e-ko-si
^ pe-ki-ta ka~na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro \o]-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
mi-ra te-o-jo do-e-ra {o-na-to} e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
^ te-se-u te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 4
® ma-re-ku-na te-o-jo do-e-ro (!) o-[na-to e-ke to-so-de pe^-mo wheat T i
‘ e-ko-to te-[o^-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <1 3
® ma-zul te-[o-jo do-e]-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <1 [ 3 ]
^ e-*6^-to te-o-jo do-e-\ro'\ o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <1 i
vacat
ai-ti-jo-qo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T 5 <14
o-da-a^ o-na-te-re e-ko-si ai-ti-jo-qq ko-to-na
e-pa-sa-na-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2
ku-*6j-so \_te'\-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
ta-ra<fto te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo whe.\t T i
we-te-re-u i-e-re-u o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 5
e-ko-to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
ko-ri-si-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 5
vacat
pi-ke-re-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 6
o-da-a^ o-na-te-re e-ke-si (sic) pi-ke-re-wo ko-to-na
ai-wa-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
pe-ki-ta ka-na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo
WHEAT T 2
ko-ri-si-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 5
§ 3 The private plot of R., so much seed: 180 1. wheat.
Now this is how' the tenants hold plots belonging to R. :
P., the king’s fuller, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1. wheat,
? Smila, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1. wheat,
Theseus, servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 48 1. wheat,
etc.
243
16-2
115-116
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
§ 4 The private plot of Aithioq“s, so much seed; i88 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Aithioq“s ;
E., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 24 1 . wheat,
etc.
§ 5 The private plot of Pikreus, so much seed: 312 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Pikreus :
Aiwaia, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
P., the king’s fuller, holds a lease, so much seed : 24 1 . wheat,
Korinsia, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 60 1 . wheat.
ru-*8j-o (gen.), ru-*8j-e (dat.), evidently shows a consonant declension parallel to
a-ta-no-roja-ta-no-re, etc.; but the ending of the dative prevents a comparison with
names in -es on the model of -me-de-oj-me-de-i. If the rare sign *8j conceals the
alternative spelling of some such name as ru-kew-ojru-kew-e, then the implied syllable-
division is quite unprecedented.
ta-ra. 2 -to (line 15 ) appears in ‘Version B’ as ta-ra-to on 121=Eo04, where in addition
e-pa-sa-na-td is deliberately spelt i-pa-sa-na-ti, and i-e-re-u reappears as i-je-re-u. Such
variations might perhaps suggest oral dictation rather than visual copying: in either
case the scribe has allowed himself some freedom in modifying the precise wording
of the repetitive formulae. Like Hektor, Korinsia, Pe-ki-ta and We-te-re-u, the man
Ta-ra^-to is recorded as holding leases of ktoinai belonging to more than one telestas.
116 = En 659
^ qe-re-qo-ta-o ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 3
- o-da-a^ o-na-te-re e-ko-si qe-re-qo-ta-o ko-to-na
^ ra-su-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
we-te-re-u i-e-re-u o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
® tu-ri-ja-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra pa-rq pe-re-qo-ta (sic) pe-qo-ta to-so pe-mo
wheat T 9
® ta-ra<fto te-o-jo do-e-ro o-\na^-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <1 3
vacat
“ a-da-ma-o-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-\naj to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T 8
® o-da-a.2 o- 7 iq-te-re e-ko-si a-da-ma-o-jg ko-to-na
ta-rao-to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de Ype-mo^ wheat T2 <14
vacat
q-i-qe-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat [i] T 2
o-da-a^ ta-rao-\to te]-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i <1 3
vacat
ra-ku-ro-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-\ine-na to^-so-de pe-mo wheat i T i <13
o-da-a^ i-ra-ta te-o-jo do-e-\ro? o]-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat •'I 3
vacat
244
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
116-117
a-ka-ta-\^jo\-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me~na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 3 T 2
o-da-a^ ka-ra-lpa^? -so te]-o-jo \do-e\-ro o-na-to e-ke wheat T 2
§ 6 T\ic private (plot) ofi ?Qpeleq“hontds, so much seed: 276 1. wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Q_. :
R., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1. wheat,
\\a the priest holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1. wheat,
Thuriatis, servant (f.) of the god, from P. (!) the old man, so much seed:
108 1. wheat,
T., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 6 1. wheat.
§ 7 The private plot of Admaos, so much seed: 216 1. wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Admaos:
T., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 32 1. wheat.
§ 8 The private plot of A^eus, so much seed: 144 1. wheat.
Now this is how T., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed:
18 1. wheat.
§ 9 The private plot of R., so much seed: 138 1. wheat.
Now this is how I., servant of the god, holds a lease, so much seed : 6 1. wheat.
§ 10 The private plot of Aktaios, so much seed: 384 1. wheat.
Now this is how K., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed:
24 1. wheat.
qe-re-qo-ta-o: perhaps the equivalent of a classical *T'nAE- 96 vTris, cf. TfiAe 9 os. It is
remarkable that the other occurrences of this individual’s name, including that on
line 5 of the same tablet, are spelt with initial pe-. Bennett regards this as betra)ing
a less archaic pronunciation of the labio-velar; if so, it shows, surprisingly, the
Aeolic development rather than the Arcadian. On Eb22 and on 148 = Ep04.10
pe-re-qo-ta is qualified as pa-da-je-ujpa-de-we-u (an ethnic?), and in ‘Version B’
(123 = Eo06) the dative pa-da-je-we replaces his name entirely. The possibility cannot
be excluded that the additional word pe-qo-ta (connected with TrpEo-pvrrqs?) of
116 = En659.5 and of 123 = Eo06.4, 6 serves to distinguish one Telephontes from
another, thus explaining the absence of a fourteenth paragraph. But though
qe-re-qo-ta-o in line i might conceivably be genitive plural, it could hardly be dual.
A further difficulty is presented by the fact that ‘Version B’ of § 6 shows an extra
‘tenant’ in line 6 .
Line 10 : o-na-te-re is used in the plural even though only one entr}" follows. This anomaly
is corrected in the remaining three paragraphs by a telescoped version of the formula,
of which only o-da-a^ {hoda ar ‘thus in turn’?) remains.
117 = En01 [467]
‘ ti-pa^-jo-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo whe.v.t 8 T 3
vacat
245
117-118
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
^ po-te-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-{na) to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 4
vacat
^ pi-ri-ta-wo-no ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na ke-ra-me-wo to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T i
§ 1 1 The private plot of Thisbaios (the shepherd) : 996 1. wheat,
§ 1 2 the private plot of Ponteus : 288 1. wheat,
§13 the private plot of Brithawon the (royal) potter, so much seed: 132 1.
wheat.
Although these last three entries show ktoinai no smaller than the rest, they are dis-
tinguished by having no subsidiary ‘tenants’, and also by considerable variations of
wording in ‘Version B’.
Version B
Its main differences from ‘Version A’ are the omission of the o-da-a^ formula
introducing the ‘tenants’; its replacement by the phrase ‘pa-ro X (dat.)’ in
each entry; the ehmination of to-so-de pe-mo-, and the expansion on e-ke to
e-ke-qe. This last peculiarity, which apparently adds nothing to the meaning,
has been discussed by Carratelli (1954a, pp. 223-4), ''^ho suggests that it is
a ‘ fossihzed ’ first half of an original ‘ both . . . and ’ formula with two verbs :
note, however, that e-ke-qe e-u-ke-to-qe on 140 = Eb35 is probably not an
example of ‘both. . .and’, since its ‘Version A’ on 135 =Ep 704.5 agrees with
the other entries in reverting to e-ke e-u-ke-to-qe. This -q'^e used by the scribe
of ‘Version B’ should probably be explained either as another example of the
puzzling early use of te to mean something other than strictly ‘ and’ (Schwyzer,
Gram, ii, pp. 574-6), or as an indication that he regarded the naming of the
‘tenant’ as a separate proposition, i.e. ‘(Here is) X., and he holds a lease’,
or the like.
118 = Eo01 [211]
' wa-na-ta-jo-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na wheat 2 i]
- a-tu-ko e-te-do-mo e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-na-ta-\^jo'\ wheat <1 i
2 i-ni-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-na-ta-[jo'\ wheat
[T 2 <14]
e-*6§-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-{nay-ta-'ijo^
WHEAT
^ si-ma te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-na-ta-jo wheat
§ I Tht private plot of ?Warnataios: 242 1. wheat.
PAtukhos the artificer, and he holds a lease from \V. : 2 1. wheat,
etc.
246
[T 2]
T I
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
119-120
119 = Eo 02 [ 224 ]
* a-ma-ru-ta-o ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-na wheat 2 T [3]
- so-u-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-\nd\~tg-pq-rg la-ma-ru-tal 'pa-ra-ko'
WHEAT <1 3
^ e-do-mo-ne-u te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-[na-to^ pa-ro la-ma-ru-ta} 'pa-ra-ko'
WHEAT T I
^ e-sa-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-[na-to^ pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat <1 3
^ wa-na-ta-jo te-re-ta e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat T i
® e-ra-ta-ra i-je-re-ja do-e-ra pa-ki-ja-na e-ke-qe pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat T i
' po-so-re-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro la-ma-ru-ta} 'ta-ta-ro'
WHEAT T I <13
® i-je-re-ja pa-ki-ja-na e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat T 3
§ 2 The private plot of Amaruntas: 276 1 . wheat.
S., servant of the god, and he holds a lease from Phalaikos [Amaruntas erased) :
6 1. wheat,
etc.
Lines 2, 3 and 7 : the action of the scribe in erasing ‘ Amaruntas ’ and recording that the
‘leases’ are in fact held from Phalaikos and Tantalos is not taken into account in
‘Version A’. Are these two men, who appear separately on 131 = EpOl as ktoinookhoi,
relatives of Amaruntas? Or are they holders of some kind of intermediate lease,
So-u-ro and the others being sub-tenants?
120 = Eo 03 [ 276 ]
^ [ru-*83-o] te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro ki-ti-me-[na ko]-to-?ia wheat i T 5
■ [pd\-ki-ta ka-na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro e-ke-qe [o]-na-to (pa-ro) ru-*8j-e
WHEAT T I
mi-ra te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*83-e wheat T i
te-se-u te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-^d^-e wheat T 4
rnq-re-ku-na te-o-jo do-e-ra [ 1 ) e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-'^8j-e wheat T i
e-ko-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-^S^-e wheat <1 3
ma-zu? te-o-(jo) do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*83-e wheat <1 3
e-*6j-to te-o-jo do-e-ro-e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*83-e wheat <! i
§ 3 The private plot of R. the beetroot-gatherer: 180 1 . wheat.
P., the king’s fuller, and he holds a lease (from) R. : 12 1 . wheat,
etc.
Line 1. The occupadon te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro (teutl-agoros?) recurs on PY An09. If it agrees
with R. here, we must assume that the genitival (-jo) has been omitted in error. Or
should we read ‘the private plot of the beetroot-gatherers (vested in) R.’?
247
121-123
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
121 =Eo 04 [ 247 ]
^ ai-ti-jo-qo ki-ti-me-na ko-to-na j to-so-de-pe-mo wheat [i T5 <14]
^ e-ko-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe ko-to-no-o-ko
WHEAT T [i]
^ ko-ri-si-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to ki-ti-me-na ko-to-na
lai-ti-jo-qoj 'ai-ti-jo-qe' wheat T 5
* {e-pa-sa-na-til 'i-pa-sa-na-ti' te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro
ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T 2
^ ku-*62-so te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T i
® ta-ra-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T i
^ we-te-re-u i-je-re-u e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T 5
§ 4 The private plot of Aithioq"s, so much seed : 1 88 1 . wheat.
Hektor, servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from Aithioq^s the
plot-owner: 12 1. wheat,
Korinsia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds a lease of a private plot
belonging to Aithioq“s : 60 1 . wheat,
I., servant (f.) of the god, and she holds a lease from Aithioq^s: 24 1 . wheat,
etc.
Line 2 : note the addition of ktoinookhoi to describe the actual owner of the plot.
Line 3 : the variant formula introduced here by the scribe does not seem to indicate any
distinction in sense; and it does not appear in ‘Version A’ (115 = En 03 . 18 ) ; but
note that the list of ‘tenants’ there begins with E-pa-sa-na-ti, which in ‘Version B’
is the first entry to have the completely normal formula. The scribe’s original
Ai-ti-jo-qo (gen.) in line 3 is of course correct; it appears to have been altered to -qe
under the influence of the Ai-ti-jo-qe which occurs (correctly) in all the other entries.
122 = Eo 05 [ 160 ]
^ pi-ke-re-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na / to-so-de pe-mo [wheat] 2 T 6
2 ai-wa-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pi-ke-re-we wheat T i
^ pe-ki-ta ka-na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro 'pi-ke-re-we'
wheat T 2
^ [ko-ri-si\-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pi-ke-re-we wheat T 5
§ 5 The private plot of Pikreus, so much seed: 312 1 . wheat.
Aiwaia, serv'ant (f.) of the god, and she holds a lease from Pikreus : 1 2 1 . w'heat,
etc.
123 = E0O6 [ 444 ]
^ [? qe-re-qo-ta-o ko^-to-na ki-ti-me-na wheat 4
\ra-su-ro te-o-jo do-e\-rq e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pa-da-je-we [wheat T i]
248
2
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
123-128
^ \we-te-re-u i-je]-re-u e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pa-da-je-we wheat [T i]
[tu-ri-ja-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra] e-ke-qe pa-ro pa-da-je-we pe-qo-ta wheat [nn]
^ [ta-ra^-to te-o-jo do-e~\-rg e-ke-qe pa-ro pa-da-je-we wheat [<l 3]
® [ ? ] e-ke-qe pa-\ro pd\-da-je-we pe-qo-ta wheat T [nn]
§ 6 The private plot of Q_. : 480 1. wheat,
etc.
124 = Eo351 (formerly Ec02)
^ a-da-ma-{oy-jo kg-tg-na ki-ti-[me-na wheat i T 8]
^ ta-ra^-to te-g-jg do-e-\ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-da-ma-o wheat T 2 <14]
§ 7 lUkit private plot of Admaos: 216 1. wheat.
T., servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from Admaos: 32 1. wheat.
125=Eo471 (including former Ec03)
^ a-i-qe-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na wheat i T 2
^ ta-ra^-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-i-qe-we wheat T i <13
§ 8 The private plot of A.: 144 1. wheat.
T., ser\'ant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from A.: 18 1. wheat.
126 = Eo281 (formerly Ec04)
^ [ra-ku-ro-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na] wheat i T i <13
^ [i-ra-ta te-o-jo do-e-ro? e]-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ra-ku-ro whe.\t <i 3
§ 9 The private plot of R. : 138 1. wheat,
I., the servant of the god, and he (?) holds a lease from R. : 61. wheat.
127 = Eo269 (formerly Eb26)
, , . . ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na ^
a-ka-ta-io-io , , WHEAT3T2
ka-na-pe-wo / to-so-de pe-mo
Edge: ka-ra-pa^-so te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-ka-ta-jo
to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2
§10 The private plot of Aktaios the fuller, so much seed: 384 1. wheat.
K., servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from Aktaios, so much seed:
24 1. wheat.
128 = Eo278 (formerly EbOl)
ti-pa^-jo po-me e-ke-qe wo-wo ko-to-no wheat [8 T 3 ?]
§ 1 1 Thisbaios the shepherd, and he holds the confines of two (?) plots: 996? 1.
wheat.
ko-to-no (scarcely yfiovoi) can apparently only be explained as a dual (ktoinoin?), in
the declension of which Mycenaean feminines do not show -a- (p. 84). The phrase
249
128-130
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
recurs on 141 = Eb20 as ke-ke-me-no ko-to-\no?~\ wo-wo, which is replaced on 135 =
Ep704 simply by ke-ke-me-no. Wo-wo seems to represent worwon[s), either the Homeric
obpov ‘land-measure’ or opos ‘boundary, boundary-stone’.
129 = Eo268 (formerly Ea20''
po-te-wo I ko-to-na wheat 2 T 4
§ 1 2 The plot of Ponteus : 288 1. wheat.
130 = Eo371 (formerly Ea24)
[p-n]-ta-wo-<.no)
ke-ra-me-wo wa-na-ka-te-ro-{jo}
me-na
WHEAT [i T i]
§13 The private plot of Brithawon the king’s potter: 132 1. wheat.
The lack of concordance in the description of the potter seems to be due to a confusion
between the two varieties of this formula, either Brithawon ekhei . . . or Brithdwonos
ktoina ....
3. THE SECOND PYLOS SET
‘Version A’ of this set is contained on a single tablet, 131 = Ep01. This is
apparently a resume of the ‘communal plots’ which are rented (presumably
at Pa-ki-ja-, too) by the same important class of men who are recorded as
owning ‘private plots’ of their own in the ‘first set’ of tablets. Six of the
telestai of that set reappear in this list, together with the two names Phalaikos
and Tantalos which are added over erasure on 119 = Eo02. Also listed are
A-tu-ko e-te-do-mo, only a ‘tenant’ in the ‘first set’, and two men Ku-so and
Ke-ra-u-jo whom we do not meet again.
The different wording which distinguishes the first and second sections of
131=Ep01 reappears in the individual tablets of ‘Version B’ (except that
e-ke-qe there extends throughout), but it is difficult to say whether a definite
distinction of meaning is implied. ‘Version B’ shows that ktoinookhos (written
in smaller letters over EpOl . 2) should be inserted at the end of each entry in
the first section. As in lines 8-14, it should evidently be taken to mean
‘ Aithioq“s holds a lease from the damos, being himself a plot-owner ’ ; compare
148 = Ep04 .11, where the present participle of the verb ‘ to be ’ is in fact added :
[Phalar\kos . . . , ktoinookhos eon. Carratelli rightly criticizes Furumark’s analysis
ktoinookhos-paro-ddmoi, ‘one who holds his plot from the damos'.
The leases of ‘communal plots’ by men and w'omen who are not themselves
ktoinookhoi are catalogued on the large Ep- tablets in the ‘fourth set’ (below%
p. 258).
250
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
131
Version A
131 =Ep 01 [ 301 ]
1 ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na a-no-no / to-so-de pe-mo [wheati Ti ?]
2 ai-ti-jo-qo o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na 'ko-to-no o-ko'
to-so [pe-mo^ wheat: 1 4. <13
^ wa-na-ta-jo o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so-de-pe-mo
WHEAT T 5
^ a-da-ma-o o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so-{de pe\-mo
WHEAT T 4
° a-tu-ko e-te-do-mo o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-\to-na to-so
pe-mo WHEAT nn]
® tq-tq-ro o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so-pe-mo
[wheat T 5 ?]
vacat
® pi-ke-re-u e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo [wheat nn]
® ra-ku-ro e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo wheat [nn]
ku-so e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo wheat <1 [nn]
ke-ra-u-jo e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-{^s6)-pe-mo
wheat T 4
pa-ra-ko e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so-pe-mo wheat T 7
ko-tu-\ro.2\ e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo
wheat T I
a-i-qe-u e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo wheat T 6
§ I Communal plots not leased, so much seed: 132? 1 . wheat.
§ 2 Aithioq^s holds the lease of a communal plot from the village (being himself)
a plot-owner : so much seed : 1 74 1. wheat,
§ 3 W. holds the lease of a communal plot from the village (being himself
a plot-owner) : so much seed : 60 1. wheat,
etc.
§13 A-i-qe-u, and he holds a communal plot (being himself) a plot-owner:
so much seed: 72 1. wheat.
a-no-no: Webster (1954, p. 13) and Carratelli independently agree with us in suggesting
a compound adjective an-onoi ‘not subject to o-na-to’’ , which would explain the
absence of a personal name in the first position. But who actually farms this land?
Ea 22 contains the puzzling annotation ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na-{a}-no-no : Amphialos ekkei.
The new tablet Ea 801 reads Klu{me')noio melitewos ktoina a-no-no ke-ke-me-\nal\.
251
132-135
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Version B
As Bennett has pointed out to us, the entries of 131 = Ep01 are duplicated
by the separate tablets Eb818 (§ i), Eb08 (§ 2), Eb09 (§3), Eb747 (§ 4), Eb05
(§ 7),Eb02 (§ 8),Eb893 (§ 9),Eb04 (§ 10), Eb03 (§ ii),Eb23 + 892 (§ 12) and
Eb895 (§13).
132 = Eb818 (including former Ea21)
ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na a-no-no to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T[[8]| 'i'
§ I Communal plots not leased^ so much seed: 132 1. wheat.
133=Eb08( + 846)
^ ai-ti-jo-qo e-ke-qe o-na-to ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
2 pa-ro da-mo ko-to-no-o-ko j to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T 4 <1 3
§ 2 Aithioq^s, and he holds the lease of a communal plot from the village
(being himself) a plot-owner: so much seed: 174 1. wheat.
134 = Eb895 + 906
* a-i-qe-u e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
2 ko-to-no-o-ko to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 6
§ 13 A., and he holds a communal plot (being himself) a plot-owner: so much
seed: ? 72 1. wheat.
4. THE THIRD PYLOS SET
The subjects of this list, which contains several formulae unique in complexity,
seem to share a religious function. Only two of the entries refer specifically to
ondta paro damoi; some at least of the remainder evidently describe other, more
obscure, kinds of holding.
Version A
135=Ep704
‘ o-pe-to-re-u qe-ja-me-no e-ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so pe-mo [wheat] 2 T 5
“ u-iva-mi-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke-qe i-je-re-ja ke-ra to-so pe-mo
wheat T I <13
^ e-ri-ta i-je-re-ja o-na-to e-ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo to-so pe-mo
WHEAT T 4
^ ki-ri-te-wi-ja o-na-to e-ko-si ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo to-so pe-mo
WHEAT I T 9
^ e-ri-ta i-je-re-ja e-ke e-u-ke-to-qe e-to-ni-jo e-ke-e te-o j da-mo-de-mi pa-si
ko-to-na-o
252
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
135
® ke-ke-me-na-0 o-na-to e-ke-e to-so pe-mo wheat 3 Tg
’ ka-pa-ti-ja ka-ra-wi-po-ro e-ke ke-ke-me-no o-pe-ro-sa du-wo-u-pi wo-ze-e
o-u-wo-ze |/o|
® to-\so pe-mo wheat nn]
§ I O.Q_^. holds a communal plot, so much seed: 300 1. wheat,
§ 2 Huamia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds as a lease a geras of the
priestess; so much seed: 18 1. wheat,
§ 3 Eritha the priestess holds the lease of a communal plot from the village;
so much seed : 48 1. wheat,
§ 4 The A.-women hold the lease of a communal plot from the village, so much
seed: 228 1. wheat,
§ 5 Eritha the priestess holds (this), and she claims that (her) god holds the
freehold', but the village says that he/she (merely?) holds the lease communal
plots : so much seed : 468 1. wheat,
§ 6 Karpathia the key-bearer (f.) holds two (?) communal (plots) ; although
under an obligation to perform with the two, she does not perform', so much
seed : 1. wheat.
o-pe-to-re-u qe-ja-me-no: the vocalization of these words is uncertain. Are they both
proper names, or is one a title? In ‘Version B’ the first is spelt o-pe-te-re-u (cf.
69 £ATpeuco ‘sweep’?); similarly on Ea805: o-pe-te-re-u e-ne-ka a-no-pa.y-si-ja. The
last word, which apparently describes the cause or justification of his holding, seems
to be a noun parallel to classical compounds with -jSaaia.
Line 2 : the position of ondton before ekhei q'‘e seems ungrammatical and does not corre-
spond with ‘Version B’: it is perhaps due to confusion by the copyist with the
wording ondton ekhei seen in the next line. If o-na-to ke-ra really means ondton geras
‘a beneficial pension’, one might have expected paro hiereidi, from the priestess’.
ki-ri-te-wi-ja: the function of these women is uncertain (see 28 = An42, p. 167).
Lines p-6'. the ‘communal plots’ here are evidently quite distinct from the small ‘lease
from the village’ attributed to the same priestess in line 3. She is presumably the
same ‘ priestess of Pa-ki-ja- ’ who also holds a ‘ lease ’ from Amaruntas in 119 = Eo 02 . 8.
As the congruent ekhei ‘ has ’ and phdsi = 91101 show, eukhetoi is in the present tense,
with ‘Arcadian’ -toi for Attic -tqi (see p. 87 ) : it does not mean ‘prays’ or ‘boasts’
but ‘solemnly or insistently declares’, wEich is nearest to its original sense. The
construction with infinitive is only used in Homer of the subject of the verb: euxoirai
aval ‘ I claim to be . . . ’ ; should one translate here ‘ and she claims to hold the
e-to-ni-jo for her god’?
The meaning of e-to-ni-jo is uncertain. It recurs only on 146 = Eb34 (cf. Ep03 . 14),
of ‘communal plots’ held by Amphimedes ', and on 55 = An724.12 (see p. 188 ). It
253
135
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
seems to describe a privileged title to originally ‘ communal ’ land, quite distinct from
the status of ‘ ownership ’ implied by the term ktimenai. See Vocabulary, p. 394, and
cf. Carratelli, 1954a, p. 106.
The construction of the second half of the sentence, and the explanation of the
divergent wording in ‘ Version B’, are problematical. In da-mo-de-mi the third syllable
must be the enclitic -de which articulates the second clause in ‘Version B’; the pro-
posed ddmos de min follows the normal word-order, cf. Od. iv, 116, voriae Ss piv
MevsAaos, etc. Compare e-ke-de-mi a^^-ku-mi-jo on Na70: eyei Sg niv ’A~uios, where
min would appear to mean ‘it’ rather than ‘him/her’ (the most frequent Homeric
use). |iiv is the anaphoric pronoun referring back to a person just mentioned: it is
not reflexive except in subordinate clauses with a new grammatical subject, e.g. II.
V, 845 : ’A6fivq 5uv’ "AiSos Kuvgqv, pq piv 1601 o^pipos "Apqs. This sentence cannot
therefore mean ‘ but she says that she herself has . . . ’, which one might deduce from
the apparent wording of ‘Wrsion B’ alone. Another alternative might be ‘but she
says that the ddmos has . . . ’ ; but this leaves min without a reasonable explanation,
and it would be most unexpected if the priestess, whose name introduces the whole
sentence, should at the end turn out not to be herself the party interested in the
amount of seed corn listed. The same objection can be levelled at Carratelli and
Webster when they translate the ko-to-no-o-ko of ‘Version B’ as ‘but (she declares)
that the plot-owners have. . .’. That the ddmos should be so personified that it can
be recorded as ‘saying’ something is not unreasonable, even for this date: in the
ondton paro damoi formula it occupies the same position as human beings do in ondton
paro Aithioq^ei, etc.
kldwiphoros: as suggested by the order hiereia kldwiphoros q^e on 142 = Eb32, and by the
parallel hiereids doelosj Karpathids doelos on Ep03.8-9 (and cf. 27 = Ae08/Ae09), this
female title is that of a religious office (‘temple superintendent’?). Compare Attic
kAeiSoOxos ‘priestess’; KAsiSocpopos; Doric KAqK096pos, title of a priest at Messene
flG 5(1). 1447). In ‘Version B’ the word [. .yja-pi (probably Pa-ki-ja-pi as on
257 =Jn09 . 7) is added : compare hiereia Pa-ki-ja-na on 119 = Eo02 . 8.
ophelonsa duouphi worzeen ou worzei : though mis-spelt wo-zo-e, the first verb was recognized
as an infinitive in ‘Version B’ by Carratelli (1954a, p. no), before the publication
of Ep704. Formally identical with Homeric 96300 ‘act, accomplish (a deed), perform
(a sacrifice)’ and with its doublet gpSco (*p6pyjco > *fEpz6oo) of the same meanings,
its significance in this context is uncertain. A'ariant forms of the same formula are
repeated on 148 = Ep04 fsee p. 261) and on three fragmentary tablets:
Ep04.6, 7,9, 13: . . .ekhei q'‘e vcorzei q^e.
. . .he both holds the land and ‘performs’.
Ep04.4: . . .] duouphi teleiaen, ouq'^e worzei.
. . . (under an obligation) to ‘perform’ with two, but he does not ‘perform’.
Eb39 + 940 : . . . o]phelon q^e teleiaen, ouq'‘‘e teleid.
. . .and under an obligation to ‘perform’, but he does not ‘perform’.
Eb40: . . .telleiaen, hemei de teleid.
. . . (under an obligation to ‘perform’ with two), but he ‘performs’ with one.
254
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
135
Eb 37 : . . .] duouphi de [. . .
. . .but (he ‘performs’) with two.
Carratelli (1954a, p. no) supports the interpretation worzei = ‘ cultivates, ploughs’,
a meaning which is not shown by the classical ps^co/spSco, but which might perhaps
be inferred from ysoopyog, Homeric epya ‘cultivated lands’, and from epydjopai in
Hesiod. The expressions ‘with one’, ‘with two’ might then refer to the multiple
ploughing stipulated when fallow land was brought back into cultivation (Thomson,
1949, p. 309) ; and these entries might be taken as imphing possible penalties for the
non-cultivation of land, similar to those mentioned in the Hittite Code (above, p. 233)
and in §§ 42—3 of Hammurabi’s code (Pritchard, 1950);
‘ If a seignior rented a field for cultivation, but has not produced grain in the field,
they shall prove that he did not work on the field and he shall give grain to the owner
of the field on the basis of those adjoining it. If he did not cultivate the field, but has
neglected it, he shall give grain to the owner of the field on the basis of those adjoining
it ; furthermore, the field which he neglected he shall break up with mattocks, harrow
and return to the owner of the field.’
It is very remarkable, however, that the fact of ‘? cultivating’ or ‘not ? cultivating’
should only be recorded for a minute fraction of the total number of tenants. If the
pe-mo is regarded as a tax, then this might be payable whether the land was cultivated
or not, as in the Hammurabi clause; but if it is actually seed grain issued, then its
provision for uncultivated land seems senseless. Carratelli has himself pointed out
that the worzei formula is almost entirely confined to entries concerning the type of
holding called ka-ma. The present participle worzonjworzontes is also restricted to a
corresponding class of men called ka-ma-e-we (and once to a mo-ro-pa.;, moroppas
■? portion-owner’ on 57 = An 43 ). From the variations in the formula, particularly
Ep 04 . 4 , it appears that worzei is synonymous with te-re-ja (3rd sing, present from
*TeA£iaiii = Homeric teAeico ‘pay’?); and it is more probable that these verbs refer
to some kind of feudal dues or services which a holding of ka-ma land entails.
Compare the following two entries on Ep 03 , which diverge from the onaton paro
damdi formula general on the remainder of the tablet, and which may be intended
to be synonymous:
Line 5 : Psoleia theoio doeld onaton ekhei [paro X.] kamaewei worzontei :
‘She holds a lease from the kama-ovmcr, who renders the services.’
Line 7: Meleus hiereids doelos ondton ekhei paro [Pto^lematdi kamaewei, ouq'‘e worzei'.
‘He holds a lease from the kama-owncv, and does not himself render the services.’
It is significant that on all other entries except Ep 03 . 7 which refer to ‘ not per-
forming’ we have an explanatory clause with ophelonjophelonsa ‘although being under
an obhgation to do so’.
This stipulation may reflect a similar situation to that in § 47 of the Hittite Code
(later recension) :
‘If any one buys all the fields of a “craftsman”, they shall ask the king, and he
shall render those services which the king orders. If there still remain fields in the
hands of the man from w'hom he buys, he shall not render the services.’
255
135-140
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The precise meaning of the instrumentals duouphi ‘with two’ and e-me ‘with one’
(cf. 236 = Ta641 . 1) is hard to determine. It is possible that ke-ke-me-no here implies
a pair of ktoinai (cf. 128 = Eo278), and one might argue that the ‘key-bearer’ is
consequently called upon to render services ‘in respect of the two of them’. The
other examples of the same formula, however, are all fragmentary, and it is impossible
to check whether they also refer to multiple holdings.
Version B
136 = Eb31 [294]
1 o-pe-te-re-u qe-ja-me-no e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
2 to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T5
§ I O.Q^., and he holds a communal plot, so much seed: 300 1. wheat.
137 = Eb30 [416]
1 u-wa-mi-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-\ke\-qe i-je-\re-ja\ ke-ra o-\na-to'\
2 to-so-de pe-mo wheat T2 <13
§ 2 Huamia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds of the priestess a geras-lease
(a beneficial pension?), so much seed: 30? 1. wheat.
138 = EblO [409]
' i-je-re-ja pa-ki-ja-na e-ke-[^qe o-na-to ke-ke-me-na]
- ko-to-na pa-ro-da-mo [to-so pe-mo wheat T 4 ?]
§ 3 The priestess of Pa-ki-ja-^ holds the lease of a communal plot from the village,
so much seed : ? 48 1. wheat.
139 = Eb21 ( + Ebl4) [321]
^ iki-ri-wi-2 ' ki-ri-te-wi-ja' e-ko-si [o-na-ta ke-ke]-me-na-o
- ko-\to-na-o pa-ro da-mo to-so^-de pe-mo wheat i Tg
§ 4 The ^.-women hold the leases of communal plots from the village, so much
seed: 228 1. wheat.
Note that the ‘leases’ and plots are here in the plural, compared with singular in
‘Version A’. The fragment printed together with Eb21 m PT I has been found
not to belong with it.
140 = Eb35 [297] (see plate III (a), facing p. iii)
‘ i-je-re-ja e-ke-qe e-u-ke-to-qe e-to-ni-jo e-ke-e te-o
- ko-to-no-o-ko-de ko-to-na-o ke-ke-me-na-o o-na-ta e-ke-e
3 WHEAT 3 T 9 <1 3
§ 5 The priestess, and she holds (this), and she claims the (her) god holds the
freehold, but the actual plot-owmer (claims) that he she holds the leases of
communal plots: 474 1. wheat.
256
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
140-142
The divergences from ‘Version A’ are as follows: the omission of ‘Eritha’; the enchtic
in ekhei q'^e\ the substitution of ktoinookhos de for ddmos de min pkdsi; the omission of
to-so pe-mo-, and the additional <1 3 in the total. Our translation assumes that the
‘village’ is here referred to as the recognized or reputed ktoinookhos of the site; but
an alternative might be ‘ . . . but she claims that she holds the leases, being herself
a plot-owner’ (cf 131 = Ep01 .2). A similar analysis is made by Chantraine ( 1955 ,
P- 25)-
141=Eb20 [338]
^ ka-pa-ti-ja ka-ra-wi-po-\ro pa-ki\-ja-pi e-ke-qe / to-so-de pe-mo
- ke-ke-me-no ko-to-\no^ wo-wo o-pe-ro-sq-de wo-zfl-e o-wo-ze wheat [nn]
§ 6 Karpathia, the key-bearer (f.) at Pa-ki-ja-^, and she holds the confines of
two (?) communal plots; but though under an obligation to perform, she does
not perform : so much seed : x 1 . wheat.
The words to-so-de pe-mo have evidently been fitted into the end of hne i due to lack
of space. The wording shows a number of divergences from that of ‘Version A’.
The last two words, which at first resisted reasonable explanation (cf Evidence,
p. 1 01 ), are now shown to be mis-spellings, wo-zo-e standing for wo-ze-e = worzeen,
and o-wo-ze for the more correct o-u-wo-ze.
As a pendant to the ‘third set’ may be added a further tablet devoted to the
priestess and her acolytes :
142 = Eb32 [317]
* [fil-dq-a^ i-je-re-ja ka-ra-wi-po-ro-qe e-qe-ta-qe
- we-te-re-u-qe o-na-ta to-so-de pe-mo wheat 21 T 6
Now this is how the priestess and the key-bearer and the attendants and
?Westreus (hold) leases: so much seed: 2592 1. wheat.
The formula o-da-a., (=co56 dpa?) suggests that this tablet is itself one of a set. The
only other E- tablets which begin in the same way are 151 =Eb36, which similarly
recapitulates the ‘ leases ’ held by the category of ktoinetai, and the fragmentary tablet
Eb847+849 (see next note); but 149 = Eb33, which does the same for the class of
kamaewes, may well belong to the same series. Does this tablet Eb32, with its very
large total, represent a meticulous digest and addition of all the individual holdings
in these four names which are scattered throughout the rest of the year’s census?
If so, its surviving records must be ver\' incomplete, since a total of only about nine
units can be extracted from them for the priestess and the others.
e-qe-ta = heq^etds, lit. ‘follower’. Palmer ( 1955 , p. 21 ) suggests translating it on
57 = An43, etc., where it apparently represents a military rank, by the word ‘count’
(coOT^r = rralpos) . It might be plural here, to judge from the entry on Eb847 : o-da-a,^.
e-qe-[tal . . .efiko-si o-na-ta, etc. If the word e-qe-ta-qe is taken as singular (which the
17
257
V* c
142-143
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
parallelism of the three other entries rather favours) it may be necessary to restore
Eb847 as he(f‘e\tdo doeloi] ‘the servants of the count’, or the like. (Since writing this,
the addition of a 1954 fragment has shown that Eb847 is in fact to be read o-da-a^
e-qe-si-jo do-e-ro e-ko-si o-na-ta, etc.)
we-te-re-u: we already know him as a kiereus on 115 = En03 . 16, etc.
5. THE FOURTH PYLOS SET
After the second and third sets, which record the Teases’ which the land-
owners and the priestess hold from the village, the fourth set catalogues (with
a few exceptions) those held by the inferior class of craftsmen and theoio doeloi,
whom we have already met as tenants of ktoinai ktimenai in the first set.
‘Version A’ is represented by the four very large tablets Ep02, Ep03, Ep04 and
Ep715, of which only the last two are reproduced here. ‘Version B’ is broken
down into individual entries on a number of small tablets, of which only
a fraction survive. The name Hektor occurs twice as the holder of a ‘lease
from the village’: are these two different individuals?
143 =Ep705
* mq-ra-^-wa te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke ke-\ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo
to-so pe-mo wheat] T 2
- ka-ta-no te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke \ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo
to-so pe]-mo wheat T 2
^ du-ni-jo te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-[ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo to-so']
pe-mo wheat T i
e-sa-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to \e-ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro] da-mo
to-so-pe-mo wheat <1 2
^ ka-ra-u-du-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke {ke-ke-me-na ko]-to-na pa-ro da-mo
to-so-pe-mo wheat T 2
® to-ro-ja
te-o-jo
do-e-ra
o-na-to e-ke
ke-ke-me-
■{na] ko-to-na
pa-ro
da-moj
to-so pe-mo
wheat T I
o-re-a^
te-o-jo
do-e-ro
o-na-to e-ke
ke-ke-me-
-na {ko-to]-na
pa-ro
da-mo
to-so-pe-mo
wheat <1 2
® e-ko-to
te-o-jo
do-e-ro
o-na-to e-ke
ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na Iko-to-naj
'pa-ro
da' -mo to-so pe-mo wheat T 2
^ pu-ko-wo te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke ke-ke-me-na {ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo]
to-so-pe-mo wheat T 2
ta-ra-mi-ka te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke ke-{ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da]-mo
to-so-pe-mo wheat T i
258
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
143-147
§ I PMarraiwa, servant (f.) of the god, holds the lease of a communal plot
from the village : so much seed : 24 1. wheat,
etc.
The first entry of 143 = Ep705 is duplicated by Eb866 (as § 2 by Eb890,
§ 3 by Eb43, § 5 by Eb838, § 8 by Eb913, § 10 by Eb27) :
144 = Eb866
ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo
ma-ra^-zia . , , ^ wheat 11 2J
te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to
The woman’s name was written Ma-ra-iva and the second letter corrected.
o-ke-u
WHEAT T 2
145 = Ea05 [259]
u-me-ta-qe [? ii\-po
e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo
O. holds a lease from the village, and ?Eumetas under him (?) : 24 1. wheat.
This unique variation in the standard formula suggests some form of subtenancy. The
full name E-u-me-ta ( = EuMfiTqs) occurs on KN D1 1388. Bennett reads q-po.
Several entries on Ep02 diverge entirely from the paro ddmoi formula. The
last line reads; Amphi\mMes. . .] ekhei e-to-ni-jo Ikekeimends ktoinds. . .. This
reappears in ‘Version B’ as:
146 = Eb34 [473]
^ a-pi-me-de e-ke-qe e-to-ni-jo ke-ke-me-na-o ko-to-na-o
2 to-so-de pe-mo wheat 4 T6
Amphimedes, and he holds the freehold of communal plots, so much seed: 552 1.
wheat.
As in the ‘third set’, § 4 , ‘Version B’ here shows ‘leases’ and ‘plots’ in the plural.
Ep03 . 1 1-12 also refer to two men as being Amphimedeos doeloi\ a person of this name
is a ‘sheep collector’ on PY 62 = Cn655. The recurrence oi Amphimedeos po-ku-ta
on KN C 911.10 (cf. pe-ri-me-de-o on 43 = Sn01) gives rise to a suspicion that
A. may be a title rather than a personal name.
Ep03 lines 4 and 5 record two different kinds of leases which the woman
Psoleia holds : first that of a ‘ communal ’ plot from the village, then one from
a kamaeus (quoted above, p. 255). A more elaborate summary of leases held
by a single individual is seen in the four entries devoted to Kretheus on the
following tablet:
147 = Eq03 [59]
^ [ ] WHEAT 6
- ke-re-u e-ke o-na-to ke-ke-me-fiaj ko-to-na wheat 2 [T] 4
259
17-2
147
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
^ ke-re-te-u e-ke o-na-to ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na su-qo-ta-o wheat i T 8
^ ke-re-te-u e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo wheat 3
pa-ro ra-wa-ke-si-jo [?] wheat 2
^ ke-re-te-u e-ke e-ne-ka i-qo-jo wheat 5
vacat
^ du-ni-jo e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo wheat i T 6 [
R everse: a tallying in 5’s, making up a total of 137 units of wheat.
Lines 3-5:
Kretheus holds the lease of a communal plot of the swineherds: 216 1 . wheat,
Kretheus holds a lease from the village; 360 1 . wheat,
he holds (one) from the commander’s (temenos?) : 240 1. wheat,
Kretheus holds (this) on account of the horse: 600 1 . wheat.
ke-re-u in line 2 is probably not a mis-spelling of Kretheus, since the same name recurs
on Ea 827 .
Kretheus himself is the subject of four other single-entry tablets, none of whose wordings
and amounts appear to correspond with Eq 03 :
Eall: Kretheus ekhei (o)ndton \to} ? kekeimends ktoinds g^oug'^otdon: wheat T i
E a 771 ; Kretheus ekhei ondton melitewdn ktoinds: wheat T 5
110 = Ea 800 : Kretheus ekhei ondton paro Molog^rdi poimenei: wheat T 2
Ea 806 : Kretheus ekhei ondton ? kekeimends paro ddmoi: wheat i T 2[
e-ne-ka i-qo-jo ■. the meaning of this entry is obscure. It is dangerous to take ‘Kretheus’
one horse’ as proof that it was used for riding rather than chariot-driving, since the
noun may perhaps (like classical f) ittitos) have been used collectively. Carratelli
(i954j!), p. 222) quotes with approval Furumark’s suggestion that wheat 5 in line 5
is in fact a total of the two entries in line 4: ‘Both the commune and the militaiy
authority have contributed for the horse provided by Kretheus.’ But there is no
clear evidence of a summation in the layout of the tablet (one would expect to-so),
and if the grain is taken as fodder for the animal (s), this interpretation can hardly
be reconciled with the normal meaning of ondton paro ddmoi as a land-holding. That
the heneka hiqq“oio entry' should mean extra grain for Kretheus’ plough animals (on the
Babylonian analogy) seems impossible, in view of the light build of early horses and
the limit on tractive power set by their inefficient harnessing. But compare the
Homeric use of the hardier mule for ploughing, It. x, 351. Kretheus’ holding is
probably to be compared with the acreages frequently introduced on the contem-
porary' Wilbour Papyrus with the words ‘field for horses which the stable-master
So-and-so bespoke’. Gardiner (1948, ii, p. 78) quotes a model letter from Papyrus
Sallier i : ‘ 30 arouras of fields were given to me to make into food for the pair of
horses of Pharaoh which are in my charge, and now, behold, they have been taken
from me . . . ’ ; and he concludes : ‘ It would seem, then, that stable-masters of Pharaoh
were entitled to lay claim to such land as they needed for grazing the horses entrusted
to them, as well no doubt as for their personal support.’
260
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
148
The long tablet Ep04 can be divided into two sections, which show different
formulae. The first (lines 1-13) refers to holdings of ka-ma land, and to some
kinds of service rendered in return. This ka-ma, whose occupants or tenants
are called ka-ma-e-we, has been compared (first by Huxley) with the Cretan
gloss Kapocv Tov dypov (cf. xotpal) ; it also occurs in the expression worgioneio-
ka-ma on 171 ==Un718. 11, with which compare worgioneio- e-re-mo on 152 =
ErOl . 7 (p. 266). It apparently describes a feudal holding distinct from temenos
and ktoind ktimend, entailing certain definite obligations whose fulfilment is the
concern of the palace, and partly vested in a class of priests (i.e. the *worgiones =
opyscbves) .
A pair of lines (11-12) describe a kama holding by the ktoinookhos Phalaikos
(whom we know from 119 = Eo02.2, 131=Ep01 . 12), and a lease held from
him by a theoio doeld. It is these two entries which Bennett regards as repre-
senting the missing fourteenth paragraph of the ‘first set’, mistakenly copied
out of order. The rest of that set, however, refers exclusively to ktoinai
ktimenai.
The second part of the tablet (lines 14-20) repeats the normal ondton paro
ddmoi formula of 143 =Ep715, etc., and will be omitted here.
148 = Ep04 [617]
* [ ? o-pe-ro-qe du\-wo-u-pi te-re-ja-e
^ [? e-me-de te-re-ja to-so pe-md\ wheat 10 T i
^ [? Ko- . -ro o-na-to e-ke ke-ke\-me-na ko-to-na ka-ma-e-u wo-ze-qe
to-so-pe-mo [wheat nn]
'* [ ? o-pe-ro-qe^ du-wo-u-pi te-re-ja-e o-u-qe wo-ze [
^ [to-so pe\-mo wheat [nn]
® [. P\-re-u q-si-to-po-qo ka-ma e-ke-qe wo-ze-qe to-so-pe-mo wheat: T2
‘ [.^-ke-re-u i-je-ro-wo-ko ka-ma-e-u o-na-to e-ke wo-ze-qe to-so-pe-mo wheat i
^ [sa-sa-wo^ o-na-to e-ke ka-ma-e-u e-pi-qe to-me te-ra-pi-[ke^ to-so pe-mo
whe.\t I T 5
® [e-u^-ru-wo-ta te-o-jo [do-e^-ro e-ke-[qe? kd\-ma o-na-to [wo^-ze-qe to-so
pe-[mo~\ wheat i T 3
[pe-re^-qo-ta pa-de-we-u [e'\-ke-qe ka-ma o-na-to si-ri-jo-{jo} ra-ke to-so-pe-mo
wheat I
“ [pa-raj-ko [o-na-to e-ke^ ka-ma ko-to-no-o-ko e-o to-so pe-mo whe.vt i
[po-so"\-re-[ja te-o^-jo do-e-ra e-ke o-na-to pa-ro pa-ra-ko to-so pe-mo
wheat T I <13
[ -ko mt]-ka-ta pa-de-we-u ka-ma-e-u e-ke-qe wo-ze-qe to-so pe-mo
wheat T 5
261
148
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
§ I (cf. Eb40 ?):... though under an obligation to render the services in respect
of two, he (only) renders them in respect of one; so much seed: 1212 1.
wheat.
§2 (cf. EbgS) : K. holds the lease of a communal plot as a kama-h.o\dtv and
renders the services', so much seed: x 1. wheat.
§ 3 (cf. Eb39 ?) : ... though under an obligation to render the services in respect
of two, he does not render them at all; so much seed: x 1. wheat.
§ 4 (cf. Eb25) : So-and-so the cook both holds a kama and renders the services',
so much seed: 144 1. wheat.
§ 5 So-and-so the sacrificing priest holds a lease as a kama-h.o\dtx and renders
the services', so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
§ 6 (cf. Eb842) : S. holds a lease as a ^fl??2a-holder, and in return for this he
serves', so much seed: 180 1. wheat.
§ 7 (cf Eb24) : E., the servant (m.) of the god, both holds the lease of a kama
and renders the services', so much seed: 156 1. wheat.
§ 8 (cf Eb22) : P., the (priest) of P., and he holds the lease of a kama', he has
obtained the portion of S. (?); so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
§9 (cf E0I73): Phalaikos has the lease of a kama, being himself a plot-
owner; so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
Psoleia, servant (f) of the god, holds a lease from Phalaikos; so much
seed: 18 1. wheat.
§ 10 (cf Eb839) : So-and-so, the miktds of P., both holds as a kama-h.o\dtr
and renders the services; so much seed: 60 1. wheat.
§ I and § 3 : o-pe-ro-qe is restored on the analog)- of Eb39 (see p. 254 ). Compared with
the logical sequence. . .ophelonsa worzeen, ou worzei of 135 = Ep704.7, this wording
. . . ophelon q'‘e teleiaen, ouq'‘e worzei shows not only a puzzling alternation of verb but
also some degree of anacoluthon — unless ouq^e is taken in the sense of ou 6 e ‘not even’
rather than as a connective ‘but not’. Compare also 43 = Sn01 .3-4.
§ 2 : if Bennett is right in regarding Eb38 as the corresponding ‘Version B’, that differs
in showing the participle worzon instead of the indicative worzei q^e. It is also signi-
ficant in writing corrected ka-ma-e-u over a pa~ro da-mo in erasure, showing that,
though the ka-ma fields are included in the wider classification of ?kekeimenai ktoinai,
they are not collectively administered by the village. It is difficult to decide whether
the variant formulae
[a) ... ekhei kamdn . . .
(b) ... ekhei ondton {kekeimends ktoinds) kamaeus . . .
if) . . .ekhei ondton kamds . . .
262
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
148-149
are intended to be entirely synonymous; but {a) and (b) alternate in § 4 and its
other version Eb25, and all three entail the action of worzeen.
§4: the reading sito-poq^os {Evidence, p. 96) is uncertain, since the damaged symbol
which precedes si seems to be syllabic and not a word-divider. On the corresponding
Eb25 only '\-to-po-qo survives, and the numerals differ in reading wheat i T 2.
Should we read {a\-si-to-po-qo here, the a- being due to a careless anticipation of
arto-poq'‘os ‘baker’?
§ 6 : e-pi-qe to-me te-ra-pi- [ . ] : Eb842 reads e-pi-qe to-e te-ra-pi-ke. With the scribes’
apparent prejudice against one-sign words, to-e may perhaps be intended as a fuller
spelling of the dative pronoun tco ; is to-me a variant form to^mei (cf. Skt. tdsmai ‘ to
that’) with the dative ending seen in Gortyn OTipi ‘to whomever’? Cf. mi toutw,
eiTi toTctSs, etc., ‘on this condition’, and 11. x, 304, Tig kev poi xoSe spyov teAecteie
Scbpcp ETTi pEydAcp; ‘in return for a large gift’. The verb te-ra-pi-ke {1 therapiskei)
appears to be a derivative of the stem of ©Eparrcov, perhaps an earlier equivalent of
©EpaTTEUco ‘do service’.
§ 8 : the corresponding Eb22 reads ; i-je-{ ka-ma si-\ri\-jo-jo ra-ke [
The same variation in the spelling of P.’s ethnic (?) description is guaranteed by
mi-ka-ta pa-de-we-u (§10) compared with mi-ka-ta pa-da-je-u on Eb839. The word
ra-ke appears to be ActyE (from Aayydvco) ‘obtained by lot, gained possession’.
Note that the subjects of § 9 and §10, who are in the telestds class, are alone in not
being required to worzeen, etc.
We will close the discussion of the four main sets of Pylos land-tenure lists
with three small tablets which, like 142 = Eb32 and Eb847 (see above, p. 257),
appear to represent selective totals extracted from the lists for particular
categories of individuals.
149 = Eb33 [236]
* ka-ma-e-we o-na-ta e-ko-te ke-ke-me-na-o ko-to-na-o
^ wo-zo-te to-so pe-mo whe.at 30 T 2 <1 3
The Ajflwzfl-holders, havdng leases of communal plots (and) rendering the services,
so much seed: 3630 1. wheat.
Does this total include all the ka-ma entries on 148 = Ep04, as well as those of the same
type on other tablets which have been lost? If so, what is the function of the similar
total for ka-ma-e-we on the next tablet? Does xunstrophd ‘grand total’ imply a digest
of several sub-totals of the Eb33 type? It is of course possible that some of these
tablets refer to different geographical areas, which were kept separate in the filing
system, but not individually headed by place-names (like those which we know to
refer to Pa-ki-ja-) ; or even that apparent cases of duplication refer to two consecutive
seasons.
263
150-151
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
150 = Ec 07 [ 411 ]
^ ku-su-to-ro-pa2 1 pa-tg [o-e-ko-si'^^ te-re-ta wheat 44 [?
2 ka-ma-e-we wheat 58 T 5
Edge: te-o-jo do-e-ra [
Aggregate of all (that) the fief-holders (? have) : 5280-}- 1 . wheat,
Aggregate of all (that) the kama-holdexs (have) : 7020 1 . wheat.
Here again, does the total for the telestai include the fourteen of the ‘first set’ (who
between them are assigned about thirty-four units), or the three of 152 = Er01 (with
thirty units) ?
151 =Eb 36 [ 901 ]
^ o-da-a^ ke-ke-me-na-{o') ko-to-na-o o-na-ta e-ko-si ko-to-ne-ta
“ to-so pe-mo wheat 3 [?]
Now this is how the ‘men of the ktoina’’ hold leases of the communal plots, so
much seed : 360 -h 1. wheat.
Note the unusual inversion of the word-order. The form KToivexai ‘members of a
township ’ is known from inscriptions of Syme, north of Rhodes. It is surprising to
find it at this early date, since Buck and Petersen {Reverse Index, p. 545 ) regards
KToivsTTis = KToivdTris, 9 uA£Tris, Carpathian 5o:peTas = 5Tin6Tr|s and Argive KcogETas
=KconfiTris as modified by the analogy of otKETris. What the ktoinetai represent in the
Pylos set-up is difficult to guess : the term is probably not synonymous with ktoinookhoi.
Cf. also ko-to-ne-we with ma.nt*’ on Be995.
6. THE ESTATES OF THE KING
The important Pylos tablet ErOl has already been widely discussed {Evidence,
P- 99 > Furumark, 1954, p. 35, Meriggi, 1954^, pp. 34-5, Carratelli, 19546!,
pp. 1 10-12, Palmer, 1955, pp. 9-10), and general conclusions drawn from it
as to the structure of Mycenaean society.
Carratelli understands telestddn {temenos} in line 5, but da-ma-te or ktoinai
ktimenai would be expected on the analogy of the ‘first set’. These three
‘ fief-holders ’ are evidently distinct from the fourteen residents of Pa-ki-ja listed
in lines 1-2 of 114 = En 02 . Does ErOl, as the princely temenea would suggest,
refer to land in the immediate neighbourhood of the palace ?
For the relation between the wanax and the Idwdgetds, see p. 120. The new
tablet 171 =Un 718 (p. 282) shows a similar hierarchical division into four
paragraphs, although the subject is not the seed corn proportional to these
264
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
lands, but the offerings which are to be taken from them for Poseidon. There
are certain differences in the order and wording:
ErOl Un718
( 1 ) wanakteron temenos = ( i )
(2) Idwdgesion temenos =
(3) telestdon {ktoinai) — (2)
(4) worgioneio- e-re-mo = (4)
E-ke-ra^-wo
Idwdgetds
ddmos
worgioneio- kama
The sequence king — military leader is paralleled on PY Unll, lines 7 and 10:
wanaktei — ldwdgetdi\ but 55 = An724 (An32), lines 5 and 7, substitutes the order
E-ke-ra^-wonei — Idwdgetdi. This suggests that ?Ekheldwdn is either the name of
the king himself or that of a representative member of his household. The
latter would be more likely if E-ke-ra-ne (Unll . 1) is regarded as a defective
spelling of the same dative.
The name \E'\-ke-ra 2 ^-[wo'\ reappears on tablet 153=Er02, which Bennett
has printed together with ErOl on account of the spelling pe-ma which it shares
and the fact that a single scribe apparently wrote these two tablets and no
others. If he is indeed the king, E. has evidently built up an estate of ‘private
plots ’ in addition to the hereditary temenos assigned to his office at the original
land-division.
The further equation between the telestai of ErOl and the ddmos of Un718
is surprising, after the apparently sharp contrast between these entities on the
other land-tenure tablets. But ddmos probably means no more than Village,
as opposed to Palace, and the telestai may well have been regarded as important
members of it : in addition to holding ‘ private plots ’ in the village, they may
themselves have sat on the council responsible for allotting the leases of
‘ communal plots ’ paro ddmdi. Outside the immediate vicinity of the palace,
we apparently find basilewes (further defined as ko-re-te-re and mo-ro-paP) in
charge of the villages (see 43 = Sn01, 258 = Kn01) ; but in the ddmos attached to
Pylos itself they evidently have no place in the hierarchy.
Carratelli agrees with us in taking wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo as equivalent to opyeco-
viKos, from the term 6py£COV£S ‘members of a religious association’; it is spelt
opyiovas (acc. plur.) in the Homeric hymn to x\pollo, and derived from
(f)6pyia ‘rites’. Thomson (1949, p. 1 12) infers ‘that the orgeones were a body
of persons appointed by and from the demotai to administer the village cult’,
which was centred on an opyds ‘rich land or grove sacred to a god’ (though
this word may not in fact be etymologically connected). The action worzeeti
which is apparently the duty of holders o^kama land may perhaps be construed
in this light as meaning ‘to contribute to the (p)6pyia’.
265
152
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The gender and meaning of e-re-mo are not clear, yf) epfjiaos ‘waste land’
would call for feminine --m-ja (as kama in fact should on Un 718 ). Or is w. not
an adjective but a noun worgion-eion ‘the place of the worgiones^? Should
leremon be taken to mean ‘uninhabited land’, or ‘land left inviolate, free of
annexation or encumbrance ’ ?
152 =Er 01 [ 312 ]
1 wa-na-ka-te-ro te-me-no
2 to-so-jo pe-ma wheat 30
^ ra-wa-ke-si-jo te-me-no wheat 10
vacat
^ te-re-ta-o to-so-pe-ma wheat 30
® to-so-de te-re-ta men 3
' wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo e-re-mo
® to-so-jo pe-ma wheat 6
vacat
§ I The preserve of the king, seed at so much: 3600 1 . wheat.
§ 2 The preserve of the military leader, seed at so much: 1200 1 . wheat.
§ 3 (The lands) of the jief-holders, so much seed: 3600 1 . wheat; and (there are)
so many fief-holders : three.
§ 4 The unencumbered (land) of the cult association, seed at so much : 720 1 .
wheat.
wanakteron temenos: cf. tsmevos paaiAi^iov, It. xviii, 550. The temenos is an estate ‘cut off’
( t £| jivco ) for the use of ruler or chief; the meaning ‘precinct of a god’ is secondary.
tossoio sperma : why the spelhng pe-ma should be restricted to ErO 1 and Er02 is not clear.
One might argue that we indeed have cnTspua ‘seed, ? sowing’ here, but that pe-mo
on the other tablets has a quite different meaning; but no distinction is apparent
in the context. Why the genitive tossoio in lines 2 and 8? ‘A sowing q/ro much (grain) ’;
or 'seed of such (an amount or value) ’, gen. pretii?
tossoide telesiai: as in 114 = En02.2 and 153 = Er02.4, 6, to-so-de ^ollo^vs to-so in a linked
pair of entries, and suggests that -de should here be taken as the particle 6e ‘and,
but’.
A further link with 171 = Un 718 is provided by sa-ra-pe-do-\ in Er 02 . 2 . It is
evidently not the name Sarpedon, but an inflexional variant of the sa-ra-pe-da
which introduces the other tablet. Its ending (neuter plural?) recalls the
-TreSov of Greek topographical terms such as yscoueSov ‘ plot ’, oAittsSov ‘ coastal
plain’, oivotreSov ‘vineyard’, Hesychius iAcoreSov Tspevos; perhaps it is a local
place-name, here to be read in the locative, -pedoVi. Bennett’s integration of
temenos in line 2 is not supported by a word-divider, and -puf is extremely
266
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
153
rare as a word-ending. We would compare irecpuTeup^os ‘ planted with fruit
trees’, and interpret the two sections of the tablet as referring to acreages of
E.’s wheat-fields and to a census of the trees or vines in E.’s orchards. This
twofold division of a chief’s lands is frequently alluded to by Homer:
II. VI, 194-5: Kai tiEV 01 (B£XAEpo96vTi3) Aukioi temevos rdpov E^oyov oAAcov,
KaAov, 9 UTaAifis Kai dpouprjs, 69pa VEpoiTO.
II. IX, 578-80: £v 9 a piv (MsAEaypov) f|vcoyov tepeuos TTEpiKaXAsg EAscrOai
TTEVTTIKOVTOyUOV, TO (lEV 911100 OIVOTTeSoIO,
fipiau Se lyiAfjv dpooiv tteSioio Tap£o6ai.
II. XIV, 1 2 1-3: (TuSeus) vaiE Se Scopa
d9V£idv pioToio, dAis Se oi fjaav dpoupai
Trupo96poi, TToAAoi Se 9UTC0V Eoav opyaxoi 0^915.
Od. VI, 293-4 • £v6a Se iraTpos spoO (’AAkivooio) tepevos TEdaAuId t’ dAcor),
TOCTOOU diTO tttoAios, octoov t£ yEycovE jSorjoas.
153 =Er 02 (with addition of new fragments) [ 880 ]
^ [e]-ke-ra^-\wo ki\-ti-me-no e-ke
^ sa-ra-pe-do-[i ? pe]-pu.p?-te-me~no
^ to-so [pe-ma\ wheat 3o[-r20?]
* to-so-de . .]-to pe-ma wheat 42[-f-2?]
^ to-sa we-je-[we ] iioo[
® to-sa-de sii-^a [?] iooo[
vacat
® ku-su-to-ro-pa.y to-sg pe-ma 94
?Ekhelaw6n has private (lands) on the S~peda, planted with trees.
So much seed: ?6ooo 1 . wheat,
so much seed of the [...]: ?528o 1. wheat.
So many [...]: 1100?
So many fig-trees: 1000?
Aggregate, so much seed: 1 1,280 1 .
The detailed descriptions of the four items are unfortunately fragmentary', but the high
numbers of the last two are comparable with those of the Knossos lists of trees (see
below, pp. 272-4).
u'e-je-[we: may be restored from KN 164 = Ga 863 , =some kind of plant.
su-^g: sukiai ‘fig-trees’ as in 165 = Gv 862 . See p. 272.
If the figure of 42 tvHEAT in line 4 is intended purely as an acreage-equivalent, one
might restore [a-ki-ti^-to ‘unfilled’ here: in antithesis to ki-ti-me-no in line i?
Pylos EqOl has up to now received little discussion, due to the great difficulty
of interpretation; it is clear, however, that it deals with territory further
removed from the palace than any of the other land-tenure tablets. The
267
154 DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
subjects of at least the first three entries are not individuals but the names of
outlying villages: A-ke-re-wa is well known as the sixth of the ‘Pylos g’, while
E-ri-no-wo-te (loc.) is listed with A-ke-re-wa and A-pu^-we on An 07 and with
Lousoi on MnOl. Its nominative is spelt E-ri-no-wo (Na 51 ), which (like
Sa-ri-nu-wo-tejSa-ri-no-te, A^-pa-tu-wo-te, Pe-re-wo-te) suggests -won'-wontos:
a (possibly non-Greek) development of the adjectival -* went- ] -wont- (cf
ZeAivoOs, etc.) ? The locative ko-tu-we is found on Na 908 .
The amounts of seed are evidently too small for the total acreages of these
villages : the tablet must record a restricted category of land, defined by the
introduction and, in particular, by the puzzling word o-ro-jo. A photograph
of this tablet was published by Blegen, igsg/* (Fig. lo), and Hrozny (1949)
prints a translation which, however fantastic its methods, nevertheless suggests
that it is a record of the condition of fields.
154 -EqOl [ 213 ]
' o-wi-de a-ko-so-ta to-ro-qe-jo-me-no a-ro-u-ra a^-ri-sa
2 a-ke-re-wa o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 8
2 o-da-a^ e-ri-no-wo-to o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 10
* o-da-a^ ko-tu-wq o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 20
^ o-da-a^ po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo o-te-pe-o-jo o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 6
® o-da-a^ ko-no o-ro-jo to-so pe-mo wheat 40
Thus Axotas has observed on his tour of inspection, counting the corn-lands of
A-ke-re-wa^ \ of the loss, so much (acreage of) seed: 960 1 . wheat.
And similarly those of E-ri-no-wo ', of the loss, so much seed: 1200 1 . wheat.
And similarly those of Ko-tu ; of the loss, so much seed : 2400 1 . wheat.
And similarly those of queenly 0 -te-pe-o: of the loss, so much seed: 720 1 .
wheat.
x\nd similarly those which are common-, of the loss, so much seed: 4800 1.
wheat.
hd wide = Atdc coSe eISe ; the same introduction is found to the list of vessels 235 = Ta7 1 1 ,
evidently another record guaranteed by personal inspection; cf. Od. iv, 411-12:
cpcoKas liEV TOi TrpcoTov dpiQpfiaEi Kai ETrsiaiv
orurdp £Trr|v irocaas TTEpirdaoETai fiSs i6r)Tai, etc.
Axotas’ name occurs with other aorists on PnOl . 1 and 103 = Un08. 1, and in the
genitive A-ko-so-ta-o as one of the ‘sheep collectors’ (p. 200) : he was possibly one of
the chief stewards of the palace. The connective o-da-a., occurs in hnes 3-6 but not
in the first item: it evidently resumes, in abbreviated form, the ‘thus’ formula of the
introduction, which must be regarded as forming a continuous sentence through
lines 1—2 (in the same way, o-da-a.^ da-mo on 171 = Un718 . 7 picks up the 0 - of line 2 ).
268
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
154
troq^eiomenos: middle/ passive participle of the ‘iterative-intensive’ form {-*ejo, cf.
Schwyzer, Gram, i, 719-20) of TpEirco, of which the active Tporrsov ‘turned’ occurs
once in II. xvm, 224. If it agrees with Axotas, it should perhaps be taken in the sense
of TpETTopai ‘go on a circuitous journey’, cf. Od. xv, 80: ei 5 ’ sOsAsig Tpacpdpvai
dv’ ‘EAActSa Kai pscrov ’'Apyog, and Herod, ii, 3: xai 69 Kui eg 0 fiPas te koi £S 'HAlou
ttoAiv ETpocTTopqv, etc. Compare also the Homeric TTEpiTpoiTECov Ivioiutos ‘revolving
year’.
a^-ri-sa appears from its form to be an aorist participle, which must agree with Axotas
rather than with the feminine arourans. The classical verbs dAivSeco ‘make to roll’
and dAljco ‘salt’ do not fit the sense, nor (p)aAi2co ‘gather together’ the spelling.
Perhaps the verb *dpi- ‘count’, from which dpi-6p6s ‘number’, dpiOpEco ‘count’
(evidently a later substitution) and Homeric v-ppiTOS ‘innumerable’ are derived.
Compare also a.^-ri-e, 55 = An 724.5 (p. 187). The sequence of tenses aorist — iterative
present — aorist is explained by the ‘ aspect ’ function of Greek participles, the ‘ touring ’
evidently being regarded as a continuous process, the ‘counting’ as a series of five
discrete acts.
o-ro-jo: Palmer reads *oloio ‘(seed) of barley’, comparing ouAai (*6Afal), Arc. oAoai,
‘sacrificial barley’, oAupa ‘Einkorn wheat’. Other possibilities are copoio {*jdr-)
‘of the year’ ; or the genidve of the noun * 6 los which underlies the Homeric adjective
oOAos, Dor. c&Aos, ‘destructive’. In the latter case the tablet may record the acreages
of parts of these villages which have been laid waste or allowed to deteriorate.
Compare Telemachus’ complaint to Menelaus, Od. iv, 318 : EodlETai poi oIkos, oAcoAe
6£ TTiova £pya, ‘my rich plough-lands have been ruined’. This interpretation is
extremely uncertain.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo: the subdivision of part of a village community by the adjective
? potnia[we]ios ‘of the Mistress?’ is also seen in the lists of smiths on JnOl and Jn 03 .
No reasonable explanation can be offered.
ko-no: possibly Koivog ‘common’, though the numerals and the introduction o-da-a.,
prevent us from regarding it as a total of the preceding items. In these the genitives
probably quahfy arourans rather than o-ro-jo, but koino- can only agree if it is here a
two-ending adjective, as in Sophocles, TV. 207. The form of the adjective to-so (for
to-so-de) is probably not significant.
7 . KNOSSOS LAND-TENURE TABLETS
The Knossos tablets listing the wheat ideogram (classified by Bennett with
the prefix E) do not appear to share any of the characteristic Pylos land-tenure
formulae, and should probably be regarded as a record of actual consignments
of grain from outlying villages: the amounts listed are generally larger than
on the Pylos E- tablets, often running into hundreds of units. Of interest are
the words ra-wa-ke-si-jo on E 1569 . 2 (and its apparent mis-spelling ra-wa-e-si-jo
269
155-156
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
on E 846 .1), which might refer to a Idwdgesion temenos] and the heading to the
fragmentary E 849 which includes a total of 130 units of wheat: pu-ta-ri-ja
pe-ra-[ .... This appears to be the word 9UTaAidc ‘ plantation, orchard and one
might expect, as in Homer, to find it kept distinct from corn-land; but the
first half of the tablet may have included olives or figs, and in any case corn can
well be grown in areas between olive-trees (cf. Columella, De re rustica, v, 8-9) .
The equivalent of the Pylos land-tenure series is to be found in the two dozen
tablets to which Bennett has given the prefix Uf. The words ekhei, ?kekeimend,
ktoind and telestds help to establish the identity of
context ; but the formula tossonde '^spermo is replaced da
by the use of the ideogram da, apparently a land-
measure, whose only occurrence at Pylos is on 114 = pa
En02 . 1 . We saw there that it is apparently equivalent
to the acreage sown with i unit of wheat (about
2-4 ha, or 6 acres?). At Knossos it is subdivided into a smaller unit pa;
as it is followed by the number 3 on 158 = Uf836, the pa is evidently a quarter
of the da or less. Does it stand for spadion (original form of ordSiov) ‘ a single
ploughing’ ?
This Late Minoan series is too fragmentary to permit a detailed comparison
with the system of land-tenure seen in operation at Pylos.
^ A unit of land
measure
A fraction of the
t
preceding
155 = Uf981 (K)
. , ko-to-i-na
e-ri-ke-re-we , . . p
e-ke-pu-te-ri-ja [
Eriklewes holds an orchard plot.
Bennett’s Index (p. 66) gives ko-ti-i-na, which is not supported by the original: note the
fuller spelling of the diphthong. Is pu-te-ri-ja merely a variant phutelia for 9 UTaAid?
Or an phuterian agreeing with ktoinan ‘a plot suitable for planting; given
to a gardener’? Or a noun describing a holding (parallel to ondton, etc.) ‘a lease for
planting, as a reward for planting’? In any case the term suggests that these fields
are probably orchard or vineyard, not corn-land.
156 =Uf 1031 joined (K Ixxi)
kg-to-i-na
pe-ri-je-ja e-ke pu-te-ri-ja da i ti-ri-to\^
P. holds an orchard plot ....
This appears to be a woman’s name. The same formula occurs a third time on Ufl022,
only e-ke-pu-te- [ and ko-to-i- [ surviving.
270
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
157-161
157 = Uf835 (K Ixiv)
ke-ke-me-na
[ ^-do e-ke ti-ri-to pu-te da i pa i
. . .-do holds a communal orchard plot at PTrittosP; 6 ? acres.
ti-ri-to: probably not ‘a third share’ or the hke (cf. the Attic £KTr|piopoi?), but a place-
name parallel to those on other tablets of the series. Ti-ri-to (cf. TpiTra, said to be
an old name of Knossos) is a place frequently mentioned on the Knossos sheep
tablets, and its adjective Ti-ri-ti-jo parallels Pa.y-ra-jo on E 749 .
pu-te is either an abbreviation for pu-te-ri-ja (as pu on Uf432.2?), or a word ?phuter
‘planter, gardener’; cf. Palmer’s reading of pu-^p-te-re ki-ti-je-si (PY 193 = Na57j
as phuteres ktiensi ‘the gardeners plant, bring into cultivation’.
ke-ke-me-na: the contrasted word ktimend only occurs at Knossos on X 7753. On Uf432,
however, the second paragraph is introduced by e-te-do-mo ki-te-\^, which may be
intended for ktei-\toi or the hke (with the ‘dead’ vowel in kt- generalized as in Luk'tos
and in wanak’^teros?) : ‘it is brought into cultivation by the e-te-domoi’ (cf. 114 =
En02.5).
158 = Uf836 (K Ixvii)
ivo-we-u
ku-ka-da-ro pa^-ra pi-di-jo da i pa 3
K.j the worweus, at Pa^-ra (PPhidios) : 7 ? acres.
wo-we-u is a trade-name known only from C 911.3: ^ Ri-wo the worweus of the place
Su-ki-ri-ta’ . The classical opsus came to mean ‘mule’ (‘he who traces the furrow’) ;
does it mean ‘superintendent of the field boundaries’ here? The context of the w’ord
Pi-di-jo, which seems to be a proper name, is uncertain: a second party to the
transaction?
159 = Uf990 (K)
a-ri-ja-wo pa^-ra te-re-ta [
A ~ aw5n, a fief -holder at Pa^^r^a
160 = Uf970 (K)
te-re-ta
[ fir a ti-ri-to wo-ne-[
So-and-so, a fief-holder at PTrittos, ....
161=Uf839 (K Ixvii)
te-re-ta ke-ma-qe-me me-ra
ko-do da-*22-to ke-nu-wa-so da [nn]
? Koldos, at the place D. (K.); a fiefi-holder, and. . ..
271
161-163
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Da-* 22 -to: a frequent place-name on Knossos tablets, also unexpectedly occurring on
the Eleusis vase. Adjective Da-* 22 -ti-jo, etc.
Ke-nu-wa-so: another second party to the transaction? Cf. the non-Greek man’s name
Pa^-nwa-sojPa^^-nu-wa-so, TTocvuaCTis, etc.
ke-ma-qe-me me-ra \ a puzzhng group, me-ra might conceivably be ppAa ‘sheep’.
162 = Uf983 (K Ixxi)
o-pi po-to-ri-ka-ta
[ '\-do-wo e-ko-so ke-ke-me-na [da nn]
So-and-so, a communal (plot) at E-ko-so ^, . . . ;
E-ko-so is probably the frequent place-name of that spelling (adjective E-ki-si-jo, etc.)
rather than l^co ‘outside’ or e^cov ‘intending to keep’. The last word looks like a
compound parallel to tttoAIoikos, etc.
163 =X 984 (K)
1 ]pa-te ke-ke-me-na [
2 ] zo-wa e-pi-zo-ta ke-ra ke-ke-me-na' [
The exact context of the tablet is very uncertain, but the word ke-ke-me-na suggests that
it is part of the Uf- series; ke-ra recurs on PY 135 = Ep704 and 137 = Eb30. ‘Living
things’ in classical Greek is confined to the form *2copia> ^cpa; it is uncertain when
this secondary form, not found in Homer, may be considered to have developed.
Classical 6711300 only has the sense ‘survive’. The Homeric participle 3COVTOS is
explained as a contraction of 3cbovTos, but the verb shows traces^ of an earlier
athematic conjugation (see Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 675).
8. KNOSSOS ORCHARDS
176
^75
174
T
Y
The purpose of this series (classified as Gv-) and the identity of the main
ideograms have been recognized by Evans [PM, iv, p. 717) and by Myres
[SM II, p. 60). The olive-tree is clearly recognizable
on Gv862, line 2 : the word po-pa., in line 3 associates
it with the more schematic ideogram no. 122 on Pylos
96 = Un02.2, which probably means olives and
recurs on Knossos 94 = F 841 in company with the
spelling e-ra-wa.
The fig-tree ideogram of Gv862, line i, is more
diagrammatic, being based on a linearized version of
the ‘hieroglyphic’ fig-spray sign (see above, p. 31). The description su-za (?
sukia = (yvKf[, Dor. ovKia) also accompanies, on94 = F 841, the form of the
OLIVE-TREE
FIG-TREE
a\ Seedling,
t cutting,
b ] layer?
272
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
164-165
same ideogram without a ‘trunk’ (identical to the syllabic sign ni) which
represents the fruit of the fig.
The meaning of ideograms no. 1 74, which seem to repeat themselves at the
end of each section, may be defined by the 9UTd of Gv 864 . 3 , possibly ‘ newly-
planted specimens’ of each variety (cf. Furumark, 1954, p. 40). On this basis,
the four ideograms of Gv 862 , lines 2 and 3, would show olive trees of pro-
gressively lessening maturity, rather than a number of different species of fruit
tree on the model of Alkinoos’ orchard {Od. vii, 114-16):
ev6a Se SsvSpsa poKpa TrecpuKao-i TrjAeQocovTa,
oyxvai Kai poiai Kai priAeai dyAaoKapiroi
cruKsai T£ yAuKspai Kai eAaiai TriAedocoCTai.
The only introductory sentence is preserved on tablet 164 = Gv 863 . This
may be compared to that on a Nuzi tablet of similar context : ‘ The trees from
the orchard of the town Taseniwa:. . .’ (Lacheman, 1939, p. 534).
164 = Gv 863 (K Ixvii)
* pa^-ra j jo-e-ke-to-qo wo-na-si Jz-[
2 ?]we-je-we ? seedlings® 420 su. fig-trees 109 [
Pa^-ra^'. thus the place has in its vineyards . . ..
420 newly planted. . ., 109 fig-trees,. . ..
hd ekhei toq’^os woinassi: we have met the place Pa^-ra on the other Knossos land tablets.
Bennett’s Index reading Pa^-ra-jo is not supported by the photograph, but there are
traces of a possible second divider after 70. This prefix has the function of an intro-
ductory ‘thus’, as on 257 =Jn 09 . 1 {jo-do-so-si ‘thus they will give’), etc. The
etymology of tottos ‘locality’ is uncertain: Osthoff proposes *toq'‘o-. The word
wo-na-si is here taken as the locative of Hesychius’ gloss oivdSes • dpTTEAcbSeis tottoi ;
from oivri ‘vine’ one would expect wo-na-i.
165 -Gv 862 (K Ixv)
^ ] SU-Za FIG-TREES I77O
- ] OLIVE-TREES 4O5
^ ]p 0 -pa 2 ^ IO + ? [..] ^ 17 ? SEEDLINGS*’ 20
vacat
^ 1365 ? SEEDLINGS® 225
.As Myres remarks, the first tree in line 3 gives the appearance of having been pruned ;
the second appears to be a young tree without much development of trunk. Of the
possible vocalizations of po-pao. ■n'op'n'ri ‘brooch’, cpoipri ‘radiant’, 96^11 ‘lock of hair;
foliage’, 9opj3f| ‘fodder, food’ and 9oppds ‘providing food’, only the last two appear
18
273
V & C
165-166
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
to fit the use of the term with olives at Pylos. It is not clear from the photograph
whether po-pa^ may not be preceded by other letters ; an adjective like £u<pop(3os or
TToAufoppos could not agree with feminine elaiwai, unless SEvSpsa is understood.
166 = Gv864 (K)
1 ] ? SEEDLINGS^ 69 [
- ] SU-Za FIG-TREES 53[
^ ] pu-ta ? SEEDLINGS’^ [nn
274
CHAPTER IX
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND
RITUAL OFFERINGS
The forty- two tablets transcribed in this chapter deal with a variety of miscel-
laneous commodities, and their classification by Bennett includes eight different
prefix initials {E- F- G- K- M- N- U- V-) ; they share, however, a number
of characteristic features of context and arrangement which makes it con-
venient to study them as a group.
(a) Though often fragmentary, the different series which these tablets repre-
sent are all of them records of tribute or offerings, assessed in accordance with
schedules showing a fixed order.
(i) The operations are evidently of a seasonal or periodic nature, as proved
by the use of month-names in their headings, and by such expressions as ‘ last
year’, ‘next year’ in their entries.
(c) The tablets show in detail how the theoretical assessment of the con-
tribution (dosmos) compares with the amount actually delivered (apudosis), and
records the deficit (ophelo-) which may result from this sum after allowance
has been made for amounts which the contributors may have been ‘let off’
{aneta or eleuthera ekhonsi, ou didonsi) . The assessments themselves are calculated
with reasonable accuracy in accordance with various fixed ratios, and demon-
strate the most advanced Mycenaean mathematics we have yet seen in
operation.
{d) A number of the tablets lay down the scale on which offerings are made
to a number of different shrines, priestesses and divinities. These are of great
importance in providing our only written evidence for Mycenaean religion,
and unexpectedly reveal the worship of many of the gods and goddesses known
from classical sources.
1. THE PYLOS ‘DOSMOS’ TABLETS
The WHEAT ideogram reappears in the set of fifteen tablets found in 1952 and
classified as Es- (see Bennett, PT II, pp. 159-61): these ^
show a list of thirteen men’s names, in three separate T wheat
versions devoted to different operations. Only the first of these, 167 = Es650,
275 x 8-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
has the tossonde Ispermo formula which is characteristic of the land-tenure
tablets (ch. vm). The second version, complete on 168 = Es 644 , lists the
names in the same order as the subject of a dosmos wetei-wetei (see below) ;
the third version is distributed among thirteen separate tablets (169 = Es 646 ,
etc.) which record a larger dosmos to the god Poseidon and much smaller ones
to three entities whose function is rather uncertain.
The following table shows the thirteen men’s names rearranged in order of
descending importance, with their spermata and dosmoi converted to litres at
a conversion factor of T 1 = 12 1 . With three exceptions the amounts form
regularly descending series in each column, but they have evidently not been
arrived at by any completely rigid system of proportions : the average ratio of
30:5:12:1, which can be deduced from the estimated totals of the whole
series, only applies exactly to one individual’s assessment, that of PWorthias.
Dosmos
? spermo
wetei-wetei
Poseidaonei
Diwiewei
etc.
Total
.Alektryon
840 1.
1 14 1.
276 I.
32 1.
486 1.
Kopreus
']20
84
180
20
324
? Hoplomenos
480
?
204
16
p
? Worthias
240
40
96
8
160
A-ne-o
180
30
60
2
96
Lukouros
168
p
84
6
p
0 -ka
144
28
84
6
128
? Philotawon
144
28?
84
6
128?
Ku-da-ma-ro
144
28?
84
6
128?
Aigi ~ os
120
p
72
4
p
Se-no
120
24
60
4
96
Servant of \V ~ neus
48
16
36
2
58
Ka-ra-i
36
6
p
2
p
A fourteenth individual, Pi-ro-te-ko-to, closes the list on 167 = Es 650 ; but the
amount of his Ispermo was either never entered or has been erased, and his
name does not reappear. Of the other names, an Alektryon Etewokleweios is
known as a heq^etds attached to the ‘troops’ on 58 = An 654 (cf the form
A-ku-tu-ru-wg- on KN Fh 364 ) ; the Se-no who is a shepherd at Ma-ro-pi on
62 = Cn 655 and Cn 04 may well be a different person.
The fourteen evidently form a group quite distinct from the land-owners
of Pa-ki-ja- whom we have met in ch. vni ; yet the size of Alektryon’s holding
(7 units) is larger than any single ktoina there; the smallest, that of Ka-ra-i
276
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
167
is equivalent to a generous ‘lease’ in the first set (see p. 240). Where is their
land situated?
A possible clue is given by the amount of wheat listed. The total Ispermo
for the thirteen men (with slight uncertainty as to Lukouros’ entry) is 28-2 units ;
and we have seen that the ‘lands of the telestaV which follow the royal temenea
on 152 = ErOl are assessed at 30 units. Those lands, however, have only 3 telestai
upon them : if the Es- tablets in fact record the acreages and obligations of the
men owning land in the immediate neighbourhood of the palace at Pylos, we
shall have to assume that telestds rank is only held by three of the first names on
the list. Some of the thirteen or fourteen may in fact be ‘tenants’, but the
formula e-ke to-so-de pe-mo does not apparently attempt to make any
differentiation.
Es650
^ ki-ri-ti-jo-jo
ko-pe-re-u /
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT 6
- a-re-ku-tu-ru-
wo
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT 7
^ se-no
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHE.VT I
^ o-po-ro-me-no
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT 4
ai-ki-wa-ro
a-te-mi-to do-e-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHE.A.T I
® we-da-ne-wo
do-e-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHE.VT T 4
^ wo-ro-ti-ja-o
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHE.VT 2
® ka-ra-i !
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT T 3
1 a-ne-o
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT 1 T 5
Reverse:
* ru-ko-wo-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT I T 4
- o-ka
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT I T 2
pi-ro-ta-wo
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT I T 2
^ ku-da-ma-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT I T 2
pi-ro-te-ko-to
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT 1 ? 1
In the month of ?Krithios :
§ I Kopreus, he has (an acreage of) so much seed: 720 1. wheat.
§ 2 Alektryon, he has so much seed : 840 1. wheat.
§ 3 Se-no, he has so much seed; 120 1. wheat.
§ 4 PHoplomenos, he has so much seed : 480 1. wheat.
§ 5 Aigi~os, servant of Artemis, he has so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
§ 6 The servant of \V~neus, he has so much seed; 48 1. wheat.
§ 7 PWorthias, he has so much seed: 240 1 wheat,
etc.
277
167-168
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
?Krithioio: the analogy of the Knossos tablets similarly introduced by a genitive
adjective (e.g. Fp 5 , Diwioio menos, see p. 305) suggests that this is the name of a
month. If so, it is the only one recorded at Pylos, with the possible exception of
po-ro-wi-to-jo on 172 = Kn 02 . If ?Krithio- was the name of either a man or a place,
it would surely be of sufficient importance to occur freely on other tablets.
ekhei tossonde ?spermo: comparing the formulae on the other land-tenure tablets, we
might also punctuate ‘he holds (land): so much seed’ (especially if to-so-de is to be
read tosson de ‘and so much’, which is always a possibility).
A-te-mi-to do-e-ro \ the genitive ’ApTtpiTos (Doric ’ApTdpiTos, perhaps by popular etymo-
logy from dpTapos) is attested in N. W. Greek inscr. ; ’ApTepiSog may perhaps be an
innovation. Whether all the theoio doeloi are in fact ‘slaves of Artemis’ is of course
very uncertain (see also p. 236). A possible dative ‘to Artemis’ occurs in A-ti-mi-te
(PY Uni 1 . 5 ).
?Worthido'. the other two versions (where the genitive would in fact be more correct)
show the nominative Wo-ro-ti-ja\ possibly the genitive W~newos in the preceding
line induced the confusion. This ‘ servant (or slave) of W ~ neus ’ is not mentioned
by name in any of the three versions; for W ~neus himself see below, p. 279.
Pi-ro-te-ko-to: Bennett reads this as one word (Philotekton?). Or ‘Philon, the joiner’?
168 = Es644
1
ko-pe-re-wo
do-so-
■mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
7
2
a-re-ku-tu-ru-
wo-no
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
9
<1
3
3
[se]-no do-so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
4
o-po-ro-me-no
do-so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
[nn]
5
ai-ki-wa-ro
do-so-
mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
[nn]
6
we-da-ne-wo
do-e-
■TO do-so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
I
<1
2
7
[wo-ro-ti-ja]
do-so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
3
<1
2
8
[ka-ra-i] do
-so-Ymo] we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
<1
3
9
\a\-ne-o do-
so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
<1
3
10
\ru-ko-wo-ro
do-so^-mo we-te-Yi-we^-te-i
[wheat
nn]
11
Yo-ka do^-so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
<1
I
12
pi-ro-ta-wo
do-so
-mo we-te-i-Ywe^-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
<1
[ ]
13
ku-da-ma-ro
do-so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
[
]
§ I The year-by-year contribution of Kopreus: 84 1 . wheat.
§ 2 The year-by-year (contribution) of Alektryon: 114 1 . wheat.
§ 3 Se-no, (his) year-by-year contribution: 24 1 . wheat,
etc.
Koprewos dosmos : note that the genitive is maintained only in the first two entries ; in the
third version, only Alektr\on shows this case. The word dosmos, which is evidently
equivalent in sense to classical 56 ctis, 66pa, 6005, etc., survives in the Arcadian com-
278
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
168-170
pound orfruSoapos ‘sale’, adj. diruSoapios ‘saleable’. The noun ending -cjis was
originally the mark of compounds (Schwyzer, Gram, i, 504), and there is some doubt
whether the simple *dosis already existed in Mycenaean times; for apu-dosis, see
p. 291. The fuller spelling of -sm- also occurs in de-so-mo ( = desmos, KN Ral 548 ).
we-te-i-we-te-i: this reduplicated locative of the word fSTog ‘year’ apparently shares the
meaning of the classical adverb dp9i£T£l ‘year by year’ (cf. dp<pi£T£co ‘offer yearly
sacrifices’, EM, xc, 26): the archaic construction can be paralleled by Sanskrit
padepade ‘at every step’, varsevarse ‘every year’ (cf. also such modern Greek idioms
as q)£yydpia 9£yydpia ‘once in a blue moon’). From the fact that no recipient is
mentioned, the tablet may record a tithe to the palace. It is equivalent to only about
one sixth of the sowing ; but the four other dosmoi help to bring the total levy on each
individual up to between 45 and 125 per cent of the 1 spermo figure, weighing more
heavily on the smaller holders.
169 = Es646
1
ko-pe-re-u po-se-da-o-ne do-so-mo
WHEAT
I
T
5
2
ai^-ke-te-si do-so-mo
WHEAT
T
I
<1
4
3
we-da-ne-we do-so-mo
WHEAT
T
I
<1
4
4
di-wi-je-we do-so-mo
WHEAT
T
I
<1
4
Kopreus
1: (his) contribution to Poseidon:
180 1 . wheat,
contribution to the Protectors : 20 1. wheat,
contribution to W~neus: 20 1. wheat,
contribution to Diwieus : 20 1. wheat.
Poseiddonei dosmos: this word-order is preserved on the tablets headed by the first five
names in the standard list; the sixth saves space by omitting dosmos and reads:
IV^newos doelos Poseiddonei; the remainder, perhaps under its influence, show dosmos
Poseiddonei. The genitive Poseidddnos on 170 = Es 649 is presumably a scribal error;
a further spelling difference is seen in Ru-ko-u-ro, Es 729 .
Ai.2?-ke-te-si: dative plural in -tersi, possibly from the dual noun ai^?-ka-te-re on
248 = Va 01 (see p. 348). For Horn. dAKTqp?
We-da-ne-we : except for those of Alektryon, Kopreus and ? Hoplomenos, all the tablets
show the genitive W '^newos in this position: no difference in meaning is probably
intended. \V~ neus is one of the ‘ sheep collectors ’ on the Pylos Cn- tablets (pp. 1 99-201 ) ,
on a par with Axotas and Amphimedes. He and Diwieus also head a pair of tablets
(76 = Cn 23 and 77 = Cn 22 ) listing cattle, possibly for sacrifice: they are apparently
important figures in palace and cult administration. Di-wi~je-ive is certainly not a
dative of Zsus, for which Di-we is the Mycenaean spelling (p. 286).
170 = Es649
^ a-re-kii-tu-ru-\wo^-ne po-se-da-o-no do-so-mo wheat 2 T 3
“ ai2?-ke-te-si do-so-mo wheat T2 <14
279
170
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
^ we-da-ne-we do-so-mo wheat T2 <14
* di-we-je-we do-so-mo wheat T2 <14
§ 2 Alektryon’s contribution to Poseidon: 276 1. wheat,
contribution to the Protectors'. 32 1. wheat,
contribution to W~neus: 32 1. wheat,
contribution to Diwieus: 32 1. wheat.
The entries for the remaining eleven names are contained on the Es- tablets 645, 647,
653, 703= 728, 726, 648, 729, 727, 651 and 652.
The expression ‘ a dosmos to Poseidon ’ serves as the introduction to the first
of two extremely important ritual tablets from Pylos. The offerings on Un718
are headed by the word Sa-ra-pe-da, recurring on 153=Er02 (where it was
thought to be the name of a tract of agricultural land adjacent to the Palace),
and consist of varying amounts of nine different kinds of farm produce, divided
into four paragraphs. These show a remarkable parallelism with the four
entries on 152 = Er01, more fully discussed on p. 265, and appear to represent
the four different categories of person who own land in this area : ?Ekhelaw5n
(either the king or one of his representatives) ; the ddmos or ‘village’ (perhaps
including the class of telestai, ‘fief-holders’); the ‘military leader’; and the
worgiones or ‘cult association’. Their offerings are in roughly descending pro-
portions, like their sperma on ErOl.
The importance of Poseidon at Pylos is emphasized by 172 =Kn02, and has
a possible echo in Book iii of the Odyssey, where Telemachos’ arrival finds the
people arranged in three companies offering bulls to Poseidon (perhaps as
the legendary grandfather of Nestor, as the scholiast points out) :
KA 06 i, TToCTSiSaov yanioxe, ^rjSE peyf)pi]s
fipiv EuyoiiEvoiai TeAsurfiCTai tccSe epya.
Nscrropi psv TTpcoTicnra xai uidcri k06os oirajE,
ourdp ETTEiri dAAoicji 6 i 5 ou xocphucrccv dpoi[ 3 fiv
oviiiraaiv OuAioiaiv dyocKXsiTfis EKOToapTis. (m, 55-9)
Similar multiple offerings of different commodities are usual in cuneiform
records of ritual operations at various seasons of the year. Here is a Sumerian
example from Lagas (Genouillac, TSA, no. 1,1):
Seven sacks of flour, three pots of light ale, four pots of dark ale, two measures of oil,
two measures of dates, two measures of wine, two lake (?) fish, one sheep, one white
kid, one lamb — to the god Nina.
A closer parallel, both in the objects and amounts represented and in the
probable degree of historical connexion, can be found in classical offerings of
280
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
the type listed, for example, on the late fourth-century b.c. sacrificial calendar
from Cos [SGDI, 3636-8, Schwyzer, Dial. 251c):
TpiTa dvoiJEVou. . . .'HpoKAel % KovicraAov, poOg.
TOUTov 6 u£ 1 6 iapEus, tco Ss 0sw ispd SiSoxai :
KpiQav Tpia fiiiiiiESiiava,
Kai OTTUpCOV TpElS TETapTBS,
KOI PeAiTOS TETOpES KOTuAsai,
Kai Tupoi oiEoi SucoSEKa,
Kai iTTVos Kaivos,
Kai 9puydvcov ax^og Kai ^uAecov dy^os,
Kai oivou Tpia rmiyoa.
The most explicit Minoan or Mycenaean representation of a sacrifice is seen
on the painted sarcophagus from Agia Triadha, the two longer panels of which
are illustrated in fig. 1 5. It is dated to the earliest part of LM III, contemporary
with or slightly later than the destruction of Knossos, and certain features of
style and detail have been regarded as showing Mainland influence. A full
discussion of attempts to interpret these scenes is given by Nilsson (1950,
pp. 426-43) ; two general problems make it risky to use them as an exact
illustration of the Pylos ritual tablets:
( 1 ) Opinion is divided as to whether the cult scenes illustrate a specifically
funerary ritual, or offerings to a deified image of the dead, or merely a series
of normal sacrifices to a deity, only indirectly connected with the fact of burial.
(2) Nilsson suggests that the sarcophagus may have been made to the order
of a Mycenaean chieftain, but admits that the example of earlier cult scenes
from Agia Triada show' that a ‘Minoan’ sacrifice had much the same outward
appearance. As with so much of Late Minoan and Mycenaean representative
art, we are now faced with the possibility that ‘Greek’ institutions (or at least
ones hitherto only known to us in a later Greek garb) are being carried on
with the trappings of ‘Minoan’ ritual, art and social conventions. There is
some parallel in the representative art of the Renaissance ; if only a part were
to survive, future archaeologists might well doubt the reality of Christianity
in that period. We must also take into account the process of syncretism between
‘Indo-European’ and ‘Aegean’ deities which has been generally assumed, and
which has analogies in the pantheons of the other Near Eastern cultures,
particularly of the Hittites and Hurrians.
Analogies between Un 718 and the sarcophagus are seen in the objects
sacrificed (the ox, the two goats under the table, the vessels containing liquids,
and the basket of ‘fruit’ — which might perhaps be cheeses); and the fact
that women officiate connects with the preponderance of hiereiai at Pylos and
281
171
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Knossos. Sheepskins, whose purpose on Un 718 is not self-evident, appear on
the sarcophagus as the ceremonial lower garments of the acolytes (cf Evans,
PM, rv, p. 40 1 ) , and as a kind of cloak to the efRg>" (?) in front of the shrine. The
grain and wine which precede the bull and rams in lines 3 and 7 are probably
to be connected with Nestor’s ritual of ouAoxurai and Aoipr] oivou detailed in
Od. Ill, 429-63, already invoked for the sarcophagus by von Duhn. Cf also
Od. XIX, 197.
The Agia Triada sarcophagus.
171 =Un 718
* sg-ra-pe-da po-se-da-o-ni ' do-so-mo
2 o-wi-de-ta-i do-so-mo to-so e-ke-ra^-wo
^ do-se WHEAT 4 WINE 3 BULL I
282
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
171
^ tu-ro^ TU + ROg lO ko-wo skin-|-ko I
^ me-ri-to <1 3
vacat
o-da-a^ da-mo wheat 2 wine 2
® RAMS 2 Tu + ROa 5 a-re-ro a + re-!-pa <1 2 skiNtKO i
® to-so-de ra-wa-ke-ta dose
RAMS 2 me-re-u-ro Iff T 6
WINE ^2 o-da-a^ wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo ka-ma
WHEAT T 6 WINE 5 I TU + RO^ 5 me-ri-[to]
13 5 I I
The S~pedaP to Poseidon, its contribution.
§ I As far as one can see, ?Ekhelaw5n will give so much as a contribution:
480 1. wheat, 108 1. wine, one bull, ten cheeses, one sheepskin, ?6 1. of honey.
§ 2 And similarly the village (will give) : 240 1. wheat, 72 1. wine, two rams,
five cheeses, 4 1. fat, one sheepskin.
§ 3 And the military leader will give so much: two rams, 72 1. flour, 24 1. wine.
§ 4 And similarly the estate of the cult association (will give) : 72 1. wheat,
?I2 1. wine, five cheeses, Pif 1. of honey.
Poseidaoni: other Pylos examples of this alternative spelling of the dative ending are
ko-re-te-ri OnOl .5, Me-za-wo-ni 96 = Un02.5. See p. 85.
o-wi-de-ta-i : the difficulty of interpreting this word leaves in doubt the punctuation and
syntax of the first two lines, but the repetition of dosmos shows them to be divided
into two clauses. Both terms recur on the fragmentary- label Wa731 :
do-so-mo
o-wi-de-ta- [
The dative plural of a noun in -tds fowi-deta'i ‘sheep-trussers’, cf. Fig. 15??) seems
unlikely, since the analogy of 154 = Eq01 {o-wi-de, etc.) suggests that 0 - is also a
prefixed adverb or conjunction here, whose clause is recapitulated by the o-da-a^ of
paragraphs § 2 and § 4. The infinitive piSsaBai seems the obvious choice for the
second element, although the etymology of the ending -aOai does not suggest an
original disyllable (Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 809). The restrictive construction cbs-i-
infinitive is not attested before Herodotus’ cos epoi Bokesiv ‘as far as it seems to me’,
although the Homeric ©oa/iia i6ECj6ai, etc. show some analogy with it. Is this a
scribal formula to emphasize that the transaction has not yet actually occurred, and
that some correction might be expected?
tu-roo : note the surprising repetidon of the spelling in the form of a ‘ monogram ’ (see
p. 52), which apparently recurs on KN U 7498.
ko-wo: compare the ideogram no. 152 , skin + wi, which we interpret as wrinos ‘ox-
hide’. This spelling seems to represent the Homeric Kwas fqowds), declined as if from
-os, ‘sheepskin, fleece’.
283
171-172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-re-ro: it is impossible to read aAsupov, since the ideogram is reckoned as a liquid on
Un06, and ‘flour’ is already indicated by the word meleuron of line lo (see Voca-
bulary, p. 399 ). The monogram on Un06 has a double cross-bar (i.e. a + re + pa
= 6 A.£i<pap?), and it is tempting to regard the present spelling as an error.
Pylos 172 = Kn 02 has already been discussed at length by Furumark (1954,
PP- 5 i- 3 )> Meriggi (19546, pp. 19-22), Carratelli (1954^, pp. 1 13-14, i 955 )
and by Palmer at the London Seminar. Despite difficulty in explaining the
introductory formula, there is general agreement on the purpose of the tablet :
it clearly records ritual offering or exhibition of cups and bowls of some
precious material, carried out under the edict of the palace
before the shrines or images of various divinities. The iqi ^ gold
individual vessels are accompanied by m.an or woman
ideograms. Bennett first suggested that these are figurines b o w l
of the same material, and a suspicion of human sacrifice
may also occur; but it seems more probable that their Y?
main function is to carry the vessels, just like the men
and women illustrated on the LM la ‘Cupbearer’ and ‘Procession’ frescoes
at Knossos, of whom Evans says {PM, ii, p. 710) : ‘It is a fair conclusion that
the scenes here depicted were intended as a glorified representation of actual
ceremonial processions in which, at fixed seasons, the acolytes and ministers of
the Palace cult carried out the sacred vessels and other relics to be shown to the
assembled people in the West Court.’
It is in this light that the syntax of this difficult text should probably be
examined. The following translations of lines 1-2 have so far been proposed;
Furum.ark: ‘Let them be sent to the shrine of Poseidon, and bring the gifts and
cupbearers to the city’?
Meriggi: ‘They were sent to the shrine of Poseidon, and the city sent gifts and
acolytes ’ ?
Palmer: ‘A ceremony of consecration was performed in the Poseideion, and the town
was purified, gifts were brought and the defilement was purified.’
It is fairly generally agreed that the adjectival formations such as Po-si-da-i-jo
which differentiate three of the introductory formulae are the names of places
rather than the titles of priests or festivals, since the fourth formula provides
in their place Pa-ki-ja-si, well known as a local toponym ; note also Po-si-da-i-jo-de
on FnOl . 2 . But the ending of Pa-ki-ja-si and the absence of the usual allative
suffix -de indicate that these are all in the locative case; it is therefore difficult
to regard i-je-to as a part of Tripi with the sense ‘send to' , and preferable to take
it as the description of an activity which takes place at the different localities.
284
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
Palmer goes so far as to postulate a verb i-je- ‘to sacrifice’, distinct from the
classical ipni and related to ispos.
Close examination of the tablet reveals a divider between pe-re z.viA po-re-na-qe
in lines 2, 8 and rev. 2. The recurring verbs pe-re and a-ke evidently show the
classical distinction of sense between 96900 and oryco, cf II. xxiii, 512-13 : Sooke
5 ’ dysiv CTctpoiCTi yuvaiKa xai Tpiiroba 96P6IV. They record the activities
appropriate to the two separate sets of ideograms on the tablet, the carrying
of the cups and bowls {dora ‘gifts’) and the conducting of the men and women
{po-re-na ?) . Though one might logically expect this last word to be an unattested
noun meaning something like ‘cup-bearer’, it is possible that it merely repre-
sents 9opfivai ‘to carry’.
The tense, voice, person and subject of the verbs i-je-to / pe-re / a-ke are
problematical (as is the function of the -qe added to the first). There are three
alternatives :
1. They are active j middle indicative, i-je-to could represent hietoijhientoi
(present middle, 3rd sing, or plur.) or hieto 'hiento (imperfect middle) ; a-ke
and pe-re can only be 3rd or 2nd sing, active, present or imperfect. It is
difficult to find a subject for these verbs. Is it the initial pu-ro = Pylos ? Or must
we understand ‘he’, for the king or one of his officials?
2. They are passive. Palmer regards a-ke, etc., as aorist passives in -e, -en.
This formation in Homer (e.g. eTUirri) is generally regarded as having been
originally restricted to intransitives (puT|, etc., Schwyzer, Gram, i, pp. 756-60) ;
but while forms in -6r| are probably late innovations. Palmer is perhaps justified
in arguing that the Mycenaean verb may already be allowed to possess some
specifically passive forms.
3. They are imperatives. In this case a-ke and pe-re can only correspond to the
classical singulars orys and 9696; but they need not necessarily be taken as
instructions to a single person, since the plural forms are the result of an
innovating tendency in the different Indo-European languages. In the same
way the form hietd need not be specifically passive or 3rd person : the original
function of-^o is that of forming generalized imperatives indifferent as to person
or voice (Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 801), as seen in early Latin and in the Cyprian
gloss eAOetoos* sAOe. But it is not clear why -to should be added to the first
verb and not to the other tw^o.
The third alternative has been followed in the printed translation, but
wdthout any very strong conviction. It must be admitted that securely identified
imperatives have not vet been found in any other introductory formulae.
Quite apart from the syntax of the paragraphs, a further problem is set by
the peculiar way in which they are disposed on the tablet. In its present form
285
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
each face of the tablet is divided by cross-lines into five sections of varying length ;
and several of these sections are left blank, a fact which must require some
special explanation. The only other tablet which shows similar blank entries
is Knossos 207 = V 280, which is introduced by a month name and which
there is reason to think represents a calendar or diary of fifteen successive days.
Palmer has already proposed to po-ro-wi-to-jo (Kn02, ‘reverse’, line i)
as a month name Plowi{s)toio ‘the time for sailing again’ (cf. ttAgoI^co, TxAcbipa
‘sailing weather’). An alternative explanation of the blank entries might con-
ceivably be that the tablet records a series of processions all occurring on the
same day, but that some of those for whom provision was made failed to
materialize.
If Kn02 really represents a calendar of the ceremonies prescribed for ten
days of a Pylos month (purposely divided into five days on each side?), then
we might expect po-ro-wi-to-jo to represent the first word of the complete text,
and the ‘reverse’ to be the first side written. The tablet bears considerable
signs of erasure and re-use, and Bennett’s initial ‘ reverse ’ (preserved in our
transcription) is the flatter side, i.e. the original obverse ; in his new edition
published in PT II Bennett now regards the side beginning po-ro-wi-to-jo as
the obverse. The writing is hasty and careless : one case of an omitted sign is
certain (in line 5 ), and two more are highly probable.
172 = Kn02 [Tn316]
Obverse :
i-je-to-qe po-si-da-i-jo a-ke-qe wa-tu
pu-RO - “ do-ra-qe pe-re po-re-na-qe a-ke
GOLD CUP I WOMEN 2 qo-wi-ja [..] ko-ma-we-te-j'^
P U-R O
i-je-to-qe pe-re-*82-jo i-pe-me-de-ja-{jo?y-qe di-u-ja-jo-qe
^ do-ra-qe pe-re-po-re-na-qe a-{key pe-re-*82 gold-i-bowl i
WOMAN I
® i-pe-me-de-ja gold-I-bowl i di-u-ja gold bowl i
PU-RO
e-ma-do / q-re-ja gold cup i
^ i-je-to-qe di-u-jo do-ra-qe pe-re
^ di-we GOLD BOWL I MAN I
1 di-ri-mi-jo ' di-wo i-je-(re?y-we
WOMAN I
MAN I
po-re-na-qe a-ke
e-ra gold bowl i woman i
GOLD BOWL I [ ? ]
vac at
PU-RO vacant
286
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
172
Reverse:
^ po-ro-wi-to-jo
i-je-to-qe pa-ki-ja-si do-ra-qe pe-re po-re-na-qe
a-ke po-ti-ni-ja gold cup i woman i
ma-nq-sa gold bowl i woman i po-si-da-e-ja gold bowl i woman i
^ ti-ri-se-ro-e gold gup i do-po-ta gold gup i
vacat
PU-RO vacant
Obverse:
(ist) pylos: perform a certain action at the (shrine) of Poseidon and. . .the
town, and bring the gifts and bring those to carry them.
One gold cup, two women ....
(2nd) 'PYi^os> \ perform a certain action at the (shrines) of the Zlote-goddess and of
Iphemedeia and of Diwja, and bring the gifts and bring those to carry them.
To the i)oyf-goddess : one gold bowl, one woman.
To Iphemedeia: one gold bowl.
To Diwja: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Hermes. . . : one gold cup, one man.
(3rd) pylos: perform a certain action at the (shrine) of Zeus, and bring the gifts
and bring those to carry them.
To Zeus: one gold bowl, one man.
To Hera: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Drimios the priest of Zeus: one gold bowl, [one man?].
(4th) blank.
(5th) pylos: blank.
R everse:
(In the month?) of? Plowi(s)tos:
(ist) pylos: perform a certain action at the place Pa-ki-ja-ne, and bring the gifts
and bring those to carry them.
To the Mistress: one gold cup, one woman.
(and) To ? Mnasa: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Posidaeia: one gold bowl, one woman.
(3rd) To the ^ thrice-hero’ : one gold cup.
To the ‘lord of the house’: one gold cup.
(4th) blank.
(5th) pylos: blank.
287
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Posiddioi : compare Od. vi, 266 : ev6a Se te 09’ ctyopfi koAov rioCTiSfiiov 0:^915. Mycenaean
shares the classical distinction in vowel between the noun {-sei-) and adjective (si-)
in this name. Poseidon is not mentioned by name in line 3, since his is the only
offering.
a-ke-qe wa-tu = age q'^e wastu? There is nothing lost after tu, as Bennett’s 1951 drawing
suggests. Is this phrase, whose meaning is obscure, meant to be understood in all the
paragraphs? If we translate ‘bring to the town’, then what is the object? And should
we not expect wastu-del If we regard wastu itself as the object of age, ‘bring the towns-
people’ (compare Evans’ showing of the sacred vessels ‘to the assembled people’),
this presupposes a personahzed sense of dcrru which is so far quite unparalleled. It is
these difficulties which have evidently led Palmer to postulate in this line a quite
different verb *dyco ‘purify’ related to dyvos, dyiog, djopai.
qo-wi-ja, etc. ; the second word, too uncertain to be read, seems to consist of two signs
written over an erased three-letter word. The phrase may be intended as a description
of the preceding women, qo-wi-ja is apparently from g'^ous ‘ox’ ; acrobats for the bull
games?? ko-ma-we-te-ja cannot mean ‘long-haired’, for which -wessa would be the
feminine. Note that these words do not show the expected dual in -0: Chadwick
suggests that they are in fact the names of female divinities associated with the
Posiddion, and possibly explaining the sex of the cup-bearers, which elsewhere agrees
with that of the recipients.
pe-re-*82\ the vowel ending is probably -a in view of the adjectival formation in -jo,
which parallels that from di-u-ja. Palmer reads *82 as ja^, comparing the men’s
names Ki-ri-* 82-jo j Ki-ri-ja-i-joj Ki-ra^-i-jo; and reads flEAsia ‘dove-goddess’ (cf. the
TTEAEiai at Dodona). This goddess now recurs on Pylos Uni 189 , as the recipient of
female animals, and with Po-se-da-o-ne (erased) on the same tablet. Does *82 represent
jaijja'i, so that the form is in fact dative plural?
Iphemedeidi = ’\<^\\i.i?)i\o., the mother of Otus and Ephialtes by Poseidon, Od. xi, 305.
The absence of initial W- and the spelling -pe- show that this name does not contain
I91; contrast the man’s name Wi-pi-no-o = ’\<^\voo<;. Almost certainly a pre-Greek
deity, whose name has been modified by popular etymology ; the confusion of e and i
seems to be confined to non-Greek words.
Diwjdi (disyllabic like me-u-jo = mewjdn?) : compare the goddess Ai[^ia on an early fourth-
century' Pamphylian inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 686^). This paragraph, like lines
4 and 5 of the ‘reverse’, evidently deals with a mixed collection of deities, who may
have features of their cult in common.
E-ma-ao (also Uni 1 . 8 ): apparently Hermddi, cf. Horn. 'Epyiqs, 'Eppsias, dial. ‘Eppas,
‘Eppdcov, 'Eppdos, etc. The etymology' from Eppa ‘cairn’ is disproved by the absence
of f- in early' Cretan inscriptions and in Homer. A-re-ja is obscure: cf. the epithet
"Apqa (acc.) applied to Zeus and Enyalios, and "Apeiav, *Apqav to Athena, in a
fourth-century' inscription from Arcadian Orchomenos, Schwyzer, Dial. 665 c. The
connexion with "Apris is doubtful, unless the Aeol. 'Apsus, ’Apsuios is secondary'.
diwjo- ‘of Zeus’: note the different spelling (and meaning?) of di-wi-ja on 28 =An 42 .
The meaning ‘of Zeus’ is very' rare for the classical 6Tos, and no temple-name is
288
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
172
formed from it. Compare, however, the Knossos month-name Di-wi-jo with the
classical Alos.
E-ra\ the association with Zeus makes the identification with Hera almost inevitable.
The etymolog)" <*°Hpfd must be abandoned; it is built on the isolated Elean
'EpfaOiois, the derivation of which from the divine name is only assumed. It is
contradicted by dialect forms without f, e.g. Cypr. “Epai, Schw^'zer, Dial. 68 1 (4),
and by the Attic ”Hpa, since *"Hppd would give °Hpri (cf. Kopp). Chadwick suggests
reading E-[ra]^ on Unll .8 between Potnidi and Hermddi.
di-ri-mi-jo, etc. : the second word appears to be di-wo (gen.) rather than Bennett’s di-we.
This would prevent us from regarding Drimios as an epithet of Zeus (cf. Apupvios
6 Zeus Ptoi Saipcov outgo rrapct FlapcpuAiois, Tzetzes ad Lycophron, Alex. 536) ; but
this ‘priest of Zeus’ may conceivably be a hero figure rather than a living person.
Potnidi: the specification ‘at Pa-ki-ja-ne' makes it unnecessary' to name her more
exactly; whoever she is, the Mistress is almost certainly the divinity serv'ed by the
‘ priestess of Pa-ki-ja-ne ’ on the Pylos land tenure tablets, and possibly that understood
in the phrase theoio doelos. Compare Athdnd potnia on Knossos 208 = V 52 ? Or the
phrase Artemitos doelos on 167 = Es 650 (and "ApTEpig troTvia Oppcov, II. xxi, 470)?
Or the title ai HoTviai = Demeter and Persephone (and read ‘the Demeter of
Pa-ki-ja-ne ’ on 114 = En 02 . 1 )?
Posiddeiai: her name shows the same structural relation to that of Poseidon as Diwja’s
does to Zeus.
Tris-herdei? : the subject of an article by Hemberg (1954), w'ho regards him as an
ancestral figure related to the Attic Tpi(To)TrdTopes, lit. ‘great-grandfathers ’, recorded
as having the function of fiupcopoi Kai <puXcxKes toov dvepcov. One would, however,
expect -e-ro-we in the dative.
Hemberg also joins Furumark and Carratelli in reading do-po-ta as a variant form of
SeorroTps (* doms-potds beside *dems-; cf. 66pos, Skt. ddmpati- ‘master’); or more
likely dospotds from *dTru- (cf Arcad. 6£kotos< * dekm-tos) . Note that for some reason
(the absence of a public procession?) neither of these last entries includes a ‘cup-
bearer’.
2 . PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE FROM PYLOS VILLAGES
(i) The Ma- Tablets
The arithmetic and phraseolog)' of the eighteen tablets which make up the
Ma- series have been discussed by Bennett (1951c, p. 36), Furumark (1954,
pp. 42-3), Sundwall (1953^) and Carratelli (195412, p. 97; 1954^, p- 220).
Each tablet is a reckoning of varying amounts of a list of six commodities in
fixed order, which will for simplicity be transcribed by the letters A-F.
It will be noticed that A, D and F are measured in whole numbers, B,
C and E in units of weight : this distinction will not be further indicated in
transcription.
19
289
VAC
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The ideogram D probably represents wrinoi ‘oxhides’ (more clearly on
Knossos M 797, identified in SM II, p. 6i, no. B 101). The other pictorial
symbol, A, looks Hke the syllabic sign pte with an inserted we ; but the Knossos
forms of this sign (e.g. on M 467) diverge considerably from the Knossos pte,
and on M 757 and M 5712 it even has a ‘fringe’ along
the bottom similar to that of the cloth ideogram (see A
p. 313). It is associated with wool on M 559 and on
M683, as well as on the fragmentary" Pylos Un853, in 7?
which Poseidon’s name occurs in the preamble. It
probably represents some textile material. Tablets IVInOl ^
and Mn02 are lists of this commodity by itself ^
The other four commodities are recorded by syllabic
‘initials’, and there is no guarantee that they have the £
same meaning as similar syllables used as abbreviations
in other contexts. Note, however, that ke-ro is used at F
Knossos (U 436, U 746) as an adjunct to the circular
ideogram measured by weight on the Knossos Me- tablets, which are similar
in arrangement to this Pylos series (see below, p. 302). It may represent
KTipos ‘beeswax’; though there is some doubt whether the Common Greek
may not be *Ko:p6s (cf Boisacq s.v.). A, B, D, E and F also occur on a
fragmentary tablet of different arrangement, Mn03.
The six commodities are probably all materials required by the palace
workshops (though not all of metal, as Carratelli assumes), but whether for
connected or various purposes is uncertain. The first line of each tablet records
a place-name, followed by amounts of the six commodities which are clearly
calculated in a fixed proportion of 7 : 7 ; 2 : 3 : li : 150. The first table gives the
ideal scheme, including fractions, which results from exact calculation :
A
B
C
D
E
F
17I
17?
5
3i
375
2 i
231
63
10
5
500
28
28
8
12
6
600
42
42
12
18
9
900
46$
46!
135
20
10
1000
63
63
18
27
132
1350
70
70
20
30
15
1500
The next table shows the amounts actually recorded, arranged in ascending
order: where these diverge from the ideal values by i-o or more, they have
been printed in heavy type.
A textile?
b ?
^ I Beeswax ?
Oxhides
Cf
"I
290
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
The eighteen place-names agree with the fourteen legible on 257=Jn09,
with the exception E-re-i (Jn09. 19) and A-si-ja-ti-ja (Jn09. 16, which may,
however, be an alternative spelling oA A-* 8 j-ta. 2 ). The ‘Pylos 9 ’ are all repre-
sented : the last two columns of the table below give for comparison the amounts
of ‘fat hogs’ and ‘wine (?) ’ recorded for these nine on 75 = Cn02 and 250 =
VnOl. These show a similar scheme of rising proportions, evidently adapted
to the relative importance of the different villages.
ABODE F Cn02 \'n01
Ma 09
Ri-jo
17
17
5
7
4
362
2
20
Mal 3
Ro-u-so
17
17
5
8
4
Ma 08
Ka-ra-do-ro
18
18
4
8
4
440
2
40
Ma 04
Pa-ki-ja-pi
22
22
7
10
4?
500?
2
35
Ma 05
A-pu. 2 ?-we
23
23
7
10
5
500
2
35
Ma 06
A-ke-re-wa
23
23
7
10
5
500
2
30
Mall
A-te-re-wi-ja
23
23
/ ■
10
p
p
Mal 2
Ti-mi-to a-ke-e
24
24
7
10
5
500
Mal 4
Sa-ma-ra
24
24
7
10
5
500
Mai 7
A-* 8 A-ta 2
24
24
p
?
?
500
MaOl
Pi-* 82
28
28
8
22
p
600
n
3
5 °
MalO
[Za]-ma-e-wi-ja
28
28
8
12
5
600
Ma 02
Me-ta-pa
28
28
8
12
6
600
0
0
50
Mal 5
E-sa-re-wi-ja
42
42
12
18
8
900
Ma 07
E-ra-te-re-ive
46
46
p
?
10
1000
3
50
Ma 03
Pe-to-no
63
63
17
27
0
1350
6
100
Male
Ra-wa-ra-tan
70
p
20
30
20
1500?
Mal8
Si-re-wa
(‘assessment’
not recorded)
The shortest tablet of the
series
(Ma07) has only a
single
line, tabulating
the calculated proportions for the village E-ra-te-re-vce. Furumark is no doubt
right in regarding this first- line entry as the total ‘ assessment ’ which the villages
are required to contribute; and the absence of any further entry here would
indicate that the full amount has in fact been received.
On four tablets the term apudosis (‘actual delivery’) describes a contribution
which falls short of the total assessment, and the adjunct 0 .- is used with each
ideogram to show the resulting ‘ debt ’ {ophelo-) : this calculation is evidently
the main purpose of the series. On the surviving Knossos tablets, a regular
pair of entries with a-pu-do-si and o-pe-ro is only found on X 409, G 461
and Gal530. In the translations of the Ala- tablets printed below', it will be
seen that the amounts in each column below the first hne together add up to
the total ‘assessment’ above.
291
19-2
173-175
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
173 =Ma 06 [ 222 ]
^ a-ke-re-wa ^23 5 23 C 7 Z) 10 £ 5 F 500
2 a-pu-do-si A 10 0. 13 B 22 0. i C j D 8 0. 2 Z'5 F 500
A B C D E F
A-ke-re-wa (assessment) 23 23 kg. 7 kg. 10 5 kg. 500
Actual delivery 10 22 7 85 500
Owing 1 3 I 2
174 = Ma 08 [ 346 ]
‘ ka-ra-do-ro A 18 B 18 C ^ D ]
- a-pu-do-si A 14 0. 4 5 16 0. 2 C 4 D 8 £ 4 F 440
A Z C D E F
Kharadros (assessment) 18 18 kg. 4 kg. [8 4 kg. 440]
Actual delivery 1416 4 84 440
Owing 4 2
175 = MalO [ 393 ]
1 A 28 B 28 C 8 D 12 £5 Z' 600
- a-pu-do-si A 20 a-ne-ta-de A i B 21 C5 0. i D 8 E 6 F 450
3 o-da-a2 ma-ra-ne-ni-jo o-u-di-do-si A ^ B ^ C 2 D ^ E 2 Z’150
^a-ma-e-wi-ja (assessment)
Actual delivery
Remitted
A B C D E F
28 28 kg. 8 kg. 12 5 kg. 600
20 21 5 8 6 450
I
Owing I
Thus M. are/is excused payment 7 7 2 32
The sum is here complicated by a common formula which states that a particular class
‘does not give’ a certain amount. From the fact that this deficit is not taken into
account in calculating the overall ‘debt’, Furumark (1954, p. 43) is evidently right
in regarding it as a free allowance, by which the theoretical assessment for each
village is officially reduced. This is made clearer by the parallel use of the words
iXeueepa, sAsuOspcoae on the Aa- tablets (see p. 298). The class in question is most
often that of the khalkewes ‘smiths’, and it would be interesting to know if the listed
commodities are in fact the product of the smithies; or whether they are materials
which the smiths (or other classes named) are likely to need in the villages more
urgently than in the palace workshops; or whether the formula is in fact only the
equivalent of sa\-ing: ‘The village of A', is excused payment of so much, in recognition
of the fact that it has so many smiths working on government contracts ’ (cf. the Jn-
tablets, pp. 352-8).
292
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
175-178
Tablet 183 =Nn 831 shows a breakdown of a levy of 45 sa (see p. 295) among the
different members of a single village. ‘ The smith ’ is represented among them ; and
it seems likely that the Ma- tribute was also allocated in detail among the different
classes of each village, some of which might receive preferential treatment. The
tendency of the smiths in particular to claim exemption from feudal obhgations in
time of emergency is reflected, for example, in § 56 of the contemporary Hittite Code.
Compare Ma-ra-ne-ni-jo with Ma-ra-ne-nu-we, a class or place providing rowers on
54 =Anl 9 .
The sums for D and E are anomalous, since the village contributes three more of
E than it need, and a debt of one D goes unnoticed : perhaps these discrepancies were
regarded as cancelling each other out. An additional concession for A is introduced
by the word aneta (cf. dveais 96pcov ‘remission of taxes’).
176 = Mal2 [123]
^ ti-mi-to a-ke-e A 24. B 24. C y
D 10 £'5
F 500
2 a-pu-do-si A 21 0. 2 B C D
E F
^ o-da-a^^ ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si A i
B i F 10
A B
C D
E
F
Ti-mi-to a-ke-e (assessment)
24 24 kg.
7 kg. 10
5 kg.
500
Actual delivery
21 (23)
( 7 ) ( 10 )
( 5 )
( 490 )
Owing
2
Thus the smiths are excused payment
I I
10
The entries of line 2 reveal something of the scribe’s procedure : he has written in the
ideograms for the six commodities, but has not bothered to complete the amounts of
apudosis for the last five, evidently because no ‘ debt ’ in fact resulted from them. We
can therefore restore them by subtracting the smith’s allowance from the total
‘assessment’.
From there it is a short step to the layout shown on the next two tablets, where
no apudosis entry figures at all, and where we must again assume that the deliver}’
was satisfactory and incurred no ‘debt’.
177 = Ma02 [90]
* me-ta-pa A 2S B 28 C 8 D 12 E 6 F 600
- o-da-a^ ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si A 1 B 1 D i
ku-re-we o-u-di-do-si A 4. B ^ D 2 E ik Fioo
ku-re-we: CarratelH (1954Z1, p. 220) suggests skulewes ‘leather workers’ (cf. ctkuAos/
cnorros ‘hide’, oxursus, Horn, ctkutotohos) . See also p. 19 1.
178 = Mai 3 [365]
‘ ro-u-so A ly B ly C5 D 8 E \ i^[ ]
- o-da-a.y ka-ke-we a^-te-ro we-to di-do-si A 1 B k F 10
293
178 179
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
hateron wetos didonsi: evidently a less generous concession than the ou didonsi formula.
Either ‘some other year’ or, more probably, ‘in the following year’ (cf. Attic OcxTEpg
‘on the morrow’, and the root meaning of srepos as ‘one or other of two’). The
temporal accusative (where f8T£i might be expected) recurs in to-to we-to (43 = Sn01 )
and may perhaps be explained as referring to an inclusive period rather than a single
point of time; but cf. also Horn, ocurfiiiap ‘on the same day’, Attic ttiv copocv ‘at the
proper season’, etc. (Schwyzer, Gram, ii, p. 70).
On the remainder of the tablets the deficit resulting from the calculation is
shown in the entry perusinwon ophelo-, which is equivalent to the ‘ debt ’ figures
(0.-) included in the apudosis entry of the first tablets. Their identity of function,
in spite of the different wording, is shown by the fact that the two formulae
never occur on the same tablet, and that only one tablet of either type is extant
for each place-name. The variations are probably due to the accounts being
completed at different times, or to differences in the other records from which
they are abstracted. The w'hole series must presumably be regarded as referring
to TTEpucn ‘last year’ (or ‘the season which is past’), and as a collation of
the season’s records made after all the returns are complete.
The occurrence of perusinwa ophelo- on two of the tablets makes it difficult to
read the second word as a noun ocpeAos ‘debt’ (only ‘usefulness’ in Greek),
and preferable to understand 69£tA6<(pevov), 69£iA6<pa'a); unless we punctuate
‘the things of last year: the deficit’. On Mal6 the ideograms have the adjunct
0.- added to them, and the deficit of E is written, surprisingly, o.pe-ro instead
of 0.0. The adjunct 0.- also occurs with an ou didonsi amount on 180 = MaOl . 2 ,
where it seems out of place.
On the remaining tablets the ‘actual delivery’ can be restored as the dif-
ference between the ‘assessment’ and the remaining items. A puzzling excep-
tion is the sum for F on the next tablet, where the full assessment of 362 is
recorded as owing, in spite of the smiths’ free allowance of forty : this deficit
of unparalleled size may be suspected of having been inserted in error.
179 -Ma 09 [ 193 ]
‘ ri-jo A B i-] C5 O’] £4 F 362
^ pe-ru-si-nu-{wo} o-pe-ro A 2 E ^ F 362
^ o-da-a^ ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si A 2 B 4. F 4.0
o-da-a2 pe-ra^-qo A i D 1 [?]
Pe-ra^-qo: applying the common vocalization rai to ra^, Andrews reads the name of the
Thessalian tribe of ITEpaipoi, recorded at Dodona in 11. n, 749. This is difficult to
control.
294
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
180-182
180 = Ma01 [225]
‘ pi-*82 A 28 B 28 C 8 D 22 [£ 6] F 600
- pe-ru-si-nu-wa j o-pe-ro 're-u-ko-to-ro' B 2
o-da-a2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si 'za-we-te' 0 A i B i F 18
LeuktrorP za-'^'e-te : to be taken together? The purpose of this annotation is obscure. The
place-name L. occurs, for example, with Sa-ma-ra on 41=Anl4.
181 = Mal4 [378]
^ sa-ma-ra A 2^ .S 24 C 7 D 10 £ 5 F 500
- o-da-a.2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si 'D 2' A ^ £ 3 C 2 'F 60'
pe-ru-si-nu-wo o-pe-ro A i D 2 £ 100
182 = Mal8 [126]
i-na-ma-ta
^ pe-ru-si-nu-wa si-re-wa o-pe-ro do-si-mi-ja
2 .4 3 B Cl
This tablet is exceptional in showing no ‘ assessment’ entry. The word dosmia presumably
means ‘ (items owing last season) belonging to the dosmos’, perhaps the generic name
for a levy of this type. Compare also the enigmatic basketry-label Wa730:
[ ]-ra-o do-so-mo 10
sa-ma-ra do-si-mi-jo-qe i
The place-name Si-re-wa recurs on MnOl .4. It is tempting to read i-na-ma-ta as a
neuter plural qualified by the adjectives in -a, but difficult to find one to fit. Cf
Arcadian iv dpocra TravTa ‘in perpetuity’, IG 5(2), 5? — but this presupposes a
Mycenaean form in- which is contradicted by en-eensi 114 = En02.2.
(ii) The N- Tablets
The ideogram sa occurs on only three fragmentary Knossos tablets, and is
confined at Pylos to the N- series {Ma Ng Nn). The pronunciation is probably
given by the word ri-no (184 =Nn01 . 1) =Aivov, which might Mi’ p
mean any or all of ‘flax’, ‘linen thread’, ‘net’, ‘sail’, ‘linen ' men.
cloth ’ or ‘ linen garment ’ . Like w o o l ?, it is weighed at Knossos but measured
in whole numbers at Pylos. Skeins of linen thread or bales of linen cloth seem
the most probable: the totalhng to-sa-de perhaps implies the plural Aiva. As
with the ideogram ni = ‘ figs’, the phonetic use of the sign bears no apparent
relation to the initial of the Greek word.
The commodity is evidently subject to the same kind of yearly le\'y as the
six items counted on the Ma- tablets above, but the number of different villages
responsible for it is very much larger.
295
183-184
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Nn831 shows an assessment of forty-five sa for a single village (probably
to be restored as Ko-ri-to, c£ Anl3, Ad07), broken down among its inhabitants.
Some are mentioned by name, some by trade: the ko-re-te (‘mayor’, more or
less synonymous with paniAeus ?) contributes more than half
183=Nn831 (including former Nn02)
' Ao-n-[. ri\-no
Ido-
PKorinthos [will give?] linen:
2 u-re-[ ]
sa 4
U. : four of linen.
^ a-mo-ke-re-\J~\
SA I
A. : one of linen.
^ e-re-e-u
sa 2
E. : two of linen.
^ qo-u-ko-ro
SA 2
The cowherd (s) : two of linen.
® a-ro-je-u
SA I
A. : one of linen.
^ a-mu?-ta-wo
SA 4
PAmuthaon : four of linen.
^ e-po-me-ne-u
SA 4
PHepomeneus: four of linen.
® ko-re-te
SA 24
The mayor: twenty-four of linen
po-me-ne
SA 2
The shepherds : two of linen.
ka-ke-u
SA I
The smith : one of linen.
For the last word in line i one might expect dosmos or dosei, but the reason for the
erasure is obscure.
e-re-e-u : possibly the name of a trade, cf. e-re-e-wo on Na60.
NnOl is a record of the deficit shown by the sa deliveries of nine villages.
Nearly all the place-names are known from other tablets, and the sequence
A-pi-no-e-wi-jo — E-na-po-ro is found again on Vn04. Three of the names recur
in the surviving JVa- series, all with larger amounts of sa:
Pu^l-ra^-a-ke-re-u NnOl : lo Na52: 27 + 3
E-na-po-ro NnOl: 33 Na02: 70
Te-tu-ru-we NnOl: 38 Nal4: 40
From this, and from the fact that the Na- totals are generally in round numbers
( I o’s) , we conclude that the latter are a record of the theoretical assessments,
of which NnOl (and the lost tablets of the same series) enable us to deduce
the amounts actually delivered.
184 = NnOl [228]
* o-o-pe-ro-si ri-no / o-pe-ro
“ u-ka-jo SA 20 ro-o-wa sa 35
^ pu^. -ra^-a-ke-re-u sa 10 ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na
s.\ 5 di-wi-ja-ta sa 60
^ a-pi-no-e-wi-jo sa 28
296
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 184-187
® po-ra-pi SA lo e-m-po-ro sa 33
^ te-tu-ru-we sa 38
vacant 8
Thus they owe linen. Deficit: U-ka-jot’, twenty of linen.
Ro-o-waf’, thirty-five of linen,
etc.
The simplest form of assessment is shown by the tablets Na01-Na44, which
merely contain a place-name followed directly by an amount of sa. The
figures vary between five and 100, averaging nineteen per village; the most
frequent entries are ten and thirty. Each name only occurs once in the whole
series, with the exception of Erkhomenos duplicated on Na72 (perhaps to
be excluded from it?).
185=Na32 [419]
re-u-ko-to-ro sa 10
Leuktron: ten of linen.
On seven tablets the assessment is quaUfied by the formula ‘T. ekhonsR, in
which X. is one of the three terms applied to soldiers (?) on the five An- tablets
dealing with ‘troops’ (see pp. 183-94); the place-names also agree with those
detailed there. Apparently all the entries on the Na- tablets which have verbal
formulae, additional to the place-name, are intended to distinguish amounts
which are not expected to be delivered to the palace (see below) ; and the
wording ‘A. ekhonsi’ may be taken to mean either
‘The X. are in occupation of the place (and they will use the linenY, or
‘The X. (who are at the place) are retaining it for their own use’.
186 = Na46 [543]
ka-ra-do-ro / ko-\ro^-ku-ra-i-jo 'e-ko-si' sa 30
Kharadros : the men of Krokula are in possession : thirty of linen.
Compare ka-ra-do-ro ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men on 60 = An 661.5 (p. 193).
187 = Na49 [514]
\ku\-pa-ri-so / ke-ki-de e-ko-si sa 30
Kuparissos: the ke-ki-de are in possession: thirty of linen.
Compare ku-pa-ri-si-jo ke-ki-de men on 56 = An 657.8 and 10 (p. 188). Probably
the present Kyparissia, on the coast 25-30 km. north of Pylos (KuirapiaariEis II. ii,
593, KurrapicrCTia Strabo, Kurrapiaaos Scylax, Pliny).
297
18&-189
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
188 = Na 928
[ ] u-ru-pi-ja-jo 'e-ko-si' sa io
[Place-name:] the men of POlympia are in possession: ten of linen.
For ?Ulumpiaioi compsLre 57 = An43. 11, 58 = An654. 16, 60 = An661 . 12, 76 = Cn22.6-7.
See p. I go.
A number of the JPa- tablets record two different amounts of sa, one
immediately following the place-name, the other introduced by a clause
tossade X. eleuthera or tossade X. ou didonsi. As on the Ma- tablets, these two
formulae evidently refer to a free allowance deducted from the official assess-
ment, as has been recognized by Furumark (1954, p. 43) and Webster (1954,
p. 15). Their interconnexion is clearly shown in the long formula of the next
tablet, and is confirmed by the totals for the whole series. If one adds up the
surviving ‘ assessment ’ entries (in which the numerals directly follow the place-
name), one arrives at a total of 1245 entries which represent
‘authorized concessions’ (e.g. ekhonsi, eleuthera, ou didonsi, aktiton) together yield
336. These figures may be compared with the cumulative totals recorded on
198 = Ng 02 and 199 = Ng 01 , which (when restored approximately in propor-
tion with the entries of Ng 02 ) probably indicate an expected delivery of about
1500 s.\, and an allowance which ‘is not given’ of about 550.
On five of the tablets with two or three entries, their amounts add up exactly
to thirty, a frequent amount on the single-entry tablets; and it is clear that
the first number does not, as on the Ma- tablets, record the whole ‘assessment’
but only the ‘delivery’ to be expected when the concessions have been sub-
tracted from it (Furumark, ibid.). This is also plain on Na 65 , where the second
amount is larger than the first.
189 = Na 65 [ 568 ]
e-sa-re-u ke-{u)-po-da e-re-u-te-ro-se sa 50
to-sa-de na-u-do-mo o-u-di-do-si
1 A-ke-re-waP : thirty of linen.
And the shipbuilders are excused payment of so much — the e-sa-re-u
Ke-u-podas made it free : fifty of linen.
The title e-sa-re-u only recurs on Knossos 39 = Asl517, q.v. WThster ( 1954 , p. 15 )
connects the Aivov concessions directly with the requirements of the trades named,
i.e. sails and ropes for the naudomoi (see Vocabulary), thread and cloth (for shields,
cuirasses, etc.) for the khalkewes, nets and ropes for the kundgetai. The same reserva-
tions apply as in the case of the Ala- concessions (see p. 293 ).
298
[?a-ke-re]-zi'q sa 30
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 189-194
Both the secondary sense of EAeuSepos and the verb-formation in -oco (originally confined
to tenses other than present, Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 727 ) appear earlier than one
might have expected.
190=Na55 [395]
(top edge: ke-ke-me-no-jo
r , e-re-u-te-ro-se
[ SA nn]
to-sa-de pe-i
[Place-name; x of linen.']
And JT^-M-podas the e-sa-re-u made so much free to them : fifteen of linen.
pe-i = sphe'i or possibly spheis, ‘to them’, as on 56 =An657.11, etc. The note written
along the top edge is obscure.
wa-te-u)
SA 15
ke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u
191=Na56 [248]
ta-mi-ta-na / ku-na-ke-ta-i ' e-re-u-te-ro' s.a 30
T a-mi-ta-naP \ free to the huntsmen: thirty of linen,
e-re-u-te-ro: the singular also appears (wrongly?) on Na54.
192 = Na50 [252]
• ■ e-re-u-te-ra sa 6
n-jo SA 24 , , ,
to-sa-de ka-ke-we
Rhion: twenty-four of linen.
And the smiths (have) a free allowance : six of linen.
ka-ke-we: the dative plural kundgetd’i on 191 = Na56 suggests the alternative reading
‘a free allowance to the smith’ (singular) here. The plural is perhaps more likely
on the analogy of the Ma- tablets, and that of ma-ra-te-we ou didonsi on 195 =Na67.
193=Na57 [520]
P .. to-i-qe e-re-u-te-ra
^ pu^-te-re ki-ti-je-si sa 30
[Place-name:] the planters are bringing into cultivation, and there is a free
allowance for these : thirty of linen.
ki-ti-je-si: the derivation of the verb from an original *kt£Tui = ktijco (cf. Skt. kseti) is
due to Palmer ( 1954 a, p. 67 ).
to-i-qe: toi’i or tois, dat. plur.?
194-Na58 [334]
wa-na-ka e-ke
pi-ka-na / e-re-u-te-ra sa 20
Pi-ka-naP\ a free allowance — -the king is in possession; twenty of linen.
299
194-198
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wa-na-ka: the place may conceivably have a wanax of its own (‘the king has a free
allowance’?) ; but it is more probable that the position of the king in the formulae
is similar to that of the ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo, etc. on 186 = Na46 ff. No other entry combines
ekhei and eleuthera in a continuous sentence, or writes the latter on the bottom hne.
Perhaps the king has already made a levy (in person?) on the place, and the seasonal
contribution is therefore excused.
195=Na67 [245]
. . o-u-di-do-si sa io
e-wi-te-wi -10 SA 20 , , , ■ ■
to-sa-de ma-ra-te-we ra-wa-ke-si-jo
E-wi-te-wi-jo^ : twenty of linen.
And the military leader’s ma-ra-te-we are excused payment of so much : ten of
linen.
ma-ra-te-we-. see Vocabulary. This tablet shows the alternative ou didonsi formula: that
and the alternative eleuthera occupy successive lines of Na66, probably without
distinction of meaning.
196=Na70 [926]
e-ke-de-mi a^-ku-mi-jo
pa-ka-a-ka-ri a-ki-ti-to sa 6
Pa-ka-a-ka-riP : (? the land is) uncultivated, and A^-ku-mi-jo holds it: six'of linen.
e-ke-de-mi: apparently ekhei de min, cf. da-mo-de-mi = ddmos de min 135 = Ep704.5. Does
this entry mean that no flax has been grown during the relevant season?
197 = Na69 [1088]
'^to-sa-de o-u-di-do\-5i sa 20
[ . . . ?^] -ke a-ki-ti-to
[Place-name: So-and-so] holds the uncultivated land [and he is excused
payment of so much?] : twenty of linen.
The series closes with the two Ng- tablets, which we have seen to represent
a cumulative total of all the assessments. The figures for ‘delivery’ and
‘ allowance ’ are split into two different categories by the varying prefix of the
introductory adjectives, whose explanation we owe to Andrews.
198=Ng02 [ 319 ]
^ de-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-ja sa 1239
“ to-sa-de o-u-di-do-to sa 457
Those from this side of ?Aigaleon: 1239 Unerr,
and so many are not contributed: 457 of linen.
300
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
198-199
dewero-Aigolaia? ■. classical SsOpo, perhaps from * 5 £-af£po (Sch%\yzer, Gram, i, p. 632:
* 5 £-ccupo, cf. Avestan avar ‘here, hither’?), is not found in the sense ‘on this side of’.
But cf. Aristophanes rd Trjds Kai TCt 6£upo, Aristotle Tct 5 £upo ‘objects near enough
to be sensible’, English on the hither side, Swedish hit ‘hither’, hit-om ‘on this side of’,
etc.
Aigol- is perhaps to be identified with mount Aigaleon; see p. 144.
The tablet OnOl is evidently divided in the same way into villages ‘this side of A.’
and ‘beyond A.’, and reveals E-ra-to- to be in the first category, and Ra-wa-ra-ti-ja,
E-sa-re-wi-ja, E-ra-te-re-voa, ? Ti-mi-to, Sa-ma-ra, A-si-ja-ti-ja and * Ti-nwa-so to be in
the second. The latter are repeated on the last part of 257 =Jn 09 (lines 13-19), which
is probably arranged on a similar geographical basis. It is noteworthy that none of
the villages ‘beyond Aigaleon’ occurs on the three tablets which deal with levies of
‘rowers’, nor on the five which appear to record the disposition of coastal guards
(except for the doubtful reading ti-mi-to on 60 = An 661 ). There is unfortunately no
more detailed evidence for dividing the villages of the Xa- tablets among the two
provinces, but the further one is evidently much less important than the nearer.
The adjectives can either be understood as applying to the territory, ‘the lands
this side of Aigaleon’ (cf. to: urrspdKpia ‘the uplands’, also the division of Attica
into oi ‘YTOpoKpioi and ot TTctpaAoi, etc.), or to the objects themselves, totalled by
to-sa-de in the second line.
o-u-di-do-to : probably singular, tossa de ou didotoi, agreeing with the neuter plural subject
(unless this is to be taken as feminine).
199 = Ng01 [332]
1 pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja sa 20o[ +
2 to-sa-de o-u-di-do-to [sA nn]
Those from beyond ? Aigaleon: 200 oilmen',
and so many are not contributed : x of linen.
pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja ^pera{i)-Aigolaia? : compare pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja WaOl. 2 , pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja
Adl 5 , pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-jo OnOl.8; Horn. TTEppv dAos ‘on the other side of the sea’,
Aeschylus £k trEpas NocuTraKTias, f) TlEpala ‘land on the other side (of a river or sea),
etc.’; Skt./)ara ‘away!’ (cf. hsOpoi). The name of the site Perakhora north of Corinth,
compared by Turner (1954, p. 19), was TlEpala in antiquity.
3 . THE KNOSSOS Me- SERIES
Bennett has demonstrated to us that the commodities of the eighteen frag-
mentary Me- tablets, found in the ‘ Arsenal ’ building at Knossos together with
records of chariots, wheels, spears and arrows, show' a listing in fixed order
and proportion similar to that of the six items of tribute on the Pylos Ma-
series. Evans {PXI, iv, p. 833 ) identified the last commodity J as the horn
of the agrimi goat (capra aegagrus creticus) used in the manufacture of
301
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
G
in
Buck agrimi?
H
1
She-goat
1
Honeycombs?
J
Agrimi horn
composite bows like the to^ov eu^oov i^oAou aiyos dypiou of II. iv, 105; he
also noted that the numbers of ‘horns’ are always even (except now on
Mc 5098 , and on M 0452 where ‘one horn’ is introduced by \lke\-ra).
The second ideogram H is the normal ‘ she-goat ’
symbol found on the livestock tablets, and Evans
suggested that semi-domesticated agrimi may have
been kept in enclosures to ensure a regular supply of
horns ; but in any case the ideograms most probably
represent carcases sent in by the hunters, whose names
possibly appear as the variable introduction to the
tablets. The first ideogram G, not found elsewhere,
appears to combine the upper constant of the ‘ goat ’ symbols with syllabic ra
(or ra-so, cf. Aaiofiiov ??) : it may be the ideogram for a buck agrimi, the doe
not needing to be distinguished from the domesticated nanny-goat when ap-
pearing in conjunction with him.
The third ideogram I, measured by weight, is problematical. One cannot
argue that all the separate items on the tablet are likely to be needed in the
manufacture of bows, since this can hardly be true of the first two; on the
other hand, it is difficult to think of a weighed substance which might be
derived directly from wild goats. For a possible ke-ro ‘beeswax’, see p. 290;
was this a product of the mountain-sides where the goats were hunted?
Compare psAiacrdcov irsTpris yAacpupfjs epyopevdcov {II. ii, 88) with
alya dypiov ireTpris gKpaivovra {II. iv, 107). Apart from their horns, the
agrimi carcases would also provide meat {Od. ix, 155) and rugs, etc. {Od. xiv,
50)-
The Me- tablets are too fragmentary to be worth transcribing individually,
but the following table shows the amounts visible on the eleven best-preserved
G
H
/
J
Mc5098
345
208
154 kg.
345
Mc0462 + 5792 + 5808
62
30
24 kg.
52
Mc0454 + 0458
30
17
13 kg.
26
Mc0455
28
17
12 kg.
24
Mc0453 + 5798
28 ?
17
12 kg.
24
Mc5118
—
15
—
20
Mc0459 +
23
14
10 kg.
20
IVIc0456 + 0477
16
10
7 kg.
14
AIcl508+ 1528+ 1564
16
10
6 kg.
12
Mc0460
14
8
6 kg.
12 ?
i\lc0464
12
—
6 kg.
—
302
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
of them. The values approximate to a ratio of 5 13: 2:4; where they diverge
from the ideal proportion by 2-0 or more they are printed in heavs^ type.
Mc 5098 is possibly the total of the complete series, though high numbers of
G and H also occur on the fragmentary M 5107 .
It is not clear whether the tablets are the record of an expected quota, or of
an actual deliver)". The horns are considerably fewer than might have been
provided by the number of goats listed, but perhaps only a proportion of them
were of acceptable length and curvature.
4 . OFFERINGS TO DIVINITIES AT KNOSSOS
The eleven tablets of the Fp- series were found by Evans at the beginning of
the campaign of 1900, lying in a bath-shaped receptacle of clay at basement
level between the East Prop\ laeum and the central court (point A on fig. 13,
p. 1 15), together with the remains of the wooden box ^ ^
in which they and the Fs- series (see below) had been '
neatly filed in order. The identification of their only ideogram as ' olive-oil
was tentatively suggested by Furumark (1954, p. 116) and Bennett {MT 1 ,
p. 448), and is now confirmed by the vocalization e-ra^-wo on a number of
Pylos tablets (see p. 217).
Both Furumark and Meriggi pp. 22-6) have recognized from the
month-names which introduce each tablet that the series forms part of a ritual
calendar, specifying or recording offerings sent to a limited number of places,
priests and divinities. It is not always easy to decide in which of these cate-
gories the listed names are to be placed, but the allative accusative ending -de
may be taken as a criterion of place-names.
Within the sub-paragraphs introduced by each toponym three expressions
are found to recur, which will be referenced as P, Q_ and A in the synoptic
table below. They presumably refer to shrines of the same cult in different
places.
P: pa-si-te-o-i =pansi theodi, ‘to all the gods’. See the article ‘Pantheon’ in Paulys RE,
xvm, 3, cols. 698-730. The dedication of shrines and offerings -rraCTiv OeoTs or ©sols
TraCTiv Kai uaCTais seems to have had its widest vogue in Hellenistic times. Pausanias
records two altars 0 £ols Traaiv ev koivco at Olympia (v, 14, 8; 15, i ; 15, 10), as well
as others elsewhere in the Peloponnese. The words ?</o]-ra te-o-i introduce KN
E 842 . 1 , which shows di-ivo on the same line.
Qj. qe-ra-si-ja =(Ferasidi? Note qe-ra-si-jo on Fpl6 and possibly Epl8. Furumark con-
nects this name or title with Horn, xepas {*q'‘erds) ‘meteorological phenomenon .
Schulze (Quaest. Ep. p. 176) regards the name of the Theban seer Teiresias as
similarly" derived (for the second vow'el, cf. Etruscan Terasias, Terasials), and Robert,
303
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Oidipus, p. 69 , thought he might originally have been ‘a chthonic oracle god’ (of
ambiguous sex?). Cf. also Zeus Tepdcmos.
A: a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja = ’Avi\io:iv 'lEpela. See the article "AvEpoi in Paulys RE, i, 2,
cols. 2176-80. Compare Herodotus \ai, 178; A£A9oi pEv 69 Korrd to xpiicmipiov eti
KOI vOv ToOs dv£pou5 lAdoxovTai ; further the EuSdvspoi at Athens and ’ Avepokoitci
at Corinth.
Where a place-name occurs without any such qualification, the offering is
presumably to the tutelary deity or spirit of the locality, whom it is superfluous
to name (cf. Diktd- on Fpl and Fp7): these entries are shown as X on the
table below.
Where P, Ct, etc. occur without any place-name, Furumark suggests that
thev refer to the vicinity of Knossos itself: they have been entered in the
column Nil. The status of the words si-ja-ma-to and e-ke-se-si is uncertain, and
their initials are shown bracketed.
Within each month the place-names appear to have been entered in a more
or less standard order, though this is spread over several tablets in each case,
and the greater part of the series must be lost. The table below attempts to
place the surviving tablets in their approximate sequence (though the order
of the months themselves is of course unknown) . The amounts of oil for each
entry appear to be identical in successive months, with the exception of the
larger entry for P at Pa-de on 200 = Fpl.
Tablet
Month
2.
^ 1
*
Fpl
?]-de-u-ki-jo-jo m.
d
X
XPH .
Pe
, XA
Fpl6
Wo-de-wi-jo m.
PH
Fp48
Wo-de-iti-j'') m.
'A)
XHP '■
p
Fp6
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo
PQ.
Fpl5
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo m.
XP
, Fp7
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo m.
X
Fpl8
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo
HP
Fp5
Di-it i-jo-jo m.
Q.P
Fpl4
A-ma-ko-to m.
■e d
Pa
Fpl 3
Ra-pa-to ni.
*
XPQ_A A
De-u-ki-jo-jo = Deukioio menos? Sittig reads a u'o- before this group on 200 = Fpl . 1, and
takes it as a fuller spelling of wo-de-wi-jo-jo ; but the duplication of entries on Fp48
(found apart from the others?) makes this unlikely, unless the latter belongs to a
304
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
200
different year or series. Chadwick reads a possible u-. Cf. De-u-ki-jo as a man’s name
on MY 46 = Aul02.
Wo-de-wi-jo: the month recurs on 207 = V 280 and in the genitive on 203 = F 953.
U-de-m-jg-jo on Pylos Jn07 has been corrected to U-de-wi-ni-jo (cf. U-de-wi-ne on
CnlO, probably a place-name).
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo'. from Kpalpa ‘head’ i*kra-eira^), or cf. the Ephesian month KAapicov?
The form Ka-ra-e-i-jo on Fp354 may be a mis-spelling of the same word (though the
context, hke that of Fpl48 and Fp363, suggests that it should be classified Fh-) ; and
the following words ]^'o and Pa-ja-ni-jo may also be the names of months, \kd\-ra-e-
ri-jo-jo me-no recurs on Gg7369 and Oa7374.
Di-wi-jo-jo = Diwioio menos. Cf. Alos, first month of the Macedonian year, also in use
in Aetolia, Lesbos, etc. Cf. ^-wi-jo-jo on G 726.
A-ma-ko-to: not a-ma-ko-ro, as read by Furumark and in Bennett’s Index.
Ra-pa-to = Lapato{-jo'} menos. As pointed out by Sittig, the name of this month survdves
in the Arcadian privos AaTTOtTco of an inscription of Orchomenos (Schwyzer, Dial.
667 ; cf Carratelli, 1955 , p. 5 ).
The word menos recurs at Knossos on M 724, Wb M 133 and Od5672, but
the month-names are unfortunately lost. To the six or seven months listed
above, we may perhaps add po-ro-wi-to-jo and ki-ri-ti-jo-jo at Pylos (and new
evidence on the unpublished 1955 tablets). The calendars of the two palaces
may of course have differed somewhat. Does the solitary me of E 842 . 1
stand for mSn ‘month’? None of the names identified shows the typical
Attic-Ionic month formation in -iciov, which is probably a comparatively late
secondary development.
For a cuneiform parallel to the Knossos Fp- tablets, compare Alalakh
nos. 309-18 (Wiseman, 1953, p. 92), which record monthly issues of barley
and sesame-oil to temples and priests. E.g. :
309 : In the month of Tammuz, if(?) qa of barley to the gods, if qa to Tarhuziti,
I qa to the goddess Hepat, i qa to the carpenters, f qa to the gods, f qa to Beruwa.
Total 6f [sic).
310 : In the month of lyyar, if (?) qa of barley to the gods, if qa to Tarhuziti, 5 qa
to Beruwa, 5 qa to the aldermen. Total 13 .
200 = Fpl (A xix)
\l^^-de-u-ki-jo-jo j
me-no
di-ka-ta-jo j di-ive
OIL
1 1
da-da-re-jo-de
OIL
^ 2
pa-de
OIL
1 I
pa-si-te-o-i
OIL
I
305
20
VAC
200
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
6
qe-ra-si-ja
OIL
7
a-mi-ni-so / pa-si-te-o-i
<OIL>
8
e-ri-nu
OIL
9
*4y-da-de
OIL
10
a-ne-mo / i-je-re-ja
<OIL>
^[l?]
1 [ 2 ?]
< 3
<1 I
<14
12
vacat
to-so
OIL 3 1 2
<1 2
In the month of Deukios :
To the Diktaian Zeus: i2 1 . oil.
To Daidaleion: 24 1 . oil.
ToPa-de-: 12 1. oil.
To all the gods: 36 1 . oil,
To the augur \ ? 12 1 . oil.
Amnisos, to all the gods : ? 24 1 . oil,
To PErinys: ? 6 1 . oil.
To *4.y-da-'. 2 1 . oil.
To the priestess of the winds: 8 1 . oil.
(total) 1361.011.
Bennett {MT 1 , 1953, p- 446) recognized the figures in the last line as a total. Reading
<1 2 in line 8, he assumes that lines 6 and 7 between them account for ^ 3 <| i ; but
Pa-de 0 ^. shows ^ i on Fp 48 and A-mi-ni-so P. 1 2 on 201 = Fp 14 , and one might
expect the same entries here. Chadwick reads <1 3 in line 8 of the original.
di-ka-ta-jo di-we: Bennett reads [.]-ka-ta-jo ne-we, but the doubtful signs appear to be
mis-shapen di’s. Diktdnde recurs without qualification on Fp 7 , G 866 and the frag-
mentary' Fh 5467 , where i-je-re-ja appears in the second line. The association of Zeus
with Mount Dikte (now ’A9£VTr|s XpioTos in the AaaiOicoTiKa opri), which perhaps
results from syncretism with a ‘Minoan’ mountain god, is explained in Hesiod’s
Theogony^ pp. 477 ff. : these lines describe how Rhea was smuggled from the mainland
to the Cretan town of Lyktos {Ru-ki-to of the tablets), taken to Dikte, and hidden in
the cave in the ‘Aegean Mountain’ where she gave birth to Zeus. Zeus AiktoTos is,
for example, invoked in the civic oath of Itanos (Dittenberger, SyllA 526) : Aia
AiKTalov Kal "Hpav xai Oeous tous ev Aikto xai ’Adavaiav TToAidSa xai 6eous octctois
EV ’A0avaia Ouetoi jrdvTas; and discussed (with an erroneous location of the moun-
tain) by Strabo, x, 478: EipriTai Se, oti tcov ’ETEOKpriTcov uTrfjpxsv TTpaaos, xai 6i6ti
EVToOOa TO ToO AiKToiou Aids lEpdv xa'i ydp q Aixxq jrAqaiov, ouy, cbs "ApaTOS,
‘opEOS cryESov ’ISaioio’- Kal ydp yiAious q Akxq Tqs “ISqs dirEXEi.
Evans (1897) lent his support to the identification of the AiktoIov dvTpov (Strabo,
X, 476) with the cave near the village of Psykhro, 30 km. south-east of Knossos,
where continuous votive deposits from MM II down to Geometric have come to
light since its first exploration by Halbherr and Hatzidakis in 1886. The offerings
306
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
200-202
on the Fp- tablets are perhaps confined to a restricted association of cults, possibly
centred on sky or weather gods.
da-da-re-jo-de-. Furumark and Meriggi read Aai6dAs6v6a. Cf. Steph. Byz. : AcxiSaXa- . . .
Kai KpfiTTis dAAti (iroAis).
pa-de'. 203 =F 955 has the iovra. pa-de-i (locative?), which makes it doubtful whether
-de can here be allative.
a-mi-ni-so, elsewhere \vith -de\ see 206 = Gg 705 , below.
e-ri-nu \ Furumark (1954, p. 34) takes this as a defective spelling of the dative singular
of '’Eptvus (plural for Meriggi). In addition to her (or their) function as an avenging
deity, "Epivus appears as an epithet of Demeter in Arcadia (Pausanias, viii, 25, 6, etc.)
and in Hesychius’ gloss E. = ’A<ppo8iTT)s siScoAov; so that her early status is uncertain.
*4y-da-de‘. presumably a different name from * 4'j-ku-to-de (Fpl 3 ) and *4j-so-de
(Fh 351 , etc.).
201=Fpl4 (joined to Fp27 and Fp28; A)
* a-ma-ko-to 'me-no' j jo-te-re-pa-to 'oil' / e-ke-se-si <1 i
^ qe-ra-si-ja ^ i a-mi-ni-so-de / pa-si-te-o-i ^ 2 a-re <1 [ ]
In the month of A-ma-ko-to :
. . .2 1 . (oil),
To the augur: 12 litres.
To Amnisos, to all the gods; 24 litres,
To A-re: [ ]
jo-te-re-pa-to e-ke-se-si: Meriggi (1954^, p. 25) recognizes a verbal formula, and reads
6 TpcfTTSTo *‘’E^£cti Svhat was directed towards the deides E.’ (but the Mycenaean
form of TpETTco appears to have had a labio-velar) . 005 TspyavTO e^ectT ‘ thus they took
delight in the discharge ’ ? ? But this leaves the first entry without a specified recipient.
There is a common place-name E-ko-so, adj . E-ki-si-jo, but this can hardlv be its locative.
a-re: Furumark reads ‘to Ares’, but one might expect *a-re-we (*’'Apripi).
202 = Fp 13, now in the British Museum. (A xx)
1 ra-pa-to 'me-no' / ^py-ku-to-de oil <1 i pi-pi-tu-na <1 i
2 * 8 §-ri-mo-de oil <14 pa-si-te-o-i ^ i qe-ra-si-ja ^ i
^ a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja oil i u-ta-no / a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja ^ i <i 2
In the month of Lapatos :
To *4y-ku-to : 2 1. oil.
To Pi-pi-tu-na: 2 litres.
To * 8 §-ri-mo: 8 1. oil.
To all the gods: 12 litres,
To the augur: 12 litres.
To the priestess of the winds: 36 1. oil.
PItanos, to the priestess of the winds: 16 litres.
307
20-2
202-203
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Note that the oil ideogram is only entered in the first item of each fine.
pi-pi-tu-na: Furumark compares AiKTuvva in form; that her name should actually have
been assimilated to Greek hiKTuov ‘net’ from a native *Piptunna seems unhkely, since
the name Aiktci might well have provided its original derivation.
*8j-ri-mo-de: Furumark reads *83 as su, and regards the name as a variant spelhng of
the place Su-ri-mo. Compare Pylos A-si-ja-ti-jajA-*8§-ta2,, which confirms the con-
sonant j- but not, apparently, the vowel {*8j = si, sa or sja?). See also p. 337.
u-ta-no, adj. u-ta-ni-jo, etc. : possibly Itanos, at the eastern tip of Crete, though this seems
very far away (120 km. by road) for a town which apparently supplies sheep to the
palace.
The relation between these tablets and the seventeen of the Fs- series which
were found with them is not altogether clear. These each contain an undated
record of an offering or ration of five to six commodities in fixed order and
in more or less constant amounts (the numbers in brackets show the surviving
occurrences) :
barley: T I (13) T 2 (i)
figs: <1 2 (2) <13 (9) T I (i)
flour: T3; I (9) y? 2 (4)
oil: x? I (4) -c? 2 (6)
wine: <1 I (7) 2 (3)
honey: Nil (6) X7 i (3) xy 2 (i)
= 12-24 litres.
= 4-12 litres.
= |— I litre.
= ^i litre.
= 2-4 litres.
= i-i litre.
Several of the introductory words have -de, which suggests that they are
place-names. Apart from Pa-de (cf. 200 = Fpl) they are all unique, and of
non-Greek appearance. Except for the absence of oxen and sheep, the com-
modities may perhaps be compared with those listed on 171 =Un718.
Other fragmentary groups of Knossos tablets found elsewhere in the palace
show signs of belonging to similar calendars of offerings. Small amounts of oil
are recorded as going Da-* 83 -ja-de i-je-ro (‘to the shrine’) on Fh363 and
\Dd\-* 83 -ja-de on Fh365, where the second line has a parallel [ ']-da-so-de.
Tablets F 953 and F 955 seem to be part of a series listing the same months
and places as the Fp- series, but recording the commodities ma and ko; these
recur, together with the enigmatic word ko-no, on the ‘spice’ tablets from
Mycenae, where they are used as abbreviations of marathwon ‘fennel’ and
koria(n)dnon ‘coriander’ (see p. 227). Meriggi has convincingly suggested that
these tw'o fragments should be joined thus:
203 = F 953 -f- 955 (K bdii + lx)
‘ wo-de-\wi\-jo-jo / me-\no . .^-ri-jo-de
- ko-no MA 3 ko-ri-[ja-do-no nn] pa-de-i ko-no ma 2 ko T i
308
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 203-204
, ^ , r T pa-si-te-o-i T
pa-sa-ja ko-no ma nn ko nn ^ . . , ma 2 ko T 4
■ ■ a-mi-ni-so-de
In the month of Wo-de-wi-jo:
To [ ]-ri-jo: 3 ko-no of fennel, Afl. of coriander.
At Pa-de- : 2 ko-no of fennel, 36 1. of coriander.
To Pa-sa-ja: x ko-no of fennel, x 1. of coriander.
To Amnisos, to all the gods: 2 ko-no of fennel, 48 1. of coriander.
~\-ri-jo-de: Meriggi suggests [Da-da\-ri-jo-de, but cf. ]-ki-ri-jo-de on Fs26.
Pa-sa-ja: this name is repeated on V 451 below Si-ja-ma-\to\, which itself occurs directlv
after the month-name (and before Pa-de) on Fp48.
The last ma in the third line has the small stroke over it which normally distinguishes
the wool(?) ideogram: this is presumably an error.
Another fragmentary series, of which we have perhaps little more than a
month’s records, deals with offerings of jars of honey : one
of these, Gg 10, was apparently found together with the ,
Fp- and Fs- series. Offerings of oil and honey (peAixos “P P 5
Kai dAsl90CTOs dp<piq)opf]as, II. xxni, 170) are among the rites at the funeral
of Patroclus. The word ‘ amphora ’ is indicated by the a surcharged over the
ideogram on Gg704, etc.
204 = Gg704 (D i)
^ [ ] me-no
2 e-ne-si-da~\-o-ne me-ri amphora + a i
In the month of ... :
One jar of honey to the Earth-shaker.
The month reference, unfortunately incomplete, suggests that this is the first tablet of a set.
Fo-ne could be completed Po-se-da-o-ne, but the more immediate parallel is e-ne-si-da-
o-ne on M 71 9 , cf. Gg7 1 7 (where me-na is probably not irfjva but a name, Mf]VTi ‘ Moon-
goddess ’ as on E842, where ^-pe-ro 2 -ne could be ' YiTEplovi) . Meriggi compares E. with
Poseidon’s names ’EvvoCTiyaios, ’EvoaixQcov (//. xiii, 34, vii, 445, etc., cf. sivoalcpuAAos')
or ’EvuoaiSds (Pindar). If this connexion is maintained, the etymology *£Vfo 9 i-
{*wedh-lwodh-, also in coOeco and perhaps eOpis) would indicate a graphic ne for -nwe-
similar to that required in e-ne-ka = *ivYas.a. (cf. Pylos Sa-ri-nu-u'o-tejSa-ri-no-ie), in the
absence of a convenient shortening like the sign nwa = -nu-wa-. It might also indicate
that, though the second part of Kretschmer’s etymology- Poseidon < TToaij Aas ‘husband
of Earth’ may be correct, a parallel verbal form should be sought for the first half;
but a relativ^e of Eat. quatid, O.H.G. scutten. Old Norse hossa ‘shake’ would appear
in the Mycenaean spelling with a labio-velar.
309
205-206
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
205 = Gg702 (D i)
* pa-si-te-o-i / me-ri amphora i
^ da - pU2 ?- ri - to-jo j po - ti - ni-ja 'me-ri' amphora i
One jar of honey to all the gods,
One jar of honey to the Mistress of the Labyrinth.
da-puPt-ri-to-jo (gen.) ; this place-name probably recurs in the da-pu-ri-to-[ of the frag-
mentary X 140 , and might conceivably be a fuller spelling of the Da-*22-to of
Knossos and Eleusis. To identify it with Aaj 30 piv 6 os involves the highly uncertain
assumption that the initial consonant has some intermediate sound pecuhar to
‘Aegean’. But cf. the alternation LabarnasjTabarnas in the Anatolian dynastic name
of the Hittite kings of the Old Kingdom (Gurney, 1952, p. 64); also Ad(pvri/6d9vp.
206 = Gg705 (D i)
^ ] a-mi-ni-so j e-re-u-ti-ja me + ri amphora i
2 ] pa-si-te-o-i me + ri amphora i
3 yke-ne me + ri amphora i
Amnisos ; One jar of honey to Eleuthia,
One jar of honey to all the gods.
One jar of honey [... ].
E-re-u-ti-ja = Attic ElAsidula, in which the quasi-participial ending is probably due to
popular etymology. The form ’EAeuQla, known from Messenia and Laconia (also
’EAsuola, ’EAucrla), is probably a long-standing variant to the ’EA£u6u(i)a which is
the Cretan form in classical times. Her name also appears on three tablets (Od 714 - 16 )
apparently listing woollen garments. Pausanias (iv, 20, 2) records that the priestess
of Eileithyia Sosipolis at Olympia put out for her pd^as pepaypEvas peAiti. For the
traditional connexion of E. with Amnisos, cf Od. xix, 188-90:
(’OSuCTOEus) oTfiae 5 ’ ev ’Apviaco, 661 te cttteos EIAeiQuIps,
EV AipsCTiv xa^ETTOlCTi, poyis 5 ’ OirdAu^EV dsAAas.
cxuriKa 5 ’ ’l 5 opEvfia pExdAAa dcm/SE (KvcocraovSE) dvEAScov,
and Strabo, x, 476, 8: Mlvco 5e <paaiv CTrivsicp xppo’ocaOai tco ’ApviCTcp, oirou to Tfjs
EiA£i6ulas ispov.
The site of Amnisos is generally identified Mth Paliokhora, at the east end of the
long sandy beach of Karteros, 7 km. east of Iraklion, where Marinatos found a Late
Minoan building in 1932. He believes this bay to have formed the chief port of
Knossos; a rival claimant is the ‘Harbour Town’ located by Evans on the eastern
outskirts of Iraklion itself, which, though less convenient for the beaching of ships,
is easier of access to the palace. Whatever the name of this other port may have been
in early times, the proposed location of Amnisos appears to be confirmed by the
nearby cave at Ayi Theodori, first excavated by Hatzidakis in 1886 (cf Marinatos,
310
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 206-208
npoKTiKd, 1929, pp. 95-104; Evans, PM, ii, p. 839), where a deposit was found
stretching from Neolithic to Geometric, around an idol in the form of a ‘stalagmitic
omphalos’.
Chadwick and Bennett read l-ke-ne in hne 3.
207 =V 280 (B xxx)
^ wo-de-wi-jo
vacant
^ to-pe-za o-u-ki-te-mi-r
vacant
^ ' a-pe-ti-ra.2 j o-u-te-mi 4-
o-u-te-mi P-
o-u-te-mi +
o-u-te-mi -\-
e-pi i-ku-wo-i-pi
vacat
Meriggi (1954^, p. 24) plausibly regards this tablet as a record of the piaepai 6:Tro9pd5£s
or dies nefasti of the first or second half of a Knossos month. As in the case of
172 = Kn02, a calendar will most reasonably explain the deliberate leaving of blank
entries. The expression ou ©tpis, ouxi Ospis has an exact classical counterpart, but
the objects or actions to which it applies are obscure: are they the names of festivals
or ceremonies, which can only take place in circumstances ascertained to be
favourable? And did they in fact take place on the day corresponding to the next
succeeding blank entry?
to-pe-za is now known from Pylos 239 = Ta642, etc. to mean ‘table’ (probably torpeza ) :
tables of offerings? a-pe-ti-ra^ is apparently a feminine agent noun in -tria', from
dcpiriijii?
e-pi i-ku-wo-i-pi, without ou themis formula or ‘check mark’: a fuller spelling of i-qo-
{*ikwos) ‘horse’? Or a phrase relating the middle or end of the month to a phase
of the moon: epi ixuoiphi (dual instr., cf. i^us, I^ues, ‘waist’)??
208 =V 52 (?)
^ a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja i [...]
2 e-nu-wa-ri-jo i pa-ja-wo-[ne? i] po-se-da-[o-ne i?]
To Mistress Athena: i
To . . .
To Eny alios: i
To Paian: [i]
To Poseidon: [i]
a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja: cf. II. vi, 305: ttotvi’ ’A0r)vair|, epucti-tttoAi, 5la Osdcov. Nilsson (1950,
p. 499) suggests that Athena ‘was originally the goddess who protected the palace
The month of Wo-de-wi-jo :
(4th) The tables: it is not right.
(loth) The releasers: it is not right,
(i ith) The releasers: it is not right.
( 1 2th) The releasers : it is not right.
(13th) The releasers: it is not right.
(14th) At the waist (??).
208
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of the Mycenaean king, and whose cult belonged and whose protection was afforded
to the king personally’ (cf. 205 = Gg702?). The name Potnia (not necessarily referring
to the same goddess) also occurs on Knossos M 729.2.
e-nu-wa-ri-jo = '‘Ev\jak\o<i, an early god of war [II. n, 651, etc.), perhaps a consort of
’Evucb, later regarded as an epithet of Ares. The name possibly recurs in the form
E-nwa-ri-jo on Pylos 55=An724.
pa-ja-wo = Piom.enc ITaipcov II. v, 401, Dor. flaidv (*naidfcov, perhaps from Traico
‘strike’), healer god, later identified with Apollo. It is not clear whether the names
on this tablet are in the nominative or dative.
po-se-da-\o-ne-. cf. 169 = Es646, etc. at Pylos. The name only recurs at Knossos on
X 5560: ^-ke po-se-da-o i [ .
312
CHAPTER X
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
1 . TEXTILES AT KNOSSOS
The numerous Knossos tablets characterized by Evans’ ‘banner’ ideogram
(no. 159) and classified by Bennett with the prefix!,- have been discussed in
some detail by Furumark (1954, pp. 44-8) and Bjorck (1954^). Their most
characteristic vocabulary word is the plural pa-we-a = pharwea, whose identity
159 P U clothI-^
164
Q ^ A kind of cloth
jjjj] GLOTH^'-^ + TE
145
^ WOOL
161 (Adjunct)
162
TUNIC-hKI
^ GLOTH®-|-PU
158
Bundle?
with the Homeric 90:905 proves that the ‘ banner ’ is in fact a piece of cloth :
the ideogram probably represents an upright loom with loom-weights on the
warp rather than a garment with a tasselled fringe. Small superior figures
have been added to the word cloth in transcription to indicate the number
of intermediate strokes springing from the bottom horizontal, although these
variations are probably not significant except on 210 = Lc 526 . The Linear A
version, found only on Agia Triada tablet HT 38 , has two intermediate
strokes, and (surprisingly) the surcharged initials ku and zo also found occa-
sionally at Knossos. The Pylos version, found on the 1 952 tablets, has a ‘ fringe ’
of three strokes at top as well as bottom, and the surcharge p.\ (presumably
pharwos) in the contexts where the Knossos ideogram is blank. The meaning
of the curious adjunct No. 161 is obscure (see p. 320), but evidently not a
‘superintendent of olive groves’ (Evans, PM, iv, p. 716).
The lack of naturalistic variation in the ideograms makes it difficult to
visualize the actual textiles or garments listed and to interpret the associated
vocabulary. The Homeric 90905 itself is still remarkably unspecific in meaning ;
‘ a large cloth for a sail’ {Od. v, 258), ‘a large cloak’ {II. ii, 43, etc.), ‘ a funerary
shroud’ (xviii, 353).
Late Minoan man’s dress is usually shown on frescoes and engravings as
313
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
consisting of no more than a kilt; a more abbreviated garment with prominent
cod-piece and open sides is worn by infantrymen, boxers and gymnasts
(including women). ^Vomen normally wear a long flounced skirt, sometimes
with an ‘apron’, and above the waist an open bolero with prominent short
sleeves over a diaphanous or non-existent blouse. The white robes worn by
men and women (e.g. on the Agia Triada sarcophagus, fig. 15, and on the
Palanquin Fresco, PM, ii, pp. 770-3) have been considered to have an
exclusively ritual use, and large formal cloaks have been regarded as the pre-
rogative of chieftains; but something more than a kilt must evidently have
been worn by all classes at least during the winter.
On the Mainland some kind of divided drawers takes the place of the kilt,
and soldiers and retainers wear a white tunic coming down to above the knees.
Women’s dress is apparently similar to that of Crete.
The word pharwea has here been rendered somewhat arbitrarily as ‘cloaks’,
but the remaining occurrences of the ‘banner’ ideogram merely as ‘cloths’,
with little or no attempt to guess the exact shape and purpose of the textiles.
The ideogram translated as wool is derived from a Linear A monogram
of the signs ma-|-ru; its meaning is indicated by its prominent place on the
SHEEP tablets (see p. 203). Even where wool is counted together with
CLOTHS in large numbers, its method of measurement is betrayed by occa-
sional fractional amounts reckoned in i (e.g. on 211 =Lc 532 ); Bennett has
shown that i 3 go to the normal wool unit of weight, which is therefore
equivalent to about 3 kg. (approximately the weight of a heavy blanket or of
a present-day winter overcoat). On the Mainland wool only occurs with
whole numbers; and on Mycenae 227 = Oel 27 it is itself introduced by pa-we-a^,
suggesting that it has come to mean an indivisible unit of woollen material
parallel to the cloth ideogram.
Parallel accounts of cloth and wool are found at Alalakh, e.g. no. 357
(Wiseman, 1953, p. 99) : ‘Account of thirty-seven pieces of cloth and thirty-five
measures of wool belonging to the sakanaku official’s store ’ ; and at Ugarit,
e.g. RS, XI, 732 B (Virolleaud, 1940, p. 257):
Five tunics, 500 shekels of purple wool. . .for the king.
Two tunics, 200 shekels of purple wool. . .for the queen.
One tunic, 100 shekels of purple wool. . .for the king’s son.
One tunic, 100 shekels of purple wool. . . (for various officials).
Knossos tablets 214 = Ld 571 ff. are probably palace inventories of cloaks de-
signed, as at Ugarit, for ‘distribution to functionaries, for example those who
lived in the palace itself, who were guaranteed to receive a new garment when
314
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
209-210
their old one was worn out’ (Virolleaud, 1953 , p. 193 ). Medieval English
account rolls show a similar grading of officials according to the value and
elaborateness of the robes which they receive from the king as part of their
allowance.
The Lc- and L- series, on the other hand, probably represent for the most part
receipts of cloth and wool from outlying villages, since the)^ are introduced by
place-names and include entries of o-pe-ro ‘debt’ (L 473, L 869) and a-pu-do-si
‘ delivery ’ (L 5867, L 5930) . The surviving range of place-names is as follows :
A-mi-ni-so, Da-te-we-ja, Da-wi-ja, Da-* 22-ti-ja, Do-ti-ja, E-ki-si-ja, E-ra-ja,
Ja-pu^-wi-ja, Ko-no-so (te-pe-ja), Pa-i-ti-ja, Pa^-mi-ja, Ra-su-ti-jo, Ri-jo-ni-ja,
Se-to-i-ja, Ti-ri-to, Tu-ni-ja, Tu-ri-si-ja, '\-ru-wo-we-ja.
It will be seen that the majority are in the -a form of the adjective: this can
be taken either as referring to the pharivea themselves or to the groups of
women who have manufactured the goods.
209 = Lc525 (F xl)
^ . . wa-na-ka-te-ra cloth^ — te 40 wool 20014 -
se-to-i-ja ^ , V 1
tu-na-no cloth^ 3 wool [nnj
From Se-to-i-ja-.
Forty edged cloths of royal type, 200 4- measures of wool;
Three cloths of tu-na-no type, several hundred (?) measures of wool.
cloth + te: Mycenaean wheels are distinguished as being te-mi-*’ji-ta (Pylos
WHEELS-hTE) or o-da-ku-wc-ta (see p. 370). The second term is also applied to
woollen cloths on 220 = L 870, and it is possible that they refer to different kinds of
decorative border, cloth + te containing the initial of the first. Some of the
instances of cloth + te in Bennett’s Index (p. 1 16) must be corrected to cloth + pa
(e.g. Le786).
tu-na-no : the meaning of this term is unknown. It regularly occurs with the plain cloth
ideogram on the second line of tablets whose first lists cloth + te (with pe-ko-to)
or plain cloth (with ko-u-ra). On 212 = Lc535 all three categories are separately
totalled. The traces of numerals after the second wool seem to include hundreds.
210 = Lc526
, . . pe-ko-to cloth^ 4 -te 10 cloth-4-te 14 F
da-wi-ia ^ 1 ■ ■ r n •
tu-na-no cloth^ 3 wool [nnJ
From Da-wo:
Ten edged cloths (type A) of pe-ko-to, fourteen edged cloths (type B) . . .;
Three cloths of tu-na-no type, x measures of wool.
pe-ko-to-. occurs on the similar Lc527 and on 212=Lc535, and introduces ideogram
no. 164 on L 698 (cf. 225 =L 520). It is probably connected with the woman’s
315
210-212
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
trade pe-ki-ti-ra^= pektria ‘wool-carder?’ at Pylos (cf. pe-ki-ti-[ on L 656); but
‘carded’ seems meaningless when applied to wool which is already woven into cloth.
The second meaning of •rra<co is ‘cut, shear’; some process analogous to that used in
velvet-making? On this tablet, as on Lc527 and L 5746, two separate entries of
CLOTH + TE are differentiated by a varying number of intermediate strokes to the
‘fringe’.
211=Lc532-[-554 (F)
, pa-we-a j ko-u-ra cloth^ i6 wool 26 2
\-ku-wo ^ _
■’ • tu-na-no cloth^ i wool 3 gloth^-I-te 4 wool 26
[ ] : Sixteen cloaks of ko-u-ra type, 26I measures of wool;
One cloth of tu-na-no type, three measures of wool ;
Four edged cloths, twenty-six measures of wool.
pa-we-a ko-u-ra : the words are written out of alignment, so that it is doubtful whether
they are in grammatical agreement. Furumark’s connexion with Koupd ‘shearing,
fleece’ is impossible, since the Mycenaean form should be kora < *korsd. Cf. ko-u-re-ja
applied to wool on Lc581, to women on 25 = Ap694 (p. 165).
The three separate entries for wool on this tablet are puzzling, since they seem to be
closely allied with the three categories of cloth. It is possible that the wool
entries do not in fact represent a separate consignment but a record of the weight
of wool in the cloths themselves. The numerals on the Lc- and L- series are mostly
fragmentary', but the only complete ko-u-ra entry, on this tablet, would give a ratio
of exactly if measures (or 5 kg.) per cloth; we can probably restore if on Le557
and on Le556. The tu-na-no entries in the second line generally give 3 measures
per cloth (but 4 on Lc530, and apparently about lOO on 209 = Lc525!). The sur-
viving entries for cloth + te would give 6f on this tablet and 7 on Le553. See
also 225 = L 520, where a ratio of 6 is apparent. Sundwall long ago suggested that
the WOOL ideogram is exclusively a unit of value (cf PM, iv, p. 663); but this will
not work on the D- tablets. Although the sheep and wool are in a fixed ratio in
the totals, their proportions are quite erratic in the subsidiary sections of the account.
212 = Lc535a538 (F)
ita-ra-si-ja pa-we-a [ko-u-ra cloth nn ?]
io-sa \ke-ri-mi-ja [tuyna-no [ cloth nn ?]
I pe-ko-to [cloth - r-TE nn ?]
So much piece-work of the ke-ri-mi-ja\ x cloaks of ko-u-ra type,
X tu-na-no cloths,
X pe-ko-to cloths.
ta-ra-si-ja ‘allocation of raw material by weight’ ( = Lat. pensum). See the Pylos
BRo.NZE tablets, p. 352.
ke-ri-mi-ja : see Pylos 28 = .An42, where it is applied to slave-girls.
316
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
213-214
213 =L 641 (F? xliv)
^ o-a-po-te de-ka-sa-tg a-re-i-jo j o-u-qe po-[ ]
- pa-i-ti-ja pe. cloth + te 2 mi. cloth+te 14 da-wi-ja pe. cloth +
TE [nn]
^ do-ti-ja mi. cloth + te 6 pa^-mi-ja cloth + te [nn]
^ ko-no-so I te-pe-ja mi. cloth + te 3 tu-ni-ja cloth + te [nn]
Thus Areios received delivery from outside, and there are not . . . :
From Phaistos: Two clean edged cloths, fourteen dirty edged cloths.
From Da-wo: . . .x clean edged cloths,
etc.
o-a-po-te = ho ‘ thus ’ + aTTCoGsu ‘from afar’; compare the introduction ho-dexato on
Pylos PnOl.l; and ^-ra-wo de-ko-to ta-ra-si-ja j ne-[, ‘ [?Age]lawos received the
piece-work’, on the adjoining L 642, which is evidently of identical context and which
preserves the alternative Homeric form of the aorist, Sekto.
The adjuncts pe.- and mi.- also occur with this ideogram on KN L 1568. The second
is spelt in full mi-ja-ro in the first entry, which may represent the Homeric ptapos
‘stained, defiled’, though Boisacq postulates *miw3ros\ pe- might then represent
tts-ttAupsvos ‘washed clean’.
te-pe-ja : its recurrence on PY Ad07 (in the genitive plural) suggests that it is a woman’s
trade. Possibly something like sterpheiai, cf. oripcpos ‘hide’ (Furumark). This would
confirm that the ethnics all refer to women workers. These Knossos women are
presumably somewhere in the town, and cotcoGsv means ‘from outside the palace’.
214 = Ld571 (G xlii) ; Ld572 is identical
pe-ne-vce-ta a-ro^-a bundle? i
pa-we-a / e-qe-si-ja re-u-ko-nu-ka cloth* 25
Twenty-five cloaks with white o-nu-ke suitable for Followers, provided with
pe-ne-, of better quality ; and one bundle.
e-qe-si-ja: probably formed from e-qe-ta (a military or religious title), but disconcertingly
used of WHEELS on PY 288 = Sa790.
re-u-ko-nu-ka = leuk-onukha, parallel to po-ki-ro-nu-ka = poikil-onukha on 217 = L 587, etc.
The simple word o-nu-ke {onukhes?) is used with the wool ideogram on Od682 and
M 683. It is also written on one face of the sealing \Vsl703: the other face has
stathmos (‘weight’) and the seal-impression itself is cancelled with the weight symbol i.
The tablet L 1568, mentioned above in connexion with the adjunct mi.-, has on its
edge the puzzling annotation:
a-ze-ti-ri-ja ne-ki-ri-de
o-pi-ma-tu o-nu-ke wool i o-pi-po-ni-ke-ja [
ETTiiaapTus ? cf. 8 tri 9 oiviaaco
o-nu-ka also occurs with cloths on Ld584, as if to mean ‘with o-nu-ke of unspecified
colour’ (though the form of the adjective is anomalous). The connexion with ovu^,
317
214-216
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
‘nail, claw, on^Tc’, etc., is problematical; the sense of the word seems to be that of
some kind of decoration made of woollen thread, which may be measured separately,
but which is designed for application to garments (cf. ‘lace’, etc.). Bjorck ( 1954 ^,
p. 272 ) suggests ‘border, fringe’. Compare ovu^ in the sense of an ornamental band
on the Erechtheion building inscription.
pe-ne-we-ta\ a neuter plural adjective in -wenta (dual on Ld5108?); the initial element
is obscure. Not for TTVEOVTa ‘fragrant’? Chadwick suggests pen-wenta, from ttivos
‘ natural grease in wool’.
a-ro,-a occurs on several other Ld- tablets, and is applied to wheels on So0430: the
feminine plural a-ro^-e is found on L 735 applied to pu-ka-ta-ri-j a cloths. The parallel
declension of me-zo-aojme-zo-e suggests the comparative ctpEicov; for this use of ro^
cf. po-pu-ro. 2 =porphureio on L 758. Perhaps *dpicov (cf. dpi-oro?)? The form a-ro^-jo
on 279 = So0437 is puzzling.
The numeral with the ideogram in the top Hne remains i irrespective of the number
of cloaks (and is often written after them), and Bjorck is probably right in identifying
it as the container or wrapping in which they are kept rather than as a ‘hat’ or
other garment.
215 = Ld573 (G xlii)
e-ru-ta-ra-pi
pa-we-a j ke-se-nu-wi-ja re-u-ko-nu-ka cloth® 35 bundle? i
Thirty-five cloaks with white o-nu-ke suitable for guest-gifts, with red (some-
things) ; and one bundle.
ke-se-nu-wi-ja = ilomevic ^sivia ‘guest-gifts’, here adjectival. On Ld649 ke-se-ne-[_ is
probably an alternative spelling ke-se-ne-we-ja, but note the Homeric by-form
§£ivfiia< *^£vpTifia. Compare also \? ke-se'l-nu-we-jo on X 651, whose context is
shown by the gemtwe pa-we-o in line i. Bjbrck’s doubts whether e-ru-ta-ra-pi repre-
sents the feminine instrumental EpuOpacpi seem unjustifiable.
216 = Ld871 (K? Ixvii)
pa-ro re-wa-jo
[ ']-ra pe-ne-we-ta I e-qe-si-ja te-tu-ko-wo-a cloth'^ 6
Six [garments] provided w'ith pe-ne-, suitable for Followers, well made; from R.
]-ra: a neuter noun, possibly e-ne-ra (cf. the dual e-ne-ro re-u-ko on L 695) ; the context
of e-ne-ra on Ai762 is not clear from Evans’ drawing; e-ne-re-ja is a description of
women on Ak638. Bjorck connects the word with Horn. IvEpoi ‘those below’:
‘under-garments, under-blankets’? Cf. Od. x, 353 : E^aXAs 6 p 6 vois svi ppyEa xoAd,
Trop9up£a KaduTTspO’, uttevepOe Se AI9’ OttePcjcAAev.
te-tu-ko-wo-a, formally perfect participle active of -xs\jyipjs, but used in sense of Horn.
TETuyuEvos; see \Tcabulary, p. 409 .
318
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
217-219
217 = L 587 + 589 + 596 (G)
^ po-ki-ro-nu-ka cloth ^ 24 re-u-ko-nu-ka cloth ^ 372
2 ko-ro-ta^ cloth - 14 pa^?-ra-ku-ja cloth - 42 po-ri-wa cloth - i
edge: tg-sa cloth - 149
Twenty-four cloths with coloured o-nu-ke, 372 with white o-nii-ke,
fourteen dyed cloths, forty-two of the colour of pa-ra-ku, one grey one.
So many cloths (in all?) : 149.
ko-ro-ta^ : perhaps the same word as ko-ro-fo on Mycenae Oel06 (see Vocabulary, p. 398 ),
but -ta^ may imply -tia. Not for krokia ‘yellow’?
pa^?-ra-ku-ja-. probably an alternative spelling of pa-ra-ku-ja Ld580. Or ‘adorned with
pa-ra-ku’'^ For the unidentified precious material pa-ra-ku see 239 = Ta642.
po-ri-wa = Horn. rroAios (of grey hair, a wolf, steel, the sea) .
The sum (?) on the edge unaccountably bears no relation to the separate items.
218 = L 598 (G xlv)
1 [ ]-te-o po-ki-ro-nu-ka cloth^ i
2 \re-u-ko-nu'\-ka cloth^ 37 ko-ro-ta^ cloth ^ 2
edge: to-sa cloth^ 40 0. cloth^ 6
. . .of [ ytds: one cloth with coloured o-nu-ke,
thirty'-seven cloths with white o-nu-ke,
two dyed cloths.
So many in all : forty cloths.
Deficit: six cloths.
This tablet is apparently introduced by a man’s name, like the five pointed out by
Bjorck (Lc481, etc.) each of which has the enigmatic word to-u-ka followed by
WOOL on the reverse. The ending -ka in line i, like po-ri-wa on the preceding tablet,
may indicate that the name of the cloths is here feminine.
219 = L 594 (G xlv)
ri-ta pa-we-a
\da\-te-we-ja cloth ^ i tunig + ki i
Linen clothes from D. : one cloak, one tunic.
ri-ta pa-we-a: also on X 5927. 4Vith this tablet we leave the category of woollen gar-
ments: ri-ta is the Homeric neuter plural Alxa ‘linen cloth’, probably adjectival
here. The tunic ideogram differs from the corslet sign (see p. 380 ) by the
absence of cross-lines and the less pronounced shoulder-loops. The surcharged ki
probably stands for the ki-to = xitcov of 222 = J 693, and identifies the garment as a
shirt, a lightly protected tunic, or as the foundation of a corslet before the addition
of armour. The word is borrowed from the Semitic form seen in Hebrew k^tonet.
219-222
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ugaritic ktnt (probably) and Akkadian kitintu ‘linen dress’; the basic kitu, kitinnu
means ‘linen’ itself in Akkadian, but it is perhaps better to assume that the My-
cenaean word was borrowed as the name of a specific garment. On Lei 78 the tunic
occurs with the surcharge ri (lUos?) and the annotation u-po-we: compare Hesychius
UTTO(*p)£CrTTlS-
220 = L 870 (K? Ixi)
[o]-da-ku-we-ta / we-we-e-a cloth® i tunic + kj i
W oollen clothes provided with o-da-k- : one cloak, one tunic.
Compare the formula of Od. viii, 392, etc. : 90:905 bjttXuves pSe yiTCova.
221 =L 647 + M12 + 5943 + 5974 (F)
nu-wa-ja pe. cloth [nn] Vf • cloth 17 tunic + ki 3
[ ]-rfl e-ni-qe e-ra-pe-me-na 'nu-wa-ja' cloth i [ J-rflg cloth i
[Garments :] x clean cloths of nu-wa-ja type,
seventeen dirty cloths, three tunics,
one cloth of nu-wa-ja type, torn and mended,
one . . . cloth.
Joined by Bennett from four fragments in 1954. The meaning oil nu-wa-ja is unknown
(cf. nu-wa-i-\_ X 663). It is just possible that the unidentified adjunct, which seems
to be a monogram of mi+pu^, is an alternative way of writing mi-ja-ro ‘dirty’?;
pu^ for -rrAuTeov ‘must be washed’?
e-ni-qe occurs on two other fragments as e-ni-qe nu-[ and e-ni-qe pe-ne-[ \ see Vocabulaiy',
P- 392-
e-ra-pe-me-na'. the perfect participle passive of pdrrTco ‘stitch’, i.e. errapmend > k^po.\i.\xbJV\,
with a surprising lack of assimilation. Cf ra-pte ‘tailor’, ra-pi-ti-ra^ ‘seamstress’,
neither of which shows the postulated *p-.
222 -J 693 (F xlvi)
* ri-no j re-po-to 'qe-te-o' ki-to bronze e i [
2 sa-pa i 2 5-1 e-pi-ki-to-ni-ja bronze / i [
Fine linen, of the tribute: a tunic = i kg. of bronze. . .
a sa-pa = 4.^ g. (of bronze),
over-shirt (s) = I kg. of bronze. . .
ri-no re-po-to = Aivov Aetttov, cf. It. xvin, 595 • tcov 6 cxi uev AETrT6!5 666vcx5
XiTcovas aorr’ EuvvijTOus. The form qe-te-a.^ (neuter plural) occurs on Pylos 96 = Un02,
q.v. It is uncertain whether the bronze figures are an indication of the value of the
items or of their actual weight (‘measured in bronze units’, in default of special
units like those for wool?) ; but a ‘tunic of fine linen’ is perhaps unlikely to weigh
more than 300 g. or so.
kito^Yyrwv. other cases of this word occur in less clear contexts: ki-to-pi on Le787
(instr. plur., cf pa-we-pi = pharwesphi L 104), ki-to-na on L 785.
320
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
222-225
sa-pa: this garment recurs on Mycenae Oel08.
e-pi-ki-to-ni-ja: presumably epikhitonia. A similar formation is seen in the expression
e-pi-ro-pa-ja o-du-we te-o-qo-ri-ja on the related tablet in the same hand Od696:
cf. Acbnri ‘cloak’, Od. xiii, 224, and OeonoAos ‘priest’. Note also o-pi~i-ta-ja on
X 537 (cf. iCTTos ‘loom, web’?).
223 =L 471 (? xciv)
{j)u]-ka-ta-ri-ja / re-u-ka 'me-zo-e' cloth'^+pu 10
Ten white double cloaks, larger size.
pu-ka-ta-ri-ja: this word recurs on the Mycenae tablet X 508. Chadwick rejects a
connexion with TruKTaAijco ‘fight, box’, and suggests a dissimilated form of *ptukt-,
i.e. ‘a garment of double thickness ’= Homeric SiirAa^ (fern., sc. )(Kcdva). The
feminine gender is proved by the ending of mezoes ‘larger’. Me-zo-\_ also occurs on
Lc504; Bjorck suggests emending me-ko-ta on L 469 to read megistai ‘largest’, which
actually occurs on X 537.
224 = L 474 joined (E? xlviii)
po-pu-re-ja / pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth^4-pu 21
Twenty-one purple double cloaks.
po-pu-re-ja\ cf. the dual po-pu-ro^ with two cloths -i-pu on L 758; and wa-na-ka-te-ro
po-pu-re-\^ on X 976, suggesting that purple was already a favourite royal colour.
Cf. Od. XIX, 225: TropcpupsTjv ouAriv eye 6105 ’ 05 uctct£us SiTrAfjv.
225 = L 520
(F)
* do-ti-ja
wool
1 8 pe-re-ke
S
3
2 ka-ma
WOOL
12
Q
2
^ sa-mul-ta-jo
WOOL
24
Q
4
Do-ti-jaP : 54 kg. of wool, makes three cloths.
The ka-ma : 36 kg. of wool, makes two cloths.
Sa-mu-ta-jo^ -. 72 kg. of wool, makes four cloths.
pe-re-ke'. possibly irepiexEi (‘embraces, comprises, makes’), with uep before a vowel as
in Cyprian, Pamphylian, etc. Evans {PM, iv, pp. 662-3) pointed out the ‘numerical
equation’ on this tablet, and regarded the second ideogram as a unit of weight,
identical to a Zakro stone weight of MM III which has a similar design on one face
and six dots on the other, and which weighs 220 grams. If there is in fact an equation
on this tablet, then the value represented must be much larger, since six times the
WOOL unit makes 18 kg. It is clear in any case from L 698 (where the ideogram
is introduced by pe-ko-to and has the normal ‘fringe’ at the bottom) that it is no more
than a specialized form of the cloth sign.
21
321
VAC
226-228
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
2 . TEXTILES AT MYCENAE
Of the three dozen tablets found by Wace in 1952 in the ‘House of the Oil
Merchant’ and published by Bennett, all but two probably list the wool
ideogram. The majority consist largely of personal names in the dative (e.g.
Opheldnorei on Oel26), and seem to be the record of cloths or clothes issued to
members of a large household.
226 = Oel29
di-ke
ne-wo ka-na-pe-we wool 4
Four woollen cloths to the young (or new) fuller Di-ke.
Other occupational names found in this context are a-ke-ti-ri-ja ‘nurse?’,
pe-re-ke-we {plekewei'^) , a-to-po-qo ‘baker’, ke-ra-me-wi ‘potter’, ka-ke-wi ‘smith’
(note the unusual datives in -f); also ko-wo ‘son’ and tu-ka-te-re ‘daughter’.
General textile vocabulary shared with the other sites includes ta-ra-si-ja
= talasia (cf. 212 = Lc535), o-no (also with wool on Pylos 41 = Anl4 and
UnOl) and pa-we-a^=pharwea.
227 = Oel27
pa-we-a 2 e-we-pe-se-so-me-na wool 20
Twenty woollen cloaks which are to be well boiled.
e-we-pe-se-so-me-na ■. apparently eO svpriaongva, from eyco ‘boil (trans.)’. The meaning is
uncertain: cf. gipriCTacrOai ‘to dye’ (Pollux, 2 a.d.)? Or cf the word bash ‘cooked’
frequently applied to clothes at Nuzi, interpreted as ‘bleached’ (Lacheman, 1939,
p. 543)? Or are the clothes simply going to the laundry?
228 = Oelll + 136
' pe-ru-si-nwa o-u-ka [?
- u’o-ro-ne-ja pa-we-si[
^ ne-\wa1^ o-u-ka
^ [ ]-ki-ni-ja wool ioo[
^ [ ]o-ta-pa-ro-te-wa-ro wool 20o[
Last year’s o-u-ka:
X woollen cloths for cloaks. .
New o-u-ka:
100 cloths of. . .-ki-ni-ja type.
200 cloths. . . , which are from Te-wa-ro.
322
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
228
o-u-ka (cf. o-u-ko Oel08): meaning unknown. Compare the Knossos word to-u-ka
(Lc481, etc.)?
wo-ro-ne-ja: a form wloneia from *wolnos > ovko^ ‘wool’, with the metathesis seen in the
by-form Afjvos < *u'ldnos? Palmer proposes worneia = apveia ‘ of lambs ’. Bennett reads
pa-we-si-jo followed by the wool ideogram, but the end of line 2 is very uncertain.
o-ta- : the very tentative division onta pan Te-wa-ro would involve the form ovTa of the
present participle which is so far confined to Attic; but o may not be initial.
3. TEXTILES AT PYLOS
Ten very fragmentary tablets of a textile context (classified La-) were found
at Pylos in 1952. They share with Knossos the word ko-u-ra (cf 211 =Lc 532 ) ;
the genitive wanaktos ‘of the king’ is found on the reverse of La 622 (cf
145 ffl WOOL 159 CLOTH + PA
143 ^ Silver? 160 [Y| Kind of cloth?
209 = Lc 525 ); the ideogram no. 143 occurs with the weight symbol i on the
reverse of La 630 , and is perhaps identical with that suggested for ‘silver’
(see p. 351, and compare the metal weights on 222 =J 693 ).
4. MYCENAEAN VESSEL NAMES
The ideograms for vessels show a great variety of forms, and it is not feasible
to allot a separate reference number for all of them; new tablets may easily
extend the range. Although they are intended as a more or less faithful drawing
of the numerous different types in use, it is characteristic of both Knossos and
Pylos that the scribe almost always adds the Greek name of the vessel type
either in full spelling or as a ‘surcharged’ initial (the references to these initials
in SM 11 , p. 59 should be treated with caution). The fact that the same names
recur with the same shapes at the two palaces effectively disproves the objection
which has been raised that such an added description is superfluous and
improbable. That the practice is inherited from Linear A is suggested by the
Agia Triada tablet HT 31 {PM, iv, p. 732, fig. 717), where vessels are anno-
tated with sign-groups corresponding to Linear B su-pu and ka-ro-pa^, cups
with pa^-pa^, su-pa^-ra and pa-ta-qe: the difference of language is obvious.
Thirteen vessel types with known Mycenaean names are shown in fig. 16.
Even though the ideograms are naturalistic and provided with Greek names,
it is not easy to connect all of them securely with types known from the
323
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
archaeological record, or to fit them accurately into the classification of shapes
set out by Furumark {MP, figs. 2-21). There are two main reasons for this:
I. The connexion of classical Greek vessel-names with classical shapes is itself to
some extent a matter of guesswork; and not only have the classical shapes designed for
each specific purpose undergone marked changes from their Mycenaean equivalents,
but the Greek names themselves can be seen to show shifts of meaning between earfier
and later writers.
Knossos
Pylos
Mycenae
Transcription
fl .DSS 0
pi-je-ra^
pi-a 2 -ra
ti-ri-po-de
200
201
V — ^
1
ci-ri-po-di-ko
BOILING PAN
TRIPOD
CAULDRON
202
di-pa
GOBLET?
203
V
qe-to
qe-to
WINE JAR?
204
qe-ra-na
EWER
205
a-te-we
JUG
206
ka-ti
HYDRIA
207
^ ku-ni-su-paj
TRIPOD
AMPHORA
208
to
BOWL
209
^ a-pi-po-re-we
]-re-we
a-po-re-we
AMPHORA
210
ka-ra-re-U’e
ka~ra-re-we
STIRRUP
JAR
211
po-ti-[ ]-«>«
WATER BOWL?
212
u-do-ro
WATER JAR?
213
^ i-po-no
COOKING
BOWL
Fig. 16. Mycenaean vessel ideograms and their names.
2. That most of the ideograms (at any rate nos. 200-8) represent metal rather than
pottery types is indicated not only by their profiles but by the bronze ideogram
(nos. 202, 205 and 208), and by the fact that they are counted, like those of gold,
in small numbers from one to three. By contrast, note that in 1953 Blegen found 2853
plain pottery kylixes in Room 2 and 2147 bowls and ‘teacups’ in Room 5 at Pylos:
the tablets listing these sets, if they were fisted at all, would evidently have a very
324
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
different appearance. Owing to their melting-down value, finds of metal vessels are
almost entirely confined to undisturbed burials of kings and chieftains, and to household
treasures which have escaped looting by concealment. The bulk of such finds date from
1600-1400 B.C., and it is a moot point whether metal shapes and decoration so far
characteristic only of Late Minoan and Helladic I-II may in fact be assumed to be
still in use around 1200 b.c., and used to illustrate the phraseology of the Pylos tablets.
But some of the more valuable objects may of course be heirlooms rather than of recent
manufacture.
The majority of the fourteen types listed above evidently belong to the
characteristic furnishing of a chieftain’s apartments, and are designed largely
for the heating and carrying of water for baths and hand-washing (and pos-
sibly to a lesser extent for the preparation and
consumption of drink) . Such services are shown
on the Knossos tablet K 93 (fig. 1 7), where the
first set apparently comprises our types 200, 212
and 205, the second our types 208 and 204.
Similar sets of bronze vessels provide (together
with weapons and Palace Style vases) the typical grave furniture of chieftains.
A representative group from the LM II ‘Tomb of the Tripod Hearth’ at Zafer
Papoura {PM, in, p. 634, fig. 398) is shown in fig. 18: relatives of our types
200, 201, 204 and 208 can be seen, together with the ladle of 229 = K 434 and
the lamp(?) of 237 = Ta 709 .
The ‘Chieftain’s Grave’ at Zafer Papoura {PM, iv, p. 861, fig. 843) yielded
a ewer of type 204, a two-handled bowl, a ‘frying-pan’ (lamp?), a mirror,
two swords and two spears. Similar groups of bronze vessels from houses
adjoining the palace are discussed by Evans {PM, n, pp. 623 ff.), and include
two tripods and a ewer from a house to the S.E. of the South House (fig. 394).
Note also the hoard of bronze vessels (types 200, 201, 204) from the 4th Shaft
Grave (Schliemann, 1878, pp. 273-8). The following notes discuss in more
detail the identification of our types.
200. pi-a^-ra or pi-je-ra^ (plural), ‘boiling-pan’: a large shallow vessel, designed to
expose a large area to the fire, and pro\ided with high-swung handles for suspension.
The foot apparently shown on 237 = Ta 709. 1 is unusual, since it is much too narrow
to keep the vessel in equilibrium; it is not entirely clear on the tablet. These vessels
are evidently considerably smaller than the huge hemispherical bronze cauldrons
with three handles found at Tylissos, of which the largest had a diameter of 1-40 m.
The name agrees in sense with the dijaplfisTos 910X11 oTTupcoTos of II. xxiii, 270, and
shows the same vowel-alternation as the classical 910X^/916X11.
201. ti-ri-po, plural ti-Ti-po-de = ipi'no<i, cf. II. xvni, 346: ol Se XosTpoyoov TpirroS'
325
Fig. 17 . Knossos tablet K 93.
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
loraacxv £v Trupi KriXecp. The ideogram conforms to the Bronze Age pattern in showing
the legs attached to the belly rather than to the underside of the handles, but in a
rather more schematic way than on the surviving metal examples,
202. di-pa, dual di-pa-e: spelling, gender and declension suggest identity with the
Homenc Seiras ‘goblet’, but the precise shape and use are far from certain. Late
Mmoan and Helladic drinking vessels belong to the class of ‘stemmed cups’ {MP,
figs. 16-17). The earlier version A in fig. 19 is exemphfied by the four gold cups from
Fig. 18. Contents of the Tomb of the Tripod Hearth, Zafer Papoura
(Evans, Palace of Alinos, ii, p. 63^, fig. 398).
Ae Mycenae acropolis treasure (Thomas, 1939), the silver ‘crater’ from Shaft II at
Dendra, and the ‘loving cup’ on the Knossos Camp-stool Fresco {PM, iv, p. 365,
%• 305 j 2^nd is paralleled in pottery by the ‘Ephyraean goblet’ The kvlix from
the end of the Mycenaean age has a narrower stem, and either one or two handles
which may be low {B) or high-swung (C). The identification of our dipas with such
a cup IS made difficult by the marked constriction at the neck of the ideogram;
by the fact that the handles are shown high-swung even at Knossos; by the broad
base and lack of foot on the Knossos version ; and by the four handles on 236 = Ta 641 ,
which would seem to interfere with either drinking, pouring or scooping (unless
arranged in the paired fashion which has been argued for Nestor’s famous ‘four-
326
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
handled SeTras’ in II. xi, 632-7). The alternative of assuming that the ideogram is
only a schematic indication of a ‘piriform amphora’ {MP, fig. 4) with handles below
the neck encounters the objection that the qe-to of 236 = Ta 641 .2 is deliberately so
distinguished in drawing. The collocation with tripods might suggest that the dipas
is used for bath-water rather than drink, but its narrow base and handleless variety
prove it to be quite small.
203. qe-to (plural) : this vessel appears to have two horizontal handles (like the small
pithoid jar, AIP, fig. 3, no. 27). Bennett’s suggested identification with the classical
Tri6os ‘wine-jar’, ‘wine-cask’, is hard to reconcile with the current etymology.
204. qe-ra-na (sing.): a bronze ewer or ‘oinochoe’ of the type usual in the surviving
bronze hoards: these generally show a horizontal ring two-thirds of the way from
handle to base, to help in pouring (cf. KopcovofEnaa on 235 = Ta 711 ?). Palmer’s
comparison with tteAccvos ‘funerary libation’ would apparently invoh'e an un-
etymological use of q-. Alternatively cf. Old Norse huerna ‘pot’, Gothic hwairnei
(fern.) ‘cranium’ (cf. Lat. testa)? One might expect the prokhowos of Mycenae
234 = Ue 611 to have a similar appearance.
Y
ABC
Fig. 19. Late Helladic drinking cups.
205. a-te-we (plural) : a word in -eus, describing a straight-sided ewer or ‘cream-jug’
with a more elongated neck than (204). The first vessel on fig. 1 7 differs in its curved
handle and tilted spout.
206. ka-ti (singular) : a globular pitcher with the indication of two extra smaller handles
at the widest part of the body, which may be designed to help carry the vessel on
the head. As in the classical hydria and in Mycenaean globular jugs of pottery {MP,
fig. 7, nos. 128 and 129), one might expect to find these two handles in fact set on
the opposite axis to the main one. The spelling represents the ancestor of the classical
KqSis, Kqdapiov ‘ dice-shaker or voting urn ’ (cf. u6pia in the same sense, and Hesychius’
Arcadian gloss KddiSoi- OSpfai).
207. ku-ru-su-pa^? a squat globular amphora with three legs or a tripod stand.
Probably not a compound of xp'^o'os ‘gold’ but a native ‘Minoan’ word, to judge
from the Agia Triada vessel names ka-ro-pa^, su-pu and su-pa^-ra quoted above; cf. the
Hittite (Hurrian; huprush- ‘pilgrim flask’?
208. A shallow bowl with upstanding ring handle riveted on: on 229 = K 434 the
bottom end of the ring stands clear of the body, the condition usual in the survaving
327
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
examples. According to size and context this ideogram may evidently represent
anything from a large bronze basin (cf. fig. i8, object b] and PM, ii, p. 631, fig.
395 a, b, c) to a small gold or silver bowl like those
from Marathon, Mycenae, Dendra and from Ai
Iannis by Knossos [JHS, 74 , 1954, PI. IX). The
Homeric Ae^ris (e.g. Od. i, 1 37) is a possible Greek
name for this type. On 238 = T n 996 . 4 the bronze
bowls apparently have feet, which makes them
similar to the pedestailed bowls found in the
Shaft Graves at Mycenae (fig. 20).
209. a-pi-po-re-we, a-po-re-we = <2^90-
pfipes. The Mainland spelling already shows the
telescoped form (metrically impossible in Homer) ,
but the clear etymology ‘carried on both sides’
has preserved the bond between name and shape
down to classical times. Evans {PM, iv, p. 732)
shows that the single honey amphoras on 204 =
Gg 704 , etc. are probably of metal, pointing particularly to the handles on Gg 709
(of which his fig. 716 gives an inaccurate impression); but the amphoras on 233 =
Ucl 60 rev. may be of pottery, as the 1800 specimens of Gg 700 certainly are. Evans
{PM, IV, p. 734) says that the latter have a surcharged A and ‘spouts’ like stirrup-
jars, but pubhshes no photo; Bennett’s Index (p. 1 14) does not refer to either of these
peculiarities.
210. ka-ra-re-we: called ‘stirrup-handled vases’ in SM IP, the ‘spout’ which appears
in profile on Evans’ drawing is not clear on the photograph (and indeed unexpected,
since the mouth of a stirrup-jar projects in the opposite axis to the handles) but is
confirmed by Chadwick’s autopsy. The use of the word on Pylos Gnll 84 suggests
that this vessel type does in fact represent a stirrup-jar used for oil storage, and the
large number (180) counted on Uc 778 again points to a pottery type; but note that
Evans infers the existence of stirrup-jars in metal from the rivet decoration of some
from Shaft Grave 68 at Zafer Papoura {PM, ii, p. 640). Krairewes from xpalpoc
‘head’, or kldrewes from xAfipos (cf xAripcoTpis ‘voting urn’)?? What Evans inter-
prets as the neck of a stirrup-jar on U 746 is in fact the word ke-ro above the ideogram
no. 172.
21 1. That po~ti-[ on 232 = K 875.6 represents the initial of the vessels introduced by
]-we and surcharged po on K 873 is only a conjecture. The ideogram shows a shallow
bowl or cup (numerals 32, 24, 22) of similar outline to the dipas but with two handles
set on the widest part of the body. On K 873 the first line adds u-do, presumably
u6cop.
212. u-do-ro (plural) : apparently a conical bucket-shaped bowl with two horizontal (?)
handles (absent on K 774 , 776 ). The horizontal line near the top may indicate a
separate rim or lid (shown open on 238 = Tn 996 . 4 ?). It is perhaps the vessel seen
to the left of K 93 (fig. 1 7 above) between the basin and the jug. This vessel was
Fig. 20. Pedestailed bowl from the
Fourth Shaft Grave, Mycenae.
328
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
229-230
possibly used for baling out the bath in 238 =Tn 996 , and resembles the conical bronze
pans from Knossos [PM, ii, fig. 394, no. 4; fig. 396) and from Shaft V in chamber
tomb no. 7 at Dendra. Some similarity is also shown by the bronze tankard from
Tiryns and by the same shape in clay from Pylos, but these have only one handle.
The name is ewdently derived from u 5 po- ‘water’, but the form uSpos itself is only
found with the meaning ‘water-snake’ in Greek.
213. i-po-no (plural) ; a shallow open dish. The classical iTTvog (of uncertain etymology)
means ‘an earthenware dish or cover in which food was baked’ and, no doubt as
a secondan' development, ‘oven, furnace’.
5 . INVENTORIES OF VESSELS AT KNOSSOS
229 = K 434 (D xxxv)
^ ] I BOWL I I
^ ']-de-wa-pi ko-no-ni-pi ^ ^
One . . . , one bowl, one ladle,
one [jug] with. . .bars.
Evans compares the silver ladle from the Vaphio tomb [PM, iv, fig. 91 1); note also
object 0 on fig. 18 above.
ko-no-ni-pi: Evans describes the ideogram as a ‘jug, the handle of which is partly
obliterated; it seems to have had a raised ring round its neck’; Chadwick confirms
that it has a clear band round the neck, ko-no-ni-pi (wrongly printed in Bennett’s
Index as -ja) is evidently a feminine noun (cf. 244 = Ta 714 . 3 ) with genitive singular
in -nios or -nidos. Does it represent kocvovi's ‘cross-bar’? Cf. also II. xiii, 407: dcrrTlSa
. . .6uco Kocvovsacr’ dpapulav. A restoration [perijderwdphi = 'ne^p\ 5 £pai\os ‘round the
neck’ would, however, violate both the declension rules for compound adjectives
and the accepted etymology of Sspri from *g'‘erwd.
230 = K 740 (H li)
•? [ ]
^ di-pa BRONZE GOBLET? + pi 3I
^ qe-ro^ bronze Q 16
^ ku-ru-su-pa^? . tripod-amphora i
^ pi-ri-je . ze i
6 [ ] me-[ ]
uncertain number of lines missing
di-pa : probably an error for plural *di-pa-a. The plural SsiTa in Homer is not a valid
analogy, since it is everywhere the result of ehsion.
qe-ro^: Evans [PM, iv, p. 732) says that the ideogram ‘must probably be regarded as
a variant of the cuirass sign seen on the Chariot tablets’. It has the yoke-shaped top
329
230-232
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
characteristic of the tunic symbol (see p. 313) and recurs in the armour context
of 299 = V 789 and 300 = G 5670 , q.v.
pi-ri-je: the absence of another ideogram suggests that we should take ze not as ‘pairs’
but in the sense ‘saw’; but one would expect pi-ri-jo for iTpicov. The function of the
dots in lines 4 and 5 is uncertain; ditto signs for ‘bronze’?
231 =K 872 (DorK? Ixi)
* [ ] ke-ra-a [nn]
- [ \-me-no ne-pa^-sa-pi ^ 1
3 j- ~Ypi-te-te ku-ru-so
^ nej-pa.2-sa-pi we. 3
? two bull’s head ‘ rhytons ’ [? gilded] on the horns ;
one bull’s head ‘rhyton’ [? decorated] with ne-pa^-sa--,
three silver cups [? decorated] with ne-pw^-sa-, the rim of gold.
Lines 1 and 2 : a comparable ‘ bull’s head rhyton ’ is shown among Keftiu tribute in the
early fifteenth century b.c. Eg>'ptian tomb of User-Amon. The black steatite example
from the Little Palace (PM, ii, pp. 527 fF.) has tridachna shell inlay round the nose
and in irregular patches; eyes of crystal and red jasper; small medallions with
revolving rays between the horns; and probably horns of wood covered with gold
foil. The silver one from the fourth shaft grave at Mycenae {PM, ii, p. 531, fig. 333)
has horns of wood plated with gold, gold inlay round the muzzle, and a gold rosette
on the forehead. The objects or substance represented in this context by ne-pa^-sa-pi
(instr. plur.) is unknown, but it also enters into the cups of line 3, and into the
composition of the man’s name Pfe-pa^-sa-ta on PY Fn 03 .
]-pi-te-te: cf. o-pi-te-te-re, PY 251 =Vn 02 . 5 . Either ‘lid’ (cf. ETri 6 £|ia, Horn. e7ri0ripa)
or ‘applied band’ (cf. irepieEua). Compare the silver bowls from Dendra and
Mycenae with a gold plate attached to the rim; Nuzi tablet SMN 589 (‘a cup of
silver with its edges covered in gold’, Lacheman, 1939, p. 538) ; and Od. rv, 615-16:
dpyupEos Se EOTiv arras, xp'-'O'w 5 ’ ^i xeI^eoc KEKpdavTai. The cups are of the same
shape as the gold ones from Vaphio and those shown in the Egyptian tomb of
Senmut. Such cups were also made of bronze (cf PM, ii, fig. 288r, from Tomb 12
at Mochlos) . There appears to be a diminutive wo, of unknown significance, written
to the right of the ideogram.
232 = K 875 (K Ixv)
^ [. . .] / pa.,-si-re-wi-ja j di-pa a-no-wo-to [U i]
2 pe-ri-ta / pa.-rsi-re-ivi-ja i di-pa a-no-wo-to [U i]
^ wi-na-jo ! pa.,-si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [IJ i]
i-da-i-jo pa.^-si-re-wi-ja di-pa a-no-wo-to [U i]
5 sa-me-ti-jo / pa.^-si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [IJ i]
® i-je-re-wi-jo pa.2-si-[re-wi]-jq a-no-wo-to XJ i po-ti-\_
330
]
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
232-234
So-and-so (the basileus’ retinue) : one goblet (?) without a handle,
etc.
The bottom line is damaged. Evans’ drawing shows the number lo, but this horizontal
appears to be a crack in the clay. For the ‘goblet without a handle’ cf. Pylos
236 = Ta 641 . 3 .
233 =Ucl 60 rev^erse (? xxvii)
1 ? [
2 a-pi-po-re-we ^ 3[ three amphoras. . .
^ i-po-no c? 14 [ fourteen cooking bowls. . .
* \u\-dg-rg O 17 [ seventeen water jars. . .
uncertain number of hues lost
The other side of this tablet is a fragmentary list of wine and other measured com-
modities. The small T which follows the ideograms on Evans’ drawing is a single
ten with a vertical crack in the clay.
6. VESSELS AT MYCENAE
234 = Ue 611 reverse. (House of the Sphinxes)
* kii-pe-ra 4 a-po-re-we 2 pe-ri-ke 3
2 ka-ra-te-ra i po-ro-ko-wo 4 a-ta-ra 10
2 ?] pa-ke-te-re 30 ka-na-to 5 qe-ti-ja 10
qe-to 2 ti-ri-po-di-kg 8 ka-rq-ti-ri-jg 7
Four drinking cups, two amphoras, three pitchers,
one mixing-bowl, four pouring jugs, ten ladles,
thirty . . . , five baskets, ten small wine-jars,
two wine-jars, eight small tripods, seven baskets.
The other side of this tablet is a list of olives, figs and wine. The fist of vessels is unfor-
tunately not accompanied by ideograms; a considerable store of different pottery^
types was found in a room adjacent to that in which this tablet was discovered in
1954. In the doorway of this store-room a number of clay sealings were found in
1953; they are inscribed with a series of words apparently describing vessels or
utensils, some of which recur on 234 = Ue 611 .
ku-pe-ra: probably the Homeric KurrsAAa. Note the absence of the di-pa from this fist
of vessels apparently devoted largely to drinking purposes.
pe-ri-ke = the word is quoted by Pollux (x, 67) from Cratinus, and mentioned
by Athenaeus (xi, 495) in the form TreAiKai. The grammarians were by no means
sure of the meaning: kuAi^, TtpoxoiSiov and are all given as equivalents.
ka-ra-te-ra : apparently kratera, but the accusative is surprising ; possibly for a derivative
kraterid? Old Latin creterra is supposed to be an early borrowing of the Ionic
accusative KpriTfjpa by way of Etruscan.
331
234
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
po-ro-ko-wo = Horn, -rrpoxoos. Cretan irpoKoos is used as a measure.
a-ta-ra-. possibly antla. A neuter ovtXov is quoted from Pollux (i, 92 ) ; the sense ‘bucket’
is not recorded before Manetho. Cf. Hesychius ccvrAia * KaSioKOs.
pa-ke-te-re occurs on Pylos Vn879 (probably to be restored on 251=Vn02.6); no
plausible explanation. From 090300 or -rrnyvupi? Cf. also yke-te-ri-ja with the
‘lamp?’ on 237 = Ta709.
ka-na-to: cf. Kovao-rpov, KdvaoSov? Not yvddos in some technical sense?
qe-ti-ja: probably a diminutive of qe-to (236 = Ta641 .2, q.i>.), which is apparently to be
read in line 4 .
ti-ri-po-di-ko = tripodiskoi. Also a man’s name on PY Cnl2.8: cf. the Atdc deme
T piTToSlcTKOS.
ka-rq-ti-ri-jg: connected with KdAaOos?
7. INVENTORIES OF VESSELS AND FURNITURE AT PYLOS
The Ta- Series
Among the documents which were found by Blegen in the campaigns of 1 952-3
and have appeared in Bennett’s second (1955) edition of the Pylos tablets, the
most important (both for further decipherment and for the light they throw
on Mycenaean culture) are the series which have been classified by the prefix
Ta-. One of these, 236=Ta641 with its tripods and four-handled ‘goblets’,
was separately published by Blegen (1953, cf. Ventris, 1954a, p. 18), and has
been invaluable in providing a conclusive check on the decipherment. An
earlier draft of the present chapter has already been partly published in Eranos
(53, 1955, 109-24) ; Bennett has independently arrived at a very similar idea
of their meaning.
The Ta- series consists of thirteen tablets of ‘ palm-leaf ’ shape in grey-burnt
clay, exceptionally neatly written and well preserved. From their similar
context, ‘hand’ and common locus, adjoining the Archive Room, they
evidently constitute a coherent set written for a single occasion. Ta710,
which merely repeats Ta721 lines 3-4, has been omitted here; but the red
tablet Tn996 (with ‘bath-tubs’) may conveniently be discussed together with
the series because of its similar subject-matter, even though found some dis-
tance away (in Room 4, Blegen, 1954, p. 28). We have printed first 711, 641,
709 and 996 which record vessels and utensils; next 642, 713 and 715 which
list the article to-pe-za\ then 707, 708 and 714 which record to-no and ta-ra-nu
in combination; and finally 721 and 722, where ta-ra-nu (plural ta-ra-nu-we)
are counted alone and illustrated by the ideogram q -y .
Although this rectangular object with its looped ends at first sight resembles
a vessel, its name thrdnus, plural thrdnues, is clearly the Homeric dpfivus
332
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
‘footstool’. On Ta 722.1 the object can be seen to have short legs under it.
An identical piece of furniture is visible under the feet of the seated goddess
on the large gold signet-ring from Tiryns. Doubts were expressed by Evans
as to the ring’s authenticity, but the odd form of the footstool could hardly
have been anticipated by a forger. Wace tells us that he and Seager examined
the ring and shared Karo’s opinion that it is genuine.
The spelling of the objects to-no and to-pe-za will be discussed below; but the
first, which regularly forms a pair with thrdnus, is evidently the equivalent of
6p6vos ‘chair’, the second of Tpdrrs^a ‘table’. The furniture listed on the
Fig. 21. The gold signet ring from Tirj’ns.
surviving tablets comprises eleven tables, five chairs and fifteen footstools
(four of them paired with chairs). The low number of chairs may suggest that
part of their inventory is missing, or possibly that some of the thrdnues were
intended to be sat on. A close parallel is given by the Akkadian tablets
nos. 417-24 from Alalakh (Wiseman, 1953, pp. 108-9), 4 ^ 9 - ‘twenty
tables, thirty- two chairs and thirty- five footstools, for the house of Irihalpa’.
The construction and decoration of this furniture have fortunately been
listed in detail by the Pylos scribe, offering a fascinating sidelight on what we
already know of Mycenaean craftsmanship and of its favourite design motifs.
Compare especially Furumark’s analysis in Mycenaean Pottery {MP), the ivor^'
ornaments found at Mycenae in 1952-4 (Wace, 1954, where their function as
furniture decoration is stressed), and those from Delos (de Santerre & Treheux,
1948, with full references to previous Mycenaean ivories). Note also the ivory
fragments found in Pylos Rooms 53 and 54 in 1954, ‘evidently fallen from a
333
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
lady’s apartment above’ (Blegen, 1955, p. 34). The specification makes great
use of adjectives in -fsaaa and -eiog to specify the component details, and
applies to the furniture two recurrent passive participles in -psvos. The first
of these, a-ja-me-no, is known from the specification ofKnossos chariots 200 years
earlier (e.g. 266 = Sd0401) : it apparently describes the inlay or veneering of wood
with more costly materials, especially ivory. The second, qe-qi-no-me-no or
qe-qi-no-to, probably refers to the turning or carving of particular designs.
The Ta- tablets appear to list the furnishings of a luxurious reception room
(furniture, vessels and arrangements for heating), and their context and
vocabulary find a significant echo in Od. xix, 53-62 :
'H S’ i£v Ik 6aAd|ioio Tr£pi9p(A)v TTtivsAoTreia.
TTapd lilv KAiairiv -rrupi KdT0eCTav, £v9’ dp’ Itplss,
6ivcoTr|v lAlcpovTi Kai dpyupqa (fiv rroTe tIktcov
TT oiria’ ’iKpdAios) Kai utto dpfjvuv iroaiv fjKS
TTpoCT 9 ul’ 15 ourfis, 69’ Irri plya ^qAAeto Kcoag.
•nA9ov 61 Spcpai AeukcoAevoi Ik pEydpoio.
ai 5’ duo piv aiTov ttoAuv fipEov fiSI Tpairljas
Kai Slira’ , £v9£v dp’ dvSpES CrrrEppEvlovTES ettivov.
The Ta- tablets are also valuable in providing the longest extant Mycenaean
sentences (244 = Ta714 has twenty- three consecutive words), and in throwing
new light on the formation of the feminine dual (see 241 =Ta715) and of the
instrumental case in the plural. The latter regularly shows -phi as the ending of
consonant stems and of feminine -d- stems; but masculine and neuter -0- stems
merely end in -0 in the instrumental plural, probably to be interpreted as -ois
(see p. 85). This is clearly demonstrated in 246 = Ta722.2-3:
elephanteiois kardaphi lewonteiois ‘with ivory lions’ heads’,
elephanteidphi karuphi ‘with ivory nuts (?) ’.
In the Mycenaean consonant declensions the ending -phi is added directly to
the stem, as in oyscTcpi and opsacpi (Horn. KOTuAribovocpi is evidently an innova-
tion). The resulting consonant groups are reduced by assimilation, already
seen in the form qe-to-ro-po-pi of 31 =Ae04 (cf. Horn, kott cpdAapa, KdppoAe,
Kcm-rreCTs) :
po-pi^*podphi (cf. Vedic padbhis) >popphi,
re-wo-pi = *lewontphi > lewomphi,
but po-ni-ki-pi — phoinik-phi (a loan-word ?) .
The instrumental singular is already identical with the dative-locative in all
declensions.
334
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
235
235=Ta711
^ o-wi-de pu^l -ke-qi-ri o-te wa-na-ka te-ke *8j-ke-wa da-mo-ko-ro
2 qe-ra-na wa-m-se-wi-ja qo-u-ka-ra ko-ki-re-ja ewer i
qe-ra-na a-mo-te-wi-ja ko-ro-no-we-sa (no ideogram)
^ qe-ra-na iva-na-se-wi-ja ku-na-ja qo-u-ka-ra to-qi-de-we-sa ewer i
Thus P. (fern. ?) made inspection, on the occasion when the king appointed
Sigewas (?) to be a ddmokoros:
One ewer of the queen’s set, bull’s head design, decorated with sea-shells’,
one ewer of the harmosfs set, with a curved handle.
One ewer of the queen’s set, a woman’s gift, bull’s head design, decorated
with a running spiral.
ho wide P. hote wanax theke S. damokoron’. this sentence may be intended to serve as
introduction to the whole Ta- series. The aorist wide also introduces 154 = Eq 01 :
ho wide Axotds; it possibly refers to the checking of the transaction by the responsible
official. For theke ‘appointed’ cf. II. vi, 300: Tpv yap Tpcoss £ 0 riKav ’A6riva(r|5 lEpsiav.
*8yke-wa is named on 258 = Kn 01 .21 as an official of places contributing gold; the
title da-mo-ko-ro (synonymous with ko-re-te and basileus?) also occurs on OnOl and
KN L 642 , X 7922 . An analogous introductory^ phrase is seen on some of the tablets
from Alalakh, e.g. no. 355: .^ana '^Taguzi, inuma sarru ana °^Abena asbu ‘four (birds) to
Taguzi, when the king went to stay in Abena’. Cf. also nos. 376, 378, 409, 41 1 and
414.
qe-ra-na ‘ewer’; see p. 327.
wa-na-se-wi-ja: apparently an adjective from avaaaa formed under the influence of
PaaiAfii'os, etc. (cf. Horn, ^sivfiia, Ionic yuvaiKfi'ia). Alternatively ‘as a gift to the
queen’?
qo-u-ka-ra\ probably g‘ou-kara rather than -gala. Full-face heads of cattle {MP, motif
no. 4, ‘Bucranium’) occur on the silver cup from Dendra, and on the ‘A'aphio’ cup
illustrated on the Egyptian tomb of Senmut [PM, n, p. 737).
ko-ki-re-ja = konkhileid? A descriptive adjective also applied to tables (240 = Ta 713 ):
cf. KomAia, KoyxuAq, KoyybAios, KoyAlas, etc. Compare AIP, motif no. 23, ‘Whorl-
shell’, of which ivory examples have been found at Mycenae (Wace, 1954, p- 150)
together with cockle shells. Note that the bronze ewer of identical shape from the
Knossos ‘Chieftain’s Grave’ {PM, iv, p. 860, fig. 843) has cockle shells in metal
attached to the two extremities of the handle.
a-mo-te-wi-ja’. derived from the title a-mo-te-wo (gen. sing.) seen on PY Ea 25 .
ko-ro-no-we-sa : from KopcovT) ‘ sea-bird ’ Od. v, 66 (cf. MP, motif no. 7, and Evans, PAI, iv,
pp. 329-39). Or from Kopcovq ‘curved handle’, Od. i, 441: Oupqv 5 ’ sTTEpuaas
KopcbvTi dpyupET) (and see p. 327).
ku-na-ja : apparently gunaid, in Homer only in the phrase (oAeto) yuvaicov sTvExa Scopcov.
to-qi-de-we-sa = torqHdwessa? Cf. to-qi-de-ja (237 = Ta 709 ), a-ja-me-no to-qi-de (245 =
Ta 721 ). This seems to be an ornamental feature rather than a physical appendage.
335
235-236
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
and does not occur in the plural. Connected with torqueo and with eurpoaascrOai •
£TncrTp£9£cr6ai (Hesych.) in the sense of ‘running spiral’ ornament {MP, motif no. 46) ;
and more distantly with rpoms, gen. Tpoirios or TpoinSos, ‘ship’s keel’? The
‘running spiral’ is frequent on all classes of LM and Mycenaean objects, together
with the other band patterns ‘half-rosettes and triglyph’, ‘rosettes’, ‘ivy leaves’ and
‘ triglyph band ’ (de Santerre : ‘ baguette a ligatures'') . Ivory specimens of all five of these,
from Mycenaean furniture, have been found at Mycenae and Delos. There are in
all five examples of feminine adjectives in -wessa on the Ta- series (for the decorative
sense, compare Horn. Xe^tis dvdcpoEis, etc.). The suffix is added directly to the word-
stem, as in Indo-Iranian and Hittite (see Buck and Petersen, Reverse Index, p. 460) ;
the classical dcrmSoEis, etc. are innovations.
236 = Ta641 (see plate III [b), facing p. iii)
^ ti-ri-po-de / ai-ke-u ke-re-si-jo we-ke ^ 2
ti-ri-po e-me po-de o-wo-ive i
ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo we-ke a-pu ke j ka-u-me-ng
'ke-re-a^ ng-[pe-reV tripod i]
- qe-to w^iNE-jAR? 3 di-pa me-zo-{e] qe-to-ro-we ^ i
di-pa-e me-zo-e ti-ri-o-we-e ^ 2
di-pa me-wi-jo qe-to-ro-we tj i
^ di-pa me-wi-jo ti-ri-jo-we ^ i
di-pa me-wi-jo a-no-we 9 i
Tw^o tripod cauldrons of Cretan workmanship, of ai-ke-u type;
one tripod cauldron with a single handle on one foot;
one tripod cauldron of Cretan workmanship, burnt away at the legs, useless.
Three wine-jars ] one larger-sized goblet with four handles; two larger-sized
goblets with three handles; one smaller-sized goblet with four handles; one
smaller-sized goblet with three handles; one smaller-sized goblet without a
handle.
ke-re-si-jo we-ke: the first translation ‘Aigeus the Cretan brings them’ (Ventris, 1954a,
p. 1 8) is certainly wrong: ‘Cretan’ should be Kpijs, the omission of Aigeus in the
third clause would be anomalous, and a verbal phrase [we-ke = wekkei, cf. Pamph.
fEXETCO?) is unparalleled in the rest of the series. Palmer plausibly reads kresio-werges
‘of Cretan style or workmanship’, cf (pidAai AuKioupysIs Demosth. xlix, 31, KpcrrfipES
KopivSioupysTs Callix., etc. We should, however, expect the dual -we-ke-e in the first
clause (or are the second numeral and the smaller word ti-ri-po-de added as an
afterthought?). Is ai-ke-u (spelt ai^l-ke-u on 237 = Ta 709 . 3 ) an adjective describing
the tripod, or the name of a man inserted in parenthesis? Webster suggests that the
ideogram represents a handle in the form of a goat’s head: compare Schliemann’s
Warrior Vase from Mycenae (Thomas, 1939, p. 70), where a double handle is formed
336
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
116-111
at each side by the recurving horns of a cow(?) in rehef. No such double handle is
shown, however, on 237 = Ta 709 . 3 .
e-me po-de o-wo-we: the alternation e-me-de j du-wo-u-pi-de on Eb 37 /Eb 40 (see p. 254),
etc. shows that e-me is the dative of ‘one’ (*semi> hemi>Evi) ; and the
form oiw-dwes ‘with one handle’ is suggested by the similar compounds
on the rest of the tablet. The Mycenaean three legged ‘incense-burners’
(APP, fig. 21, nos. 315—16) show an analogous handle arrangement,
evidently only suitable for a fairly small vessel. Such a design does not,
however, agree with the ideogram as drawn.
ke-re-a^ = skelea: in the accusative of respect, cf. to oksAos TTE7Tr)pcon£vos Demosth. xvm,
67, Tous ofOaAiious SiEcpeappEvoi Xen. An. iv, 5, 12 (Schwyzer, Gram, ii, p. 85). Less
probably ‘on the rim’, cf. Od. iv, 6i6. The final ng-\_ may perhaps be com-
pleted as nopheles, cf. 288 = Sa 790 (p. 374).
qe-to‘. see p. 327, no. 203.
di-pa me-wi-jo a-no-we = dipas mewjon andwes: for the vessel type, seep. 326,00. 202. The
formation -owes (from *-duses ‘-eared, -handled’) is only paralleled once in classical
Greek, in Theocritus’ KiCTau| 3 iov d|ji9coES ‘two-handled cup’ (i, 28). The more usual
-ouaTog {*-ousntos) >-ootos is attested for Mycenaean by the di-pa a-no-wo-to which
on KN 232 = K 875 accompanies the same ideogram.
237 = Ta709 ( + 712)
* pi-je-ra^ to-qi-de-ja 3 pa-ko-to[ c. 10 lost
yke-te-ri-ja — c=' i ko-te-ri-ja 6
- *8j-te I pu-ra-u-to-ro 2 pa.-fra-to-ro i e-[ c. 10 lost
]-ra i-to-we-sa pe-de-we-sa so-we-ne-ja *8^-de-u'e-sa-qe 1
^ ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo vce-ke ai<^l-ke-u tripod [i c. 10 lost
']-u tripod I
Three boiling pans with running spiral decoration, ,r fixtures, . . . , one lamp, six
hammers ;
one brush, tw'o fire-tongs, one fire-rake, . . ., one [ ] with an upright and
socket, decorated with grooves and pomegranates',
one tripod cauldron of Cretan workmanship, of ai-ke-u type; one tripod
cauldron. . ..
pi-je-ra^= phielai'. see p. 325, no. 200.
pa-ko-to[^ ]: connected with classical tttiktos, etc.?
fike-te-ri-ja'. a feminine noun similar in structure to j 3 ocKTTipia. The ideogram appears
to represent a lamp (cf. fig. 18, objects e, f and 0): lukterid, cf. Adyvos? Perhaps to
be completed as pa-ke-te-ri-ja, as on the sealing AIY '\Vt506.
ko-te-ri-ja (plur.) : not KcaiTripiov ‘branding-iron’ but a word of similar structure.
Possibly korterion, cf. KopTECo/KpoTsco, KpoTrina?
* 8 j-te = sister? From 0(300 ‘hiss when put on the fire’? Or from oEico ‘shake’ (for the
vowel, cf. Skt. tvisati) ? Palmer ; sarter ‘ brush ’ ?
22
337
VJtC
237-238
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pu-ra-u-to-ro = puraustrd, either dual of the feminine form TTupccucrTpa IG, 2 ^. 47 . 18 , or
a neuter cf. irupacrTpov Herodas, iv, 62 {perhaps a mis-spelling).
pa^-ra-to-To: Palmer proposes a-TrdAa6pov (Pollux) = cn<dA£u6pov.
histo-wessa ped-wessa? Cf. Horn. icrroTrsSq ‘fixing for the foot of the mast’? Does -ra
(fern.) conceal another phiela?
so-we-ne-ja, adjective from so-we-no (245 = Ta721, etc.). Hardly ^dovov {*qso’^tfom).
Connected with ocoAriv, CTCoAfivog ‘gutter, groove, pipe, shellfish’? A kind of de-
corative band?
* 85 -de-we-sa-qe-. adjective from * 85 -de-pi (instr. plur., 245 = Ta721). Chadwick com-
pares ai5r| ‘pomegranate’ (also ‘water-lily’). The form of the stem ending is obscure :
-dewessa j-desphi ?
Fig. 22. MM Illb (or LM la?) bathtub from the S.E. Bathroom, Knossos.
238 = Tn996
^ [ . ]-^p a-te-re-e-te-jo re-wo-te-re-jo ^
^ u-do-ro ^ 3 pi-a<^-ra trfi 3
^ \ci-po\-re-we 2 ka-ti ^ i a-te-we bronze ^ 7 _r^-[
^ [•••] ^ 3 / po-ka-ta-ma gold i bronze 3 [
Three? drainable tubs for bath-water, three water jars, three boiling pans,
two anaphoras, one hydria, seven bronze . . ., three ....
Additional property: one gold bowl, three bronze pedestalled bowls.
re-wo-te-re-jo = lewotreioi is evidently derived from the same noun as the female occupation
lewotrokhowoi ‘bath-pourers’ on 9 = Ab 27 . These are distinguished from Horn.
AoETpoxdos by the unexpected vowel metathesis (or lack of metathesis, see p. 160).
The first word, in which one would expect a generic word for ‘tub’, may perhaps
be restored as dokhoi (cf. Hesychius 6ox6s- Aourrip). The adjective a-te-re-e-te-jo is
probably not identical with a-te-re-te-a on KN 278 = So 894 ; perhaps connected with
ovtAos ‘bilge (-water)’, ccvtAiov ‘baler’, ovtAeco ‘bale out’. The ending -e-e-te-jo
may be equivalent to the classical -titikos (ccvtAtitikos ‘suitable for irrigation’, only
3 A.D.) ; but the double vowel is anomalous, even coming from a ‘ contracted ’ verb.
Possibly ‘which has to be baled out’, referring to the fact that true Minoan-
338
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
238-239
Mycenaean baths generally have no outlet hole, unlike the larnakes which were
widely used (in Crete) for burial. These larnakes share with our bath the handles at
sides and ends, but are flat on top to allow the fitting of a lid. Only one of the few
extant baths shows, to a much lesser degree, the higher back end of the Pylos ideo-
gram: that found in the S.E. Bathroom at Knossos {PM, iii, p. 386, fig. 257). The
‘ rowlocks ’ on the side are possibly designed to take the carrying pole of a hot-water
vessel with high-swung handles like those of our phielai. The line at upper left on
the ideogram may suggest the profile of a metal tub. Blegen (1955, p. 33) suggests
that Room 61 at Pylos may have been a bathroom. In 1955 he uncovered an apart-
ment containing an elaborately built-in bath, in which a drinking-cup was lying.
po-ka-ta-ma, in smaller letters, does not seem to be the name of a vessel type, but a
general description of the more precious vessels which close the list : pos-ktdma from
the ancestor of Trpocn<Tdo|Jiai (but note posi- in composition at Knossos, 271 = Sd 0422 ) ?
But *KTo:pa is an unattested form, Doric and Arcadian using TT&pa instead.
239 = Ta642
' to-pe-za ra-e-ja we-a-re~ja a-ja~me-na a.^-rg-u-do-pi ku-wa-no-qe
pa-ra-ke-we-[qe ku-ru-so-qe] e-ne-ivo pe-\zd]
2 to-pe-za ra-e-ja me-no-e-ja e-re-pa-te a-ja-me-na qe-qi-no-to *8j-de-pi
ko-ru-pi-qe
3 to-pe-za ra-e-ja a-pi-qo-to 'e-ne-wo pe-za' e-re-pa-te-jo po-pi
e-ka-ma-te-qe qe-qi-no-to-qe to-qi-de
One stone table, of spring type, inlaid with ’'aquamarines^ and kyanos and silver
and gold, a xivsx^-Jooter .
One crescent-shdep^d stone table, inlaid with ivory carved in the form of pome-
granates and helmets.
One stone table of encircled type, a idnc-footer, with feet and strutting of ivoiA’
and a carved running spiral.
to-pe-za. appears to represent a pronunciation torpeza, an ‘Achaean’ evolution of *(7“)tr-
pedja (though Boeotian has TpiiTEja, Tpg-rreSSa, and early tables more often had three
legs in order to stand steady on uneven floors).
ra-e-ja: Mycenaean -eiosl-eosj-ios occurs in place of classical -ivos in all adjectives of
material, but the equivalent of Adivos should properly be written *ra-we-ja if the
etymology *Adp'as is correct. If these tables really are ‘of stone’, one might expect
this only to apply to areas of inlay on the top, as in the case of the ‘ivory table’ of
240 = Ta 713 . 2 . But compare Blegen’s 1954 find (1955, p. 34): ‘Dispersed here and
there in the hollow (in front of the Propylon) were many fragments of a large circular
disk, perhaps a table top, made of variegated marble. The table had a diameter of
nearly 0-50 m. and was probably supported on three legs. The disk had a carved
design along its edges, and its upper surface bore a simple, inlaid decoration com-
posed of small circular insets of red stone, arranged in groups of one, two and three.’
339
22*2
239
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
we-a-re-ja (cf. we-a^-re-jo on 244 = Ta 714 ) in form exactly parallels sapivos i^wesr-'), but
the meaning is obscure. Otherwise possibly a form of udAsios ‘with crystal inlay’,
cf. the Knossos gaming-board (PM, i, pp. 471 If., also PM, iv, pp. 928 If.).
a-ja-me-na'. ‘inlaid’, ‘veneered’ or ‘pegged’, typically of ivory on wood, and already
familiar from the Knossos chariot tablets, where the form a-na-i-t- probably means
‘not inlaid’, and suggests a reduplicated form aiai{s)mend. No plausible etymology.
a^-ro-u-do'pi : it is uncertain whether the word divides after -ro. Initial a.^- is uncommon,
but represents ha- in a^-te-ro'. conceivably halos hudo‘-phi ‘with waters of the sea’,
figurative name for some substance (cf. aquamarine, Meerschaum)? Compare 'AAo-
auSvp, epithet of Thetis II. xk, 207.
ku-wa-no-qe (cf. ku-wa-ni-jo-qe 244 = Ta 7 14 ) = Horn. Kuavog, Kuavsos. Wace has suggested
that kjanos represents niello, the blue-black metallic amalgam whose decorative use
is exemplified in the contemporary Enkomi bowl (Schaeffer, 1952, pp. 379 ff.) and
on the dagger blades and silver cups from Mycenae, but this involves certain diffi-
culties. Niello is applied in powdered form into incised patterns cut in silver or gold,
fused under heat, and then scraped and polished level with the metal surface. One
might imagine silver or gold ornaments, previously decorated with niello, being
applied to furniture complete; but 244 = Ta 714 describes a chair, presumably of
wood, inlaid ‘with gold phoenixes and with phoenixes of kyanos’, which suggests
that the material is capable of forming a decorative element on its own. The classical
word Kuavos is applied both to lapis-lazuli and to its synthetic imitation; and such
blue glass is known both from contemporary Egyptian furnishings and from the frieze
to the Great Megaron at Tiryms (cf. irspi 6s Opiyxos Kudvoio Od. vn, 87). A substance
more like niello might admittedly be more plausible for the olpoi psAccvos Kudvoio
on Agamemnon’s breastplate {II. xi, 24); but compare Alalakh tablet no. 427: ‘ 18
lapis-lazuli stones, 2 shekels of pure silver and i shekel of gold, given to the man
Takuhli for making a quiver’.
pa-ra-ke-we (elsewhere pa-ra-ku-vce) might suggest the dat. sing, of Ppayus ‘short’ (name
of an unidentified alloy?), but cf Aeol. ( 3 p 6 xus. Miihlestein suggests *9aA-apyus or
*TTap-apyus, compounded with an archaic form of the word for ‘silver’. Or from
the Akkadian barrdqtu, Hebrew bdreqet ‘emerald’ (from which the class. uiidpaySos
was later re-borrowed via India)?
e-ne-wo pe-za = ennewo-peza {*en-newn ‘nine’, cf Arc. 6eko ‘ten’, Lesb. evotoj ‘ninth’).
If we translate TpdiTEjav KuavoiTEjav II. xi, 629, ‘with/ee/ of kyanos’, we should
consistently read ‘with nine feet’ here, which seems an impossible design. Note the
apparently three-legged table-top found by Blegen: do our 'mnt-peza'’ and ‘s\n-peza
(240 = Ta 713 ) tables have three main supports, but triple and double extremities of
some kind? Chadwick translates ‘nine feet long’ (cf 611x6695, Tpi7T£6os, sKaTop-
Tr£6os); or ‘with nine fields or panels’, or ‘nine-sided’ (cf T£TpdiT£5os ‘square’),
or ‘with nine-fold border’ (cf iTEja, xre^is ‘border’, and cf the kukAoi 6EKa ydAKSOi
of Agamemnon’s shield, II. xi, 33)? Wace takes TpaxTEjocv KuavdixE^av to mean ‘with
a border of niello’ rather than ‘with blue glass feet’, which is admittedly improbable
if taken quite literally.
340
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
239-240
me-no-e-ja: cf. (jn^voEiSi^s ‘semi-circular’, Herodotus, i, 75? Not ‘Minoan’!
qe-qi-no-to in line 2 is probably to be taken with e-re-pa-te (‘inlaid with carved ivor\ ’)
in contrast to the perfect qe-qi-no-me-na which is applied to the tables and chair-backs
themselves; and similarly to be taken with to-qi-de in line 3, which the adjectival
concord does not necessarily prove to be masculine, since -tos may here do duty for
feminine as well (cf. Od. v, 422 kXutos ’ApcpiTpiTp, and Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 502).
Qe-qi-no-to appears to represent the Homeric bivcoTog, but its etymology and redupli-
cation are hard to explain. Sivcotos clearly does not mean merely ‘turned on a
lathe’: it may perhaps originally have referred to lapidary work executed with a
drill.
ko-ru-pi-qe'. assimilated from *koruthphi, cf. gen. sing, ko-ru-to on 293 =Sh 737 . Compare
the ivory helmets found in the Mycenae houses.
a-pi-qo-to = amphig^otos, (passive) verbal adj. from Horn. d|J9i(3aivco ‘surround, embrace’.
It may refer to a broad edging round the top. Miihlestein suggests ‘which can be
walked round’, i.e. ‘free-standing’ (cf E-rriporros ‘climbable’, £p( 3 ctTos ‘accessible’).
In a compound the feminine -tos is of course to be expected. Palmer: ‘with splayed
legs’.
popphi ekhmatei q’^e: the use of the dativ'e-instrumental without verb or preposition for
comitative ‘with’ is foreign to classical Greek. Homeric is used of a river-
bank {II. XIII, 139), of buttresses to a fortification (xii, 260), of stones used to prop
ships (xiv, 410).
240 = Ta713
' to-pe-za ra-e-ja ku-te-se-jo e-ka-ma-pi e-re-pa-te-jo-qe a-pi-qo-to
e-ne-wo-pe-za qe-qi-no-me-na to-qi-de
- to-pe-za e-re-pa-te-ja po-ro-e-ke pi-ti-ro.^-we-sa we-pe-za qe-qi-no-me-na
to-qi-de
^ to-pe-za ku-te-se-ja e-re-pa-te-jo e-ka-ma-pi a-pi-qo-to e-ne-wo-pe-za
ko-ki-re-ja
One stone table with strutting of ebony and ivory, of encircled type, a nine-footer,
carved with a running spiral.
One ivory table of projecting type, decorated with a feather pattern, a ?,ns-footer,
carved with a running spiral.
One ebony table with ivory strutting, of encircled type, a nine-footer, decorated
with sea-shells.
ku-te-se-jo = kuteseiois (instr. plur.) ‘made of ku-te-so^ (242 = Ta 707 . 3 ) ; cf Kuriaos
‘bastard ebony’, Theophr. HP, i, 6, i, v, 3, i.
po-ro-e-ke =proekhes, cf. Horn. Trpoexc^ ‘project’. Pint. TrpoexfiS ‘three-dimensional’,
apparently in antithesis to amphig^otos. Miihlestein suggests a table set against a wall.
pi-ti-ro.2-we-sa=ptiloz!uessa, from tttiAov ‘soft plumage; insect’s wang’; presumably a
decorative feature and not ixtiAcoto? ‘stuffed with feathers’. It should perhaps be
341
240-242
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
noted that Tutankhamen’s tomb contained batons inlaid with beetles’ wing-cases
(Carter, 1927, n, p. 35). Beazley compares 910X01 tttiAcotoi, IG 2-. 1443. 135.
we-pe-za = < *hwek-peza, cf. inscr. skttous, ekttsSos = e^dixous- The assimilation *kp > pp
has no exact classical parallels ; cf. Lat. *sexuiri > seuiri.
241=Ta715
* to-pe-za ku-te-se-ja e-re-\_pa\-te-jo e-ka-ma-pi a-pi-qo-to e-ne-wo pe-za
ko-ki-re-ja
- to-pe-za a-ka-ra-no e-re-pa-te-ja a-pi-qo-to i
to-pe-za a-ka-ra-no e-re-pa-te-ja po-ro-e-ke i
^ to-pe-zo mi-ra^ a-pi-qo-to pu-ko-so e-ke-e e-ne-wo pe-zo to-qi-de-jo
a-ja-me-no pa-ra-ku-we 2
One ebony table with ivory strutting, of encircled type, a rane-footer, decorated
with sea-shells',
one ‘ headless ’ ivory table of encircled type ;
one ‘headless’ ivory table of projecting type;
two tables oflyew, of encircled type, containing box-wood, nint-footers, decorated
with running spirals, inlaid with silver.
a-ka-ra-no = 6s(.6.pr\vos‘? The ending -0 betrays a compound. It is perhaps significant
that these two entries, together with that of the me-no-e-ja table on 239 = Ta642 . 2,
alone omit a -peza qualification.
mi-ra^ cannot be an adjective agreeing with torpezb', perhaps the name of a timber in
the genidve, hke ptelewds, helikds on the Knossos wheel tablets. Cf. (ojpTAa^, (cr)pTAos;
possibly for psMri ‘ash’, though Schulz postulated *p£A[^ia.
pu-ko-so e-ke-e'. probably not the infinitive ekheen ‘to have’ (cf 140 = Eb35), but the
dual of an adjective in -ijs, originally restricted to compounds: puxo-ekkes? Not
puxo-enkhes? Cf also Nazi tablet SMN 1422 (Lacheman, 1939, p. 536): ‘i table of
boxwood with its feet inlaid with silver, etc.’.
The endings in line 3 are clear evidence for a feminine dual in -0, which we had already
suspected from 135 = Ep704.7, 266 = Sd0401 and L 758. This Mycenaean form
evidently dates from the time when the original IE *-ai had already become ineffective
due to the change of the feminine plural from *-ds to -ai, but when -a had not yet
been introduced on the analogy of the masculine -01/-CO. The analogy of 5uco and
diJi9co (both masc. and fern.) must have played an important part in the history of
the Mycenaean form.
242=Ta707
‘ to-no 'ku-te-ta-jo' (sic) ku-ru-sa-pi o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi o-ni-ti-ja-pi
ta-ra-nu-qe a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8y-de-pi
- to-no ku-te-se-jo e-re-pa-te-ja-pi o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-i
qe-qi-no-me-na a-di-ri-ja-te-qe po-ti-pi-qe
^ ta-ra-nu ku-te-so a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8y-de-pi
342
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
242
One ebony chair with golden back decorated with birds ; and a footstool inlaid
with ivory pomegranates.
One ebony chair with ivory back carved with a pair of finials and with a man’s
figure and heifers ; one footstool, ebony inlaid with ivory pomegranates.
to-no is probably for thornos, cf. Cypr. Qopva^* uttottoSiov Hesych. A spelling to-no =
thro-nos would do violence to the spelling rules (but cf. to-ro-no-wo-ko = throno-worgos?
on 39 = Asl 517 ). The similarity of the furniture found in the tomb of Tutankhamen
extends to the phraseology of Carter’s captions, e.g. :
PI. LIX (vol. i) : ‘A small chair carved of ebony and inlaid with ivory; it has
antelope and floral devices of embossed gold on the panels of the arms’.
PI. LXII; ‘A magnificent chair of wood overlaid with sheet gold and richly
adorned with polychrome faience, glass and stone inlay’.
PI. LXXIVb: ‘An ebony stool richly inlaid with ivory and embellished with
heavy gold mountings’.
Compare also the furniture listed by Thothmes III among the loot from Megiddo
(Breasted, ii, p. ’436); ‘6 chairs of the enemy, of ivory, ebony and carob wood,
wrought with gold; 6 footstools belonging to them; 6 large tables of ivory and carob
wood’.
Also such tablets from Nuzi as SMN 1250 (Lacheman, 1939, p. 537): ‘i chair of
wood, I box {quppu) inlaid with gold; i chair inlaid with ivory and silver, with
its box’.
ku-ru-sa-pi: instr. plur. fern. At this date xP'-'cros, like the Hebrew and Ugaritic harus
from which it is borrowed, means indifferently ‘gold’ (n.) or ‘golden’ (adj.). The
Mycenaean form of the adjective may possibly be reflected in the numerous Homeric
passages where the xpucrsos of the text must be scanned as a disyllable, e.g. It. i, 15
Xpuascp dvd OKpuTpcp, etc.
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi, instr. plur. fem. : cf. Hesych. d|j<piK6A£|Jvls ‘hanging evenly on both
shoulders’, d|J9iK£A£iJivov = dpcpipapss, or ‘chair carried by two men’. The root
meaning of *kelemn- is hard to deduce: ‘shoulder’? ‘carrying-yoke’? Or ‘carrying-
pole’ to a palanquin rather than a normal chair? An alternative suggestion is
opikremnidphi from Kpquvos ‘an overhanging lip’: in either case the meaning would
appear to refer to the edges of the back or arms, which the Tutankhamen parallels
suggest as the most favoured place for decorative treatment.
se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-i is probably a compound of xdpa ‘head’. The form -ka-ra-a-pi (243 =
Ta 708 ) is instr. plur., presumably for ~k{a)rda‘phi, cf Horn. gen. sing. Kapfiorros,
KpdoTos. The variant on this tablet is perhaps a dual in -oiin. Cf. [qo\-u-ka-ra-o-i
on 244 = Ta 714 . Se-re-mo- from oEAna ’plank, deck, bench, seat’ (cf O.H.G. swelli
‘beam’)? If the ‘half-rosettes and triglyph’ motif is derived from the architectural
pattern of a row of decorated beam-ends, could that be the meaning of this term?
Otherwise a projection of the uprights of the back (for the form cf. Kio-Kpavov
‘capital’)?
qe-qi-no-me-na in line 2 evidently agrees in sense with opikelemnidphi (similarly on
343
242-244
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
243 = Ta 708 . 2 ), but the ending -phi has been suppressed from the participle in order
to make clearer the relation to its own subordinate instrumentals.
andriantei q^e portiphi q'‘e: TropTig ‘heifer’, II. v, 162. Evidently not taurokathapsia but a
bucohc scene like the bull-snaring on the Vaphio cups. Probably not qjopTis
‘merchant-ship’, Od. v, 250.
243=Ta708
1 to-no ku-te-se-jo a-ja-me-no o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja e-re-pa-te
2 to-no ku-te-se-jo / e-re-pa-te-ja-pi o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi se-re-mo-ka-ra-a-pi
qe-qi-no-me-na a-di-ri-ja-pi-qe
^ ta-ra-nu ku-te-se-jo a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo a-di-ri-ja-pi re-wo-pi-qe
One ebony chair inlaid with ivory on the back.
One ebony chair with ivory back carved with Jinials and with figures of men ;
one ebony footstool inlaid with figures of men and lions in ivory.
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja (fern. acc. plur. -ans) in line i is in the accusative of respect, as on
244 = Ta 714.1 ZTid skelea on 236 = Ta 641 . 1 , q.v.
andriamphi lewomphi q‘‘e: compare the lion-hunting scene on the inlaid dagger from
Tomb IV at Mycenae {PM, in, fig. 70).
244 = Ta714
1 to-no we-a^-re-jo a-ja-me-no ku-wa-no pa-ra-ku-we-qe ku-ru-so-qe
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja
2 a-ja-me-na ku-ru-so a-di-ri-ja-pi se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-i-qe ku-ru-so
i .-u-ka-rq-g-jl ku-ru-so-qe po-ni-ki-pi
^ ku-wa-ni-jo-qe po-ni-ki-pi ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no ku-wa-no pa-ra-ku-we-qe
ku-ru-so-qe ku-ru-sa-pi-qe ko-no-ni-pi
One chair of spring type, inlaid with kyanos and silver and gold on the back,
(which is) inlaid with men’s figures in gold, and with a pair of gold jinials,
and with golden griffins and with griffins of kyanos.
One footstool inlaid with kyanos and silver and gold, and with golden bars.
The deleted word in line 2 can be restored as qo-u-ka-ra-o-i ‘bulls’ heads’; cf. 235 =
Ta 711 .
po-ni-ki-pi = phoinik-phi (masc,). It has been suggested that the name of the fabulous
bird 90IU15 (Hesiod, Erg. 17 1.4) was first applied to the ‘griffins’ and sphinxes so
prominent in Mycenaean art, particularly on the ivories from Mycenae, Delos and
Enkomi (they are often confronted heraldically in pairs). The more directly-attested
meaning (poivi^ = ‘palm-tree’ finds an equally good analogy' in Motif no. 15 {MP,
p. 278} ; but on 246 = Ta 722 line i it is perhaps more natural to find living creatures
as the subject of all four elements in the design.
ko-no-ni-pi'. see 229 = K 434 (p. 329).
344
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
245-246
245=Ta721
' ta-ra-nu a-ia-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo * 8 j-de-pi to-qi-de-qe
ka-ru-we-qe footstool i
^ ta-ra-nu-we a-ia-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo * 8 j-de-pi so-we-no-qe
to-qi-de-qe footstool 3
^ ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo * 8 j-de-pi so-we-no-qe footstool i
^ ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo * 8 ^-de-pi footstool i
One footstool inlaid with ivor)' pomegranates and running spiral and nut.
Three footstools inlaid with ivory pomegranates and grooves and running spiral.
One footstool inlaid with ivory pomegranates and grooves (twice).
One footstool inlaid with ivory pomegranates.
so-we-no-qe (cf. 237 = Ta 709 , so-we-ne-ja) : owing to the ambiguity inherent in the spelling
-0, a form such as this may be either instr. sing, {-oi) or plur. {-ois) . The same applies
to the masculines a-to-ro-qo and i-qo on the next tablet.
ka-ru-we (instr. sing.): cf. ka-ru-pi (instr. plur.) on the next tablet, yflpus “voice’ fits
spelling, declension and feminine gender, but is nonsensical. A form of Kotpuov ‘nut’
(cf. ctikus/ctikuos) ? Cf. cpidAri xapucoTri ‘cup adorned with a nut-shaped boss’
IG, II (2). 161 B 30. Or for (fem.) ‘tortoise, lyre’?
246 = Ta722
^ ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no / e-re-pa-te-jo / a-to-ro-qo i-qo-qe po-ru-po-de-qe
po-ni-ke-qe footstool i
^ ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo ka-ra-a-pi re-wo-te-jo
so-we-no-qe footstool i
^ ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-ja-pi ka-ru-pi footstool i
ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-ja-pi ka-ru-pi footstool i
One footstool inlaid with a man and a horse and an octopus and a griffin in
ivory.
One footstool inlaid with ivory lions’ heads and grooves.
One footstool inlaid with ivory nuts (twice) .
Thrdnus aiai{s)menos elephanteiois anthroq'^di hiqq'‘oi q'‘e polupodei phoinikei q'‘e\ the spelling
of ‘man’ lends support to Brugmann’s derivation from *andr-hoq'‘os (cf. Hesych.
Spcbiy). If ‘man’ and ‘horse’ are taken as singular, we may perhaps visualize the
decoration as being distributed over four symmetrical panels, with one creature in
each (like the rectangular ‘\Varrior’ ivory from Delos, de Santerre, 1948, no. i).
Compare the four rectangular panels from the top of a box (?) found in the ‘Tomb
of the Tripod Hearth’ at Zafer Papoura (Evans, 190, p. 44, fig. 40). If we read
‘with men and horses’, it is tempting to regard them as part of a single composition;
cf. the ‘Groom and horse’ motif (A/P, p. 449), and the ‘Groom and horse’ fresco
from Tsountas’ excavations (Wace, Mycenae, fig. 99 ^)- The octopus (inaccurately
345
246-247
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
labelled ‘cuttlefish’ — a quite distinct species — as motif no. 21, MP, p. 302) is of
course extremely common in all fields of LM and Mycenaean decoration. Compare
the floor-squares in the Pylos throne room and in the Great Megaron at Tiryns.
Elephanteiois karda‘phi lewonteiois'. decoration with lions’ heads is less common on My-
cenaean objects than men’s or bulls’ heads, but compare the ivory pommel from
Mycenae, Karo, Schachtgrdber, PI. LXXVII. Aecov ‘lion’ is already a stem in -nt- in
spite of *lewanja > Asaiva. An ultimate Semitic origin was suggested by Curtius
(cf. Canaanite-Ugaritic labi’u, fern, labi’iu) ; if so, it has somewhere picked up an
extension -nt-, betraying possible Anatolian mediation, which is also to be seen in
elephant- (cf. Hebrew 'elef, Ugaritic and Akkadian alpu ‘ox’?).
Fig. 23. Ivories from Mycenae and Dendra.
Stubbings has suggested to us that the two similar sets of ivory decoration with volute
ends found in situ in Tomb 518 at Mycenae (Wace, 1932, p. 84, fig. 30) and in
Tomb 8 at Dendra (Persson, 1952, PI. II) may be from the fronts of footstools : both
sets measure 36 cm. (14 in.) overall.
247 = Ta 716
^ pa-sa-ro ku-ru-so a-pi to-ni-jo 2 wa-o j 2
- qi-si-pe-e X 2
Two swords (two gold studs on either side of the hilt; two . . .-s).
The ideogram in the second line unfortunately coincides with a crack in the clay, but
it appears to be the representation of a sword or dagger rather than the symbol z e
indicating a pair, since the row of small strokes normally found to the right of that
sign is missing. Swords are unlikely to be counted in pairs, and ‘two pairs’ would
lead us to expect a plural qi-si-pe-a^ (but see p. 370 below for inconsistencies in such
uses of the dual).
Owing to its smaller writing the top line is probably a specification oi parts of these
swords rather than a list of separate objects. The Homeric -rrdaaaAos is only used of
a ‘ps§’ hang things on, but the derivation from Trfiyvuui and the Attic TTotTraAEUco
‘fasten with pegs or rivets’ show the basic constructional sense. It is normally only
346
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
247
the heads of the rivets on the hilt of Late Minoan and Mycenaean swords and daggers
which are covered with gold; and it is not clear whether the two bosses of a single
rivet, or the heads of trvo separate sets of rivets, are here referred to; nor is the
position indicated by the word to-ni-jo clear. Topiaos, Toppiov ‘ peg, tenon, socket for
peg’ or crropiov ‘aperture, bit’ can hardly be reconciled with the spelling. A single
word amphitornios, cf. Eur. d(i9iTOpvos ‘well-rounded’? The typical construction of
the hilt of a LM II sword is shown in fig. 24 (cf. Hood, 1952, p. 273; Evans, PM, iv,
pp. 845—67): variations in outhne between the ‘cruciform’ and ‘homed’ varieties,
etc. are here disregarded. The ‘hilt-plate’, shown as A, is fixed by two rivets and
frequently supplied as a separate piece from the covering of the hand-grip B and
Fig. 24. Tv’pical LM II sword hilt.
pommel C; it may he not only of gold plating but also of crystal, faience and ivory,
and presumably also of cheaper materials. The number of rivets to B is almost
always three.
The word wa-o and its ideogram are puzzling, dop ‘sword’ is e.xcluded by its
etymology {*awor or *nsorl) and by the lack of a dual ending. The ideogram is
probably not a double axe (improbable in the context, and small votive double axes
are not of this rectangular shape) but possibly a rivet seen in sectional view; an
anomalous spelling of wald or wallo = r\Ko:>, cf. ^1905 apyupopAov II. ii, 45? Are the
hilts of these weapons perhaps fastened with two large gold-capped pegs and two
smaller plain rivets (compare those on the dagger from a Knossos warrior grave,
Hood, 1952, p. 270, fig. 12)?
347
247-250
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The use of q-s- for x- in §1905 is surprising and unparalleled ; and the entry hardly
fits into the context of the other tablets in the Ta- series, unless the weapons are
intended as gifts. Is the ideogram conceivably intended for a ‘falchion’ (sickle-
shaped knife, admittedly not yet found in a Mycenaean context) for which the
Egyptian name hepes might supply an etymology for §1905?
8. PYLOS LISTS OF MISCELLANEOUS CONTENT
We will close this chapter with five tablets on which no ideograms appear
(Bennett’s classification V-) and whose context and translation are for the most
part uncertain. The commentary will be kept to the minimum; see the
Vocabulary (p. 385) for further notes.
248 -VaOl [ 15 ]
1 pu-ro o-[dd\-ci2. o-u-qe e-to -ka-te-re 2
2 \^pe\-re-ku-wa-na-ka \^.'\-ke e-te pu-ro e-ke-qe a-po-te-ro-te
'[ . '\-ra-kq-te-ra i
edge: pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka pu-ro e-ti-voa-jo / ai^l-ka-te-re ' a-mo-i-je-to'
Pylos: now thus. . ., and two ai^?-ka-tere are not (present); Presguanax has
arrived at Pylos from thence, and has one chit from each of them.
(Presguanax, Pylos. . the two ai^l-ka-tere are being stnt presently.)
ai^-ka-te-re (dual): cf dat. plur. ai^^-ke-te-si 169 = Es 646 , etc.? Andrews has suggested
restoring [ayra-ka-te-ra in line 2, which he regards as an alternative spelling of the
same word in the accusative singular. It would be surprising to find such a variation
on the same tablet, and it may be preferable to read [yaJpocKTiipa ‘engraving,
symbol, token’ (‘clay sealing, tablet’?), but Chadwick reports that the traces do not
favour the reading ka-. a-/'o-/r-ro-fe = dpi90T£pco9ev.
a-mo-i-je-to = dcppol tsaOov ? Or UTco/igadco ‘ let them be sent ’ ? Or dpcos ‘ somehow ’ ?
249 =Va 02 [ 482 ]
qe-qi-no-me-no
e-re-pa a-no-po a-ko-so-ta ze e-wi-so-zu'^-ko 4 ro-i-ko 3
Ivory. . .Axotas"*, pairs: four evenly-matched, turned, three crooked.
250 = Vn 01 [ 20 ] (cf. 42 = Anl 7 )
* o-a^ e-pi-de-da-to
- pa-ra-we-wo wo-no
^ pi-*82-de 50
^ me-ta-pa-de 50
Thus the wine of Pa-ra-we-
has been distributed:
50 to Pi-* 82,
50 to Metapa,
348
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
250-252
^ pe-to-no-de loo loo to Pe-to-no,
® pa-ki-ja-na-de 35 35 to Pa-ki-ja-ne,
‘ a-pu^?-de 35 35 to ? Aipy,
® a-ke-re-vca-de 30 30 to A-ke-re-wa,
9 e-ra-to-de 50 50 to E-ra-to,
ka-ra-do-ro-de 40 40 to Kharadros,
“ ri-jo-de 20 20 to Rhion.
251 =Vn 02 [ 46 ]
^ pi-te\ ]
- ka-pi-ni-ja / po-ti-ja [ ]
^ ka-pi-ni-ja / e-ru-mi-ni-ja [ ]
ka-pi-ni-ja / ta-ra-nu-ive 1 1 [ ]
^ ai-^l -ki-no-o 80 o-pi-te-te-re 50 +
® e-to-ki-ja 13 [? pd\-ke-te-re 140
’ pi-wo-ta-o I ta-ra-nu-we 6
^ qe-re-ti-ri-jo 2 me-ia-se-we 10
^ e-po-wo-ke j pu-to-ro 16
ais?-ki-no-o j pu-to-ro 100
tq-to-mo a-ro-ivo e-pi-* 6 j-ko
e-[ru-mi]-ni-ja 2 ki-wo-qe 1
Only a few of the entries can be understood: po-ti-ja = (^opiia? ; ka-pi-ni-ja ^kcuivt],
Kcorvia ‘smoke-stack'; e-ru-mi-ni-ja = e\xj[iv\ai (‘roof beams’, Hesychius) ; ta-ra-nu-we =
Opfivuss (here equivalent to Opovos ‘beam’?); ki-wo-qe kicov ‘column’?; o-pi-te-te-re
from * 6 TnTi 6 ripi? These seem to show that the tablet deals with carpentr}' items
for building construction, ai-ki-no-o is apparently part of a chariot or its decoration
on Knossos 276 = Se 1006.
The list is continued on the even more difficult\’n879,which records eight a-ti-[ja?]
pe-*6j-ka, twenty-four ko-ni-ti-ja-ja pe-*6j-ka, ten e-to-ki-ja pa.^-ra-de-ro and eighty-six
pa-ke-te-re pa^-ra-de-ro. Perhaps e-to-ki-ja represents evToixiog ‘on a wall’ ("wall-
plates’?) and pdkteres ‘dowels’ or ‘fixing-pieces’ (cf TTpypa).
\'n851 apparently records a distribution of de-mi-ni-ja ( = Hom. Sspvia ‘beds’) to
both men and women in the dative case.
252 = Vn 06 [ 10 ]
^ o-di-do-si du-ru-to-mo
- a-mo-te-jo-na-de e-pi-pu-ta 50
^ a-ko-so-ne Too) 50
to-sa-de ro-u-si-jo a-ko-ro a-ko-so-ne
^ 100 to-sa-de e-pi-pu-ta 100
349
252
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Thus the woodcutters contribute to the chariot workshop :
50 saplings, 50 axles.
And the ‘fields of Lousos’ (cf. Un 04 ) (contribute) so many:
100 axles, and so many saplings: 100.
a-mo-te-jo-na-de : allative in -de of a workshop noun in -scov (cf. Horn. xccAkscov ‘smithy’)
formed from the word a-mo-ta seen on the wheel tablets, see p. 371.
In line 4 the form to-sa-de is anomalous with the masculine d^ovss, and may either refer
to SsvSpea, ^uAa, etc., or be an anticipation of e-pi-pu-ta which had come first in
lines 1-3. In a consistent syntax we should also expect the accusative *a-ko-so-na.
These ‘saplings’ (?) were presumably used for the bent- wood parts of the chariot
assembly, like the v£ou? opirriKas of II. xxi, 38 (cf. Theoc. xxv, 247).
350
CHAPTER XI
METALS AND MILITARY EQ^UIPMENT
Silver?
The identity of the first metal ideogram is proved by its totalling to-so-de
ka-ko = 'ToaijQQZB y^dXKQS on the Pylos Jn- tablets, to which the form with an
extra crossbar is almost entirely confined. It is also used as an adjunct to
metal vessels and other objects (Knossos 230 = K 740 and
Pylos 238 = Tn996) including an INGOT (Oa734) ; and is ^4° p p bronze
written under a wheeled chariot on Sc223, where o ^
it perhaps refers to the wheels (cf. 278 = So894). These ^ i^er.
uses make it safe to translate the symbol generally by S gold
‘bronze’ rather than ‘copper’ (like xocAkos in Homer,
with the possible exception of xoAkos epuOpos, II. ix, 365) ; the unalloyed metal
possibly had no separate symbol. On 222 =J 693 small weights of bronze
are introduced by Alvov Aenrov ‘fine linen’, and appear to be an indication
of value.
140 [3 ^
WE 2
The Pylos ideogram here translated as g o l d is confined to tablets 258 = KnO 1
(listing weights of c. 62-250 grams) and 172 = Kn02 and 238 = Tn996, where
it is an adjunct qualifying valuable vessels. Bennett (1950, p. 218) wrote that
‘the unusually small quantities with this ideogram in KnOl would indicate a
material of considerable intrinsic value’.
Although the use of adjuncts to indicate the material of vessels and equip-
ment is the exception rather than the rule, one should expect to find somewhere
a third ideogram to indicate ‘silver’ (whose full spelling a-ku-ro is confined to
290 = Sa03). This is possibly to be identified in the we which is used as an
adjunct to the ‘Vaphio cup’ on 231 =K 872 (only a part of this is recorded
by the text as being of gold), and which is written over the ingot ideogram
on Oa734^A; its presence may also be suspected on KN J 58, although
Bennett read we as the last syllable of pa^-ra-o-we. Note also the similar
ideogram on Pylos La630 (reverse), quoted on p. 323. This use of we is to
be distinguished from that on C 41 1, 96 =Un02, etc., where it clearly describes
a kind of sheep; and from the reversed S with cross-bar and dots which
probably represents of a talent. Silver is relatively uncommon both in
Homer and in the archaeological record.
351
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
1. METALS AT PYLOS
Twenty-seven tablets oftheJ’K- series (excluding 257 ==Jn 09 andJnSSl) evidently
belong to a single set and conform to a rigid pattern. Each is introduced by
a place-name and the phrase khalkewes talasidn ekhontes ‘smiths having a talasia’’,
followed by a number of men’s names with an amount of bronze each. The
second paragraph, introduced by tossoide khalkewes atalasioi ‘so many smiths
without a talasia', consists of an enumeration of further men’s names without
any bronze entries at all.
Chadwick and Bjorck simultaneously recognized that the classical TaAaoia
( =TCxAaCTioupyia ‘wool-spinning’) is here used in the more general sense ‘an
amount allocated by weight for processing’; it is evidently derived more
immediately from TdAc(VTOV ‘weight’ than from the cognate xctAas ‘long-
suffering’ (so Boisacq, s.v.). The Latin pensum still shows both stages of an
identical semantic development.
The same context is shown by some Third Dynasty tablets from Ur (Legrain,
1947; c. 2100 B.C.). No. 324 lists ‘copper to work into dagger blades, issued
by the treasurer’s office’; no. 354, ‘beaten copper, from the office located at
the chariot shed, delivered to the smiths at i6-|- manehs 2 shekels ( = 8-25 kg.)
per head’; no. 357, the same at 10 manehs ( = 5 kg.). The more nearly con-
temporary^ Alalakh tablet no. 402 (Wiseman, 1953, p. 105) lists ‘4 half-talents
( = 60 kg.) of copper for the smiths of the town Berasena, 4000 shekels
( = 33-5 kg.) of copper for arrow-heads, and 600 shekels ( = 5 kg.) of copper
for doors’.
From the fact that a number of the smiths’ names recur on other series of
tablets (for instance among the names of shepherds), Webster has suggested
that their work may have been on a part-time basis, like the seasonal iron-
smelting by Hittite peasants referred to by Gurney (1952, p. 83). Compare
also 11 . xxm, 832-5, where Achilles says of the ingot of pig-iron offered as a
prize : ‘ Even if the winner’s fertile farm is at a remote spot, he will be able to
go on using it for five revolving years : his shepherd or ploughman will not
have to go to the town through lack of iron, but will have it at hand.’ This
conclusion is very uncertain, since the names which recur are among the
commonest Mycenaean stock, and may equally well be found at Knossos or
Mycenae (e.g. Xanthos on Pylos Jn 06 and 50 = Anl8, Mycenae G06IO and
Knossos C 912 ). There is no guarantee that the Pylos doublets refer to the
same individuals, quite apart from the different place-names with which they
are associated.
The most elaborate example of the standard lay-out is shown by 253 =Jn 01 ,
352
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
253
where a third paragraph Hsts the slaves of both ‘active’ and ‘inactive’ smiths.
These slaves are not named or numbered, but we may perhaps allow one to
each smith whose name is written in the genitive (the corresponding nomi-
natives elsewhere on the tablet are identified by capitals in our transcription) .
A ‘slave of Qe-[’ occurs among the ‘inactive smiths’ on Jn03; similarly a
‘slave of Dektos’ on Jn07, a ‘slave of Euetor’ on Jn750. A separate list of
slaves, one to each smith (their names lost), forms the reverse of Jn706; the end
of Jn03 lists large groups of men (five, ten, thirty-one) belonging to certain
individuals not apparently smiths, since their names do not recur on the tablet.
On three tablets ( Jn02, Jn03, Jn845) the first paragraph ends with the entry
‘ So-and-so the basileus’’, perhaps the name of the local chieftain who supervised
the distribution. On Jn725 the division of the 2 |§ talents of bronze among the
twenty-seven smiths is not individually measured.
253=Jn01 [310]
a-ke-re-wa ka-ke-
■we ta-ra-si-ja
e-ko-te
ti-pa^-jo
BRONZE i I
2
qe-ta-wo
BRONZE
i I
n 2
ai-so-ni-jo
BRONZE i I
^2
ta-mi-je-u
BRONZE
i I
142
e-u-ru-wo-ta
BRONZE i I
n 2
e-u-do-no
BRONZE
i I
442
PO-RO-U-TE-U
BRONZE i I
n 2
wi-du-wa-ko
BRONZE
i I
44 2
vacat
' to-so-de a-ta-ra-si-jo ka-ke-we
® PA-QO-SI-JO KE-WE-TO ?]-r?-M
® pe-ta-ro
vacat
to-so-de do-e-ro ke-we-to-jo i-wa-ka-o
pa-qo-si-jo-jo po-ro-u-te-wo
vacat
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja e-ko-te
i-ma-di-jo bronze i 2 tu-ke-ne-u bronze i
[ ] BRONZE i 3 I-WA-KA BRONZE / 3
[ a]-ta-ra-si-jo pu. 2 ?-[ .]-jq-ko
§ I. Smiths at A-ke-re-wa having an allocation:
Thisbaios: 1-5 kg. bronze; Qj^hestawon: 1*5 kg. bronze; etc.
And so many smiths without an allocation:
Pang“5sios, Ke-we-to, Wadileus, Petalos.
And so many slaves: (those) oi Ke-we-to, Iwakhas, Pang“osios, Plouteus.
23
353
VAC
253-254
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
§ 2 . Smiths of the mistress (at A-ke-re-wa) having an allocation:
etc.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo: the smiths distinguished by this enigmatic adjective evidently belong
equally to the place A., since Iwakhas’ slave is included in the third paragraph.
The same division of the smiths occurs in the two sections of Jn03 (cut apart after
writing) introduced by :
A-pe-ke-i-jo ka-ke-we. . . (adjective)
A-pe-ke-e ka-ke-we po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo (locative?)
It occurs as a description of tradesmen on Pylos 148 = Ep04 and Un09, and in the
feminine on Knossos 90 = G 820. Its function on the Knossos Dl- series is obscure
(a man’s name, title, or adjective apphed to sheep?). Despite the -we-, a derivation
from TTOTVia ‘mistress’ seems probable: a class of persons specially subservient to
Athena? Or to the queen rather than to the king?
254=Jn04 [389]
^ a-ka-si-jo-ne ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja e-ko-te
2 pi-ra-me-no bronze ma-u-ti-jo bronze a* 3 e-do-mo-ne-u
BRONZE i 3
^ ka-ra-wi-ko bronze i i ^2 pi-we-ri-ja-ta bronze i i ++2
^ sa-mul-ta-jo bronze ii 142 wa-u-do-no bronze i i 142
^ ka-ra-pa-so bronze i\ 142 pi-ta-ke-u bronze ii 142
® mo-re-u bronze a* i 44 2 h-te-[ . J-wo bronze i ]
’ to-so-de e-pi-da-to ka-ko pa-si bronze a^6
vacat
® to-so-de ka-ko bronze i 2 j
vacat
“ to-so-de a-ta-ra-si-jo ka-ke-we
te-te-re-u pa-pa-jo pi-ro-we-ko a^-nu-me-no
ko-so-u-to
Smiths at A-ka-si-jo- having an allocation:
Philamenos: 3 kg. bronze; etc.
And so much bronze is shared out among them all: 6 kg.
So much bronze (in all) : 27 kg.
And so many smiths without an allocation: etc.
e-pi-da-to recurs at the end of the first paragraph of Jn02. It is either an incomplete
spelling of the epidedastoi of 250 = VnO 1 , or possibly some other tense of the same verb.
Pi-ro-we-ko = 0iKoQpYOs: cf ma-na-si-we-ko ]n03 .2 = Mvr]akpYos ‘mindful of his work’.
It is perhaps significant that the smiths seem to have a higher proportion of unmis-
takably Greek names than appear on most of the other lists.
354
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
254-255
The damaged set of numerals in line 6 needs to be restored as i 2 in order to justify
the total (cf Bennett, 1950, p. 215).
255 =Jn658
1 ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja [e^-ko-si
- e-ni-pa-te-we we-we-si-jo 1 bronze a^5
^ ma-ka-wo i bronze 5 pi-ro-ne-ta i bronze 5
^ pa-qg-ta i bronze i 5 * 8 §-ta-mo i bronze i 5
5 po-ro-u-jo I bronze 5 o-na-se-u i bronze 5
® [ . ']-ko I BRONZE i 5 re-u-ka-ta i bronze i 5
^ iva-ka-ta i bronze/ 5 o-tu-wo-vce i bronze /5
® wo-wi-ja-ta i bronze pe-re-ta i bronze/ 5
9 pQ-ru-e-ro i bronze / 5 o-pe-ra-no i bronze /5
a-tu-kg I bronze/ 5 {ko- |
to-\^so-de\ ka-ko bronze iXi 3 / 20
[to-so\-de a-ta-ra-si-jo
vacat
e-ko-si = ekhonsi ‘they have’, instead of the present participle ekhontes: this variation is
shared by Jn706, where the total is introduced by to-so-de ka-ko e-ko-si. On Jn832
the description talasian ekhontes is replaced by a-ke-te-re ( = doKriTai ‘ those \vho practise
their trade’?, cf. Horn. dcrKSCo in sense ‘work raw materials’); on Jn650 it has in
addition the word pa-ra-ke-te-e-we ( = Hom. TTppKTfjpsj?). The total on Jn658 seems
to be a scribal error for Afii 2 / 20.
The following table gives a synopsis of the surviving tablets of this series.
Of the fourteen different place-names, nine are not found on any other tablet,
suggesting that some of the smiths may have lived in small communities of
their own without other agricultural or maritime importance. Note the apparent
progression shown by the entries 25^/26/27 — 54/56 — 78/80 — 108, which may
correspond to a bronze ingot weighing rather less than a talent. Compare
Knossos Oa730, which lists sixty ingots at a total weight of 52I talents, or
/ 261 each.
Tablet
Place
Active smiths
Inactive smiths
Bronze (’
JnOl
A-ke-re-wa
12
5
23
Jn02
Po-wi-te-ja
15
6?
108?
Jn03
A-pe-ke-i-jo
10
15
54
A-pe-ke-e p.
6
9
27
Jn04
A-ka-si-jo-ne
1 1
5
27
Jn05
I Vi-ja-u'e-ra.2
7
I
26
Jn06
0 -re-mo-a-ke-re-u
12
8?
56
Jn08
Ru-ko-a.^- [ . ] -re-u-te
7
5
34
355
23-2
256
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Tablet
Place
Active smiths
Inactive smiths
Bronze (kg.)
Jn605
A-pi-no-e-wi- \Jo\
(fragmentary)
Jn658
E-ni-pa-te-we
16
0
80
Jn692
Ma-i-se-wi-jo
2
6
12
Jn693
A-ke-re-wa
3
0
16
A-pu.p^-we
7
2
26
Jn706
Pa-to-do-te
10
4
50?
Jn725
E-ni-pa-te-we
27
0
78
\^.~\-nu-we-jo
c;
.J
0
18
Na-i-se-wi-jo
(erased)
A-ke-re-wa
4
0
12
Jn750
A-si-ja-ti-ja
17
4
25*
Jn832
Ro-u-so
3
4
(no entry)
Jn845
[ ]
8
7
12
Jn937
[ ]-me-no
II?
0
1 64
Jn07, Jn927, Jn942, Jn944, etc.: place-name lost, and fragmentary.
Total
193
81
801
The frequencies of the individual allotments of bronze to smiths
are as follows
I kg. ijkg- 2 kg. 3 kg.
4 kg. 4* kg. 5 kg.
6 kg. 7 kg. 8 kg. 12? kg.
I 41
I 17
19 I 43
9 2
9 I
The thin bronze arrow-heads (or ‘arrow-plates’, Evans, PM, iv, figs. 8i6,
8 1 8) of the type found in the Knossos ‘Armoury’, and common at both
Cretan and Mainland sites (including Pylos), weigh up to about i‘5 g.
each. Sword blades, on the other hand, and long spear-heads (such
as those from the LM II warrior graves near Knossos, Hood, 1952,
fig. 12) might scale up to 350 g. Hood {ibid. p. 256) gives the weight
of his LM H bronze helmet as 695 g. : this includes the cheek-pieces, but 10
per cent should perhaps be added to allow for parts that are missing.
The smaller of the two most common allotments at Pylos (that of kg.)
would be sufficient for making 1000 arrow-heads, the larger (5 kg.) enough
for at least fourteen swords or spears. The total weight of bronze which can
be totalled on all the surviving tablets (801 kg.) would make something like
534,000 arrow-heads, or 2300 swords or spears, or 1000 bronze helmets. It is
tempting to regard the following tablet as a total of the complete series, from
which approximately a quarter of the entries must then be assumed to be
missing.
256 =Ja 749
to-so-pa iXi 34 e* 26
So much (bronze?) in all; 1046 kg., or just over a ton.
356
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
257
257=Jn09 [ + 829]
^ jo-do-so-si ko-re-te-re du-ma-te-qe
^ po-ro-ko-re-te-re-qe ka-ra-wi-po-ro-qe o-pi-su-ko-qe o-pi-ka-pe-' e-we-qe'
^ ka-ko na-wi-jo pa-ta-jo-i-qe e-ke-si-qe ai-ka-sa-ma
pi -* 82 ko-re-te bronze i 2 po-ro-ko-re-te bronze 3
5
me-ta-pa ko-re-te
BRONZE
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
3
6
pe-to-no ko-re-te
BRONZE
e
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
n
3
7
pa-ki-ja-pi ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
3
8
a-pu^ 1 -we ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
n
3
9
[a\-ke-re-wa ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
0
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
10
ro-u-so ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
11
\k(i\-rq-do-ro ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
12
\ri]-jg ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
13
\ti]-rni-tg a-ke-e ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
14
\ra\-wa-ra-ta^ ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
3
n
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
13
\sd\-ma-ra ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
3
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
3
16
[a\-si-ja-ti-ja ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
3
17
e-ra-te-re-wa-pi ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
a
2
po-ro-ko-re-te
^ 3
18
za-ma-e-wi-ja ko-re-te
BRONZE
i
3
n
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
3
19
e-re-i ko-re-te
BRONZE
i
3
14
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
3
Thus the mayors and their
wives, and
the
vice-mayors and key-bearers
and
supervisors of figs and hoeing, will contribute bronze for ships and the points
for arrows and spears :
Pi-* 82 , the mayor'. 2 kg. bronze; the V\c^-mayor’. 750 g. bronze, etc.
(Total: mayors'. 39 kg.; VxQ^-mayors'. 12 kg.)
ko-re-te-re'. the ko-re-te appears to be the ‘mayor’ or local chief responsible for each
village (cf. 43 = Sn01, OnOl, 258 = Kn01), and the po-ro-ko-re-te is probably his
deputy; the two also occur together on KN V 865. For the problematical description
-da-maj-du-ma (formally = 5d|iap?) see Vocabulary. The kldwiphoros occurs as a kind of
priestess on 135 = Ep704, etc. The o-pi-su-ko are named \vith the o-pi-ko-wo { — e-pi-
ko-wo ‘guards’?) and ke-ro-te = gerontes on Jn881 : ‘guardians of fig trees’?? o-pi-ka-
pe-e-we is reminiscent of Hesychius 6 TTioxa 9 £US ‘one who harrows in the seed’,
eTTioT<a 9 £iov ‘mattock, hoe’; but cf. also Zeus ’EmKapTnos ‘guardian of fruit’. It is
not clear whether these are predominantly civil or religious officials, but in the
subsequent entries their contributions seem to be lumped together with those of the
po-ro-ko-re-te-re.
ka-ko na-wi-jo: compare 66 pu vfiiov ‘ship’s timbers’, Od. ix, 384 . Nails and other
fastenings? It is difficult to see why these miscellaneous officials, rather than the
khalkewes of the other Jn- tablets, should be contributing such specialized items of
bronzework; unless the tablet in fact only records scrap bronze which is intended
357
257-258
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
for melting down and re-using for these purposes (and hence the lack of any sub-
dhdsion between the different objects in the subsequent entries?). Chadwick suggests
that na-wi-jo is from vaos; ‘the bronze that is in the temples’. Compare the Hittite
‘Instructions for temple officials’, § 8: ‘Furthermore, whatever silver, gold, garments
or bronze implements of the gods you hold, you are merely their caretakers. You
have no right to them, and none whatever to the things that are in the gods’ houses.’
?paltaioi’i q^e enkhessi q^e aixmans: that the first represent arrow-heads is proved b\'
Knossos 264 = Wsl704, q.v. Webster points to the small amounts of bronze from each
village (2-75 kg.), enough for about 1800 arrow-heads or 8 spear-heads, compared
with the amounts on the other Jn- tablets (e.g. 47 kg. on the three tablets for
A-ke-re-wa) . He suggests that the arrow- and spear-heads may represent an offering
or dedication rather than a regular war supply; or accumulations of votive offerings
which are being confiscated as a desperate defence measure?
Chadwick reads ro-u-so in line 10, where we should expect e-ra-te-i in the standard
order.
258 = Kn01 [Jo438]
1 [ ]-fe
^ te-[ ]
GOLD
/ I
^ e-re~[e?
gold] 41 I
^ po-ro-ko-re-\te
gold] 41 I
^ do-ri-ka-o mo-\ro-pa<^
gold] 41 I
® ru-ro mo-ro-pa^
GOLD
[ ]
I
^ ne-da-iva-ta
GOLD
[ ]
® e-ke-me-de
GOLD
[
]
^ [ro]-u-so ko-re-te
GOLD
^ [
]
PA-Ki-jA-Ni-[jo? ko\-re-{te\
GOLD
^ 5
X
" A - p ? - J A ko-re-\te\
GOLD
<? 5
KA-RA-DO-RO ko-re-te
GOLD
^ 5
X
[ ] ko-re-te
GOLD
5
X
[ ]
GOLD
41 I
[ ]-OTfl
GOLD
i 6
X
wo-no-[^ ]-wfl
GOLD
qo-ii'o-'i ] mo-[ro-pa.^?^
GOLD
n I
q-ka-u'o
GOLD
^ 3
X
^ ^ E - R E - E po-ro-ko-re-te
GOLD
^ 3
X
a-ke-ro pa^-si-re-u
GOLD
^ 3
X
te-po-se-u Ti-N\VA-si-jo ko-re-te
GOLD
H I
-- po-ki-ro-qo
GOLD
41 I
*8j-ke-u'a
GOLD
41 I
35S
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
258-259
Ti-Mi-Ti-jA ko-re-te
GOLD
i 6
25 I-TE-RE-WA
GOLD
i 6
X
26 pi_*g2
GOLD
i 6
X
E-RA-TE-RE-WA-o ko-re-te
GOLD
^ 6
A-KE-RE-WA ko-re-te
GOLD
^ 5
X
left edge: po-so-ri-jo-\_ ^-ma gold i [ ]-jo a-tg-mg
GOLD
^ 3
X
This tablet probably represents a tribute of gold from the chieftains [basileus, ko-re-te,
Tno-ro-pa2) of surrounding villages. The recognizable place-names have been printed
in capitals for easier reference: they correspond, though not in precise order, with
those of 257 = Jn 09 and of OnO 1 . Some of the personalities are common to 43 = SnO 1 ,
§ I, which suggests the restoration of a similar iirtroduction basilewj antes here. Apart
from line 2, the amounts of gold show the following distribution :
e* 3 i ^ i I ( = 250 g.)
45 5 10?
An amount of # 7 occurs on La 630 (rev.) and of <? 9 and Og7434 on KN Np 859 ;
Bennett (1950, p. 217) concludes that i probably represents ^ of 14 , or of a
talent (i.e. approximately ^4^ - ° = 20-9 g.). It is significant that the plain gold rings
and coils of gold wire from the Mycenae Acropolis treasure, in which Schliemann and
Ridgeway long ago proposed to recognize standard units of value, centre on weights
of 21-2 g. and 41-3 g. (as re-weighed for Thomas, 1939, pp. 72-4).
Whether there is in fact a direct conne.xion between this, tablet and 172 = Kn 02
(with its offerings of gold vessels) is uncertain. Webster has pointed out that the
contributed amounts of gold fall within the range of weights shown by cups from the
Mycenae shaft graves, and might be designed for such; but one would expect a
considerable interval of time for the craftsmen to convert the raw materials into the
finished vessels.
2 . METALS AT KNOSSOS
259 = Ogl527
^ [ ] mo-ri-wo-do i 3
- [ ] 2 mo-ri-wo-do i 3
^ [ ] 14 2 mo-ri-wo-do i 3
uncertain number of lines missing.
mo-ri-wo-do: probably moliwdos = \soK\j^?tos ‘lead’ (see \"ocabulary, p. 400); similarly
Georgiev, 1954, p. 83. The preceding entries are probably for another metal (copper
or tin?), part of a list of parallel allocations to smiths. Lead, used in the composition
of bronze, is listed together with it on some Nuzi tablets (Lacheman, 1939, p. 538L
The only other Knossos tablets recording weights of metal are 222 =J 693,
already discussed in another context, and J 58 and J 58 bis. The following
359
260-262
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
tablet from the ‘Armoury deposit’ may conveniently be included here, even
though the identity of the weighed material is concealed by the loss of the
final part of the introduction.
260 =0g0467 (P xviii)
^ jo-a-mi-ni-so-de di-do-[si
2 ku-pe-se-ro i 30 me-to-re i [nn
^ ne-ri-wa-to 15 pi-do-[^
Thus they contribute [ . . . ] to Amnisos :
Kupselos ; 30 kg. ; etc.
3. SWORDS, SPEARS AND ARROWS AT KNOSSOS
The twenty-two tablets classified by Bennett as Ra- were found in a corridor
at the S.W. corner of the ‘Domestic Quarter’ {M on fig. 13, p. 115), into
which they had fallen, together with their wooden chests,
from a store-room on the floor above (Evans, PM, iv, pp.
853 ff.) ; fragments of swords were found in the same
corridor. It is not certain whether the second variant
of the s wroRD ideogram represents a different type from
the ‘cruciform’ (see drawing on p. 347, above), as Evans
thought, or merely a more schematic form of the symbol. The characteristic
vocabulary term for both variants is pa-ka-na = iiom. (^acryava.
261=Ral540 (M xc)
to-sa I pa-ka-na swords 5 o[
So many swords (in all) ; fifty.
262 = Ra 1548 (M xc)
de-so-mo
ku-ka-ro I pi-ri-je-te pa-ka-na a-ra-ru-wo-a swords 3
Kukalos, the cutler: three swords fitted with bindings.
pi-ri-je-te (cf. dual pi-ri-je-te-re on 52 = An26, q.v.)\ also on Ral547, Ral549; on seven
other tablets its place is taken by another occupational description ka-si-ko-no
(cf. P\los An3 1 ) : see Vocabulary, p. 404.
a-ra-ru-wo-a — TrLom. apppoTa, cf. fern, a-ra-ru-ja on 265 = Sd0403, etc. Fitted with
what? A scabbard (Horn. koAeov) seems the most likely. The word de-so-mo = ?>e.cj\xo\^
is perhaps not to be taken with ararwoa, in view of its position here and on Ral543
(where there would have been room for it on the bottom line). It might therefore
360
233 I I SWORD
230 SPEAR
231 ” * ARROW
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
262-264
be an additional item, perhaps equivalent to the Homeric teAqucov or dopTqp
‘sword-belt’. But in favour of a translation ‘fitted with their hand-grips’ {B in the
drawing on p. 347) compare the scholiast on (pdoyocva MsAdvSsTa II. xv, 713:
criSTipoSsTa. . .01 5 e peAaivas Aa^ds sxovTa- Tqv Ss AaPqv Ssaiidv koAsT 6 ZiiicoviSps.
01 5 s sTTipsAcog evSESsMEva rrpos Tqv Aapf|V.
263=R 048Uw (P)
[e]-ke-a / ka-ka-re-q spears 42
Forty-tw'o spears with bronze points.
enkhea khalkarea\ cf. Soupi 11. v, 145, etc.; this suggestion has also been made
by Furumark and Sittig. Something was undoubtedly written between ka-ka and
re-a, taken by Evans and Bennett’s Index as a divider; it is perhaps intended to be
deleted. The last sign is very doubtful and was read as ne.
264 ==Ws 1704 (P)
Sealing: {a): o-pa (b): pa-ta-ja (r): arrow
This sealing, with Wsl702 and \V’sl705, were found in the ‘Armoury’ attached to the
charred remains of two wooden boxes containing carbonized arrow-shafts and arrow-
heads of the type shown on p. 356 (PM, iv, pp. 617, 836-40) : the meaning of the word
pa-ta-ja (neuter plural, cf. 257=Jn09.3) is thereby assured. The word o-pa recurs on
the CHARIOT and wheel tablets and on 29 = As821, q.v. From the same building
comes R 0482, on which the arrow ideogram is followed by the high numbers
6010 and 2630 (which would require about 13 kg. of bronze).
240
241
242
4. CHARIOTS WITHOUT WHEELS AT KNOSSOS
Of the tablets found in the ‘Armoury’ building by Evans in 1904, thirty of
the longest deal with chariots ; the form of the vehicles has been discussed by
Evans {PM, iv, pp. 785-825) and their descrip-
tions, which include the longest extant Knossos
sentences, by us in Evidence, p. 100 and by
Furumark (1954, pp. 54-9)- U^nlike the single
chariots listed on the tablets found in the palace
itself (see below, 297 = Sc 222 , etc.), those from
the Armoury are shown without wheels; a large
number of other tablets from the same building
list the wheels separately. Homer makes it clear that it was normally the
practice to remove the wheels when not in use {II. v, 722), and to place the
chariots on stands and cover them with cloths (vni, 441).
361
WHEELED
CH.'^RIOT
WHEEL-LESS
CH.\RIOT
CHARIOT
FRAME
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Fig. 25 shows the approximate appearance of the type of chariot listed,
supplementing the evidence of the ideogram from Mycenaean vase-paintings,
from the Tiryns fresco, and from the analogy of contemporai^y Egyptian chariot
harness. The wheel-less chariots listed in the Sd- tablets are described
as a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na, apparently equivalent to the classical pppoap^ai ‘put
together’, and their ideogram shows a vehicle which is ready for use except
for the fixing of the wheels and the harnessing of the horses. The simpler
ideogram of the Sf- tablets (chariot-frame) is qualified as a-na-mo-to
( = da;dpMOcrroi ‘not put together’) and represents the bare outline of the
chassis structure, before the addition of the side-extensions (A), pole-stay {D)
and yoke {F).
The body {B) was framed in bent-wood and covered with either ox-hide
or wickerwork, to judge from the indications of the vase-paintings; the cross-
bracing (only seen in the wheeled chariot ideogram) was presumably a
feature not actually visible on the exterior of the vehicle, except in lines of
362
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
Stitching. The ‘spur’ (C) seen on the ideogram of Sc 219 and Sc 238 , on the
Tiryns fresco and on vases, is apparently a step formed by extending the rear
framing member of the floor, which in all probabihty consisted of interwoven
leather straps. The side-extensions (A), which perhaps afforded extra lateral
defence for the warrior when mounting, appear generally to have been covered
in with the same material as the body; but their method of attachment is not
clear. One would expect the top members of A and of B to be formed of a
continuous piece of wood, but the vase-paintings invariably show them as
meeting at an oblique angle, and the chariot-frame ideogram proves that
the side-extensions do not form an integral part of the chassis. Perhaps, like
the wheels, they were particularly hable to damage and in need of periodical
replacement; and their removal would reduce the amount of storage room
needed by each chariot.
The other characteristic feature of the Mycenaean chariot is the pole-stay
(B) which runs from the middle of the rail to the forward end of the pole
(puqos). This is taken by Evans to be a thong or cord, although on the Tiryns
fresco at least it appears to be a solid wooden bar, effective in compression as
well as tension. From it a number of appendages hang down: Evans argued
that they are of a purely decorative nature, and that their ends are not
attached to the pole.
The pole (E) does not have the up-curving end seen on Geometric chariots,
and a peg or hole may have been needed to anchor in position the [^uyoSeapov
with which the yoke was lashed on.
In the absence of explicit illustrations, the chief obscurity concerns the actual
harnessing of the horses to the yoke. Contemporary Egyptian chariots had
harness-saddles in the form of an inverted Y which were lashed to the yoke;
they were applied over a wider saddle-pad, and had holes or hooks to take
the combined ends of the breast-strap (G) and girth (//). Fig. 25 (i) shows
the yoke arrangement of an unharnessed chariot shown on a painting for
Rameses II; (2) that of the chariots found in the tomb of Tutankhamen
(Carter, 1927, ii, p. 63), where the harness-saddles are of leather-covered wood
with calcite reels on top and gold decoration on the outward-facing legs.
Some such attachment with saddles, rather than the direct lashing of the
breast-strap to the yoke, is perhaps indicated by the W-shaped attachments
visible behind the yoke on most forms of the Knossos Sc- and Sd- ideograms.
Our difficulties begin when we try to interpret the detailed terminology of
the Knossos tablets in the light of this picture. Their syntax and the mean-
ing of the adjectives describing colour and material are clear enough; but not
only do the nouns which describe the parts of a chariot fail to agree with the
363
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
nomenclature found in Homer, but their identification is equally open to contro-
versy. Before going on to discuss them in detail, it is worth stating some of the basic
principles which might reasonably be expected, a priori, to govern the scribe’s
choice of descriptive matter; they are trite enough, but fundamental to all
similar specifications of objects on the Mycenaean tablets, where the need to
distinguish one from another is the prime function of the inventory.
( 1 ) Where the same noun occurs in every specification, but with different
adjectives, it must refer to some prominent feature whose alternative methods
of construction form the easiest way of telling one chariot from another. In
the absence of the word ararwos ‘fitted with’ or the conjunction -q’^e ‘and’, we
might expect the feature to be located somewhere on the ideogram as drawn,
if only we knew where to look for it.
( 2 ) Where a noun and adjective occur exceptionally (e.g. do-we-jo i-qo-e-qe
on 268 = Sd0413) it may conceivably describe an item not found at all on the
other chariots; but more probably it draws attention to a normal item made
of an unusual material or shape.
( 3 ) Where an item is described as absent (e.g. o-u-qe pte-no on 270 = Sd0402),
it must be one which one would normally expect to find on all the other
chariots ; but we cannot necessarily assume that its absence makes the chariot
unserviceable. Whether the feature will also be absent from the ideogram
depends on the conscientiousness of the scribe.
a-ni-ja (instr. a-ni-ja-pi) — cXdiSsicAl f)viai, Homeric fivicc ‘reins’. These form a partial
exception to rule 3 ; although three tablets have the note ouq^e hdniai posi{eensi) ‘and
there are no reins attached’, five others add araruiai hdnidphi ‘provided with reins’;
so that it is uncertain whether the reins, which are certainly not indicated on the
ideogram as drawn, are to be assumed as present or absent when the chariot specifi-
cation does not mention them at all (but see further under o-po-qo).
i-qo-e-qe, where it occurs, is named first of the items, and on 268 = Sd0413 even before
po-ni-ki- ‘crimson’, which is possibly to be taken with it rather than with ‘chariot’.
The word is evidently compounded with hiqq'‘o- ‘ horse ’, but the meaning and number
of the ending are uncertain; Palmer proposes a derivative of *heq’‘omai ‘follow’. Its
adjective dorweios ( = 5oup£ios, ‘made of a 66 pu, wooden pole or plank’) suggests
the possibility that it refers to the pole-stay (£>), probably normally of leather, but
on the Tiiyms fresco at least consisting of a wooden bar.
o-po-qo: always described as ivi-ri-ni-joj-ne-joj-ne-o (Palmer; ‘of EPivos, leather’) with
the exception of e-re-pa-te-jo ‘of ivoiy’ on 265 = Sd0403, where the chariot is itself
‘inlaid with ivor\'’. Palmer suggests op-oq^on ‘cheek-strap, cheek-piece’ (cf Trapco-ma
‘blinkers’), comparing the ivory variety with II. iv, 141 - 2 ;
cbs 5’ OTE Tis t’ sXecpcxvTa yuvfi epoiviKi pifivi]
MT]ovis fjE KdEipa, Traptiiov ippEvai ittitcov.
364
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
265
Against this identification it may be objected that such decoration of the bridle is
not exphcitly shown on any of the surviving paintings, and that under rule i one
would expect the o-po-qo to be part of the structure shown in the ideogram. But the
strong point in its favour is the fact that the only chariots which have no o-po-qo
formula are those in which the bridles are expressly stated to be absent (Sd 0402 ,
271 = Sd 0422 , Sd 0416 ?) ; perhaps the o-po-qo formula is not to be taken as an auto-
nomous annotation to the chariots themselves, but as an instrumental reading on
from a-ni-ja (even where this is itself omitted), e.g. . . .araruiai hdnidphi wrineois
opoq'‘ois. . ., etc.
0- pi-i-ja-pi (instr. plur. fern.) : presumably another part of the a-ni-ja (or, if the lack of
-q'‘e is significant, a part of the o-po-qo itself) ; made of horn except on 261 = Sd 0409 ,
where it is of bronze. Horn was used for bits (classical xcc^ivos, crroniov) in the
contemporary Danubian cultures and in the terremare (Lorimer, 1950, p. 308; Childe,
1947, p. 1 13); one bronze bit was found at Mycenae, tw'o more at Miletus. Such
a meaning would suit the context, though Evans {PM, iv, p. 830) believed that the
bridle still consisted only of a ‘ nose-band ’ (which is incidentally the original meaning
of hdnia, cf. Skt. ndsyam). The plural instead of dual (in *-oun?) may be justified by
assuming that each ‘bit’ is regarded as a pair. The vocalization of the compound
o-pi-i-ja-pi, which is perhaps an -a- stem in -dphi, rather than -amphi etc., is unknown:
possibly from the root *si- in luces ‘strap’, Skt. sydti ‘tie’, Av. hitom ‘harnessing’?
Note also the word o-pi-i-ta-ja- on X 537 , apparently a textiles tablet. An alternative
suggestion is to derive the second part of the compound from *ia = Vedic isa- ‘ pole
of a car’, Hittite kissas (same meaning) ; the same stem occurs in Greek with ablaut
in olfii'ov, ola§ (Homeric oipKes ‘rings of the yoke’). In this case it might mean the
pegs used to anchor in position the ^uyoSsapov (see above). Palmer (1955^, p. 36)
translates ‘bit’, but compares Horn. lAAds.
1- qi-ja: the name of the chariot itself is clearly the adjective hiqq'Hd =\-txtx\cx. (cf. i-qo-jo
= i-n"TTOio on 277 = Se 1028 ). The feminine gender requires that we understand some
word hke dpafa; cf. Eurip. oyriua T-mrgiov ‘horse-drawn carriage’, Ttttteiov juyov
‘chariot yoke’, II. v, 799.
The total numbers of chariots recorded at Knossos are more than 120
with wheels on the Sc- tablets, some 41 without wheels on the Sd- and Se-
tablets, and at least 237 in a ‘not assembled’ state on the Sf- series, giving a
total of 400 + . What deductions can be made from these figures as to the total
Knossos chariot force and as to its tactical use we leave it to others to decide,
but it was evidently immeasurably smaller than the bodies of chariotry de-
ployed by the Egyptians and Hittites on the more open battlefields of Syria.
265 = Sd0403 (P xiv)
- [i\-qi-ja j a-ja-me-na e-re-pa-te a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-nq a-ra-ru-ja \a-ni-ja-pi\
‘ e-re-pa-te-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi ' ko-ki-da q-pq'
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOTS 3
365
265-268
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Three horse- (chariots without wheels) inlaid with ivory, (fully) assembled,
equipped with bridles with cheek-straps (decorated with) ivory (and) horn
bits. The feudal contribution (of) Kolkhidas.
An examination of these tablets shows that the upper line on the original is in fact
written after the lower line (see p. 112).
a-ja-me-na e-re-pa-te, ?aiai{s)menai elephantei: cf. 239 = Ta642. The position of this decora-
tion must be somewhere on the body or pole itself (perhaps round the rail), since
even the chariot-frame is described as a-ja-me-na on 272 = Sf0421, etc. None of
our chariots is as elaborate as the gold-plated state chariots found in Tutankhamen’s
tomb (Carter, 1927, ii. Pis. XVII-XXI), encrusted with semi-precious stones, glass
and faience; or as the ‘chariots inlaid with gold’ of the Nuzi tablets (Lacheman,
1939, p. 538).
0- pa: see 29 = As821, and compare 264 = VVsl704 and 296 = Sh736.
266 = Sd0401 (P xiv)
2 i-qi-jo I a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te a-ra-rq-mo-te-me-no po-ni-\jii-jo\
^ a-ra-ru-ja a-ni-ja-pi wi-ri-ni-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOTS [2]
[Two] horse- (chariots without wheels) inlaid with ivory, (fully) assembled,
painted crimson, equipped with bridles with leather cheek-straps (and) horn
bits.
1- qi-jo: probably dual (cf. 241 =Ta715, q.v.)\ the only other occurrence of this variant
on Sd0415 has the numeral 2, though a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na inconsistently preserves the
plural ending. On Sd0401, i-qi-jo has been corrected from i-qi-ja.
po-ni-ki-jo = Horn. qsoiviKoeis ‘crimson’, recurs on eight other chariot
tablets and is probably synonymous (or nearly so) with the mi-to-we-sa — miltowessa
which takes its place on four others. This represents class. pIAteios, pIAtivos, tiAT-
TiAifps ‘painted with red ochre’. Compare the alternative Homeric epithets for
ships 90iviKOTTdpi]os and (JuATOTrapTios.
267 = Sd0409 + 0481 (P)
2 i-qi-ja / po-ni-ki-jq a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-nq a-ja-[mefnq
* wi-ri-ne-o o-fofqo ka-ke-ja-pi o-pi-\i-ja-pi\ w' heel-less chariot i
One horse- (chariot without wheels) painted crimson, (fully) assembled, inlaid;
with leather cheek-straps (and) bronze bits.
268 = Sd0413 (P xiv)
2 \i-qi]-ja I pa-i-to a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na do-we-jo i-qo-e-qe po-ni-ki-\^
^ [a-ra-rufja a-ni-ja-pi wi-ri-ni-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi
wheel-less chariot [nn]
366
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
268-271
[One?] horse- (chariot without wheels) (fully) assembled, yrom (?) Phaistos,
its pole-stay of wood, painted crimson, equipped with bridles with leather
cheek-straps (and) horn bits.
269 = Sd0404 (P xiv)
2 \i^-qi-ja j ku-do-ni-ja mi-to-we-sa-e a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na
^ {do-vce^-jo i-qo-e-qe wi-ri-ni-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-{ja-pi o\-pi-i-ja-pi
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOT [nn]
[Three?] horse- (chariots without wheels) from (?) Kydonia, painted red,
(fully) assembled, their pole-stay of wood, with leather cheek-straps (and) horn
bits.
mi-to-we-sa-e : apparently an unusual spelling of -ssai ; cf. e-qe-ta-e 29 = As82 1 , we-ka-ta-e
X 1044.
270 = Sd0402 (P xiv; see plate II (r), facing p. no)
2 [i]-qi-ja / a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-nq po-ni-ki-ja o-u-qe a-ni-ja po-si
' a-u-qe a-re-ta-to o-u-qe pte-no o-u-qe *8^-ro o-u-qe 'pe-pa^-to'
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOT [nn]
[One?] horse- (chariot without wheels) (fully) assembled, painted crimson;
and there are no bridles attached, nor a. . . , nor heels, nor streamers, nor. . ..
a-u-qe a-re-ta-to: a-u-qe is probably an error for o-u-qe rather than aOxe ‘furthermore'.
The vocalization of the second word is unknown, but might suggest -crrcrros.
pte-no: probably dual of rTTEpva ‘heel’, possibly making up the ‘spur’ (C on fig. 25,
p. 362). Or ‘chocks’ to go under the wheels?
*8j-ro: Furumark (1954, p. 57) connects this with odpov ‘brush’ and with the
‘streamers’ which normally hang from the pole-strap, and which are absent from
the ideogram here and on Sd0407. Possibly fern. dual = CTEipci) ‘traces’.
pe-pOo-to : see the next tablet.
271=Sd0422 (P xv)
2 i-qi-ja / a-ro-mo-te-me-na (sic) o-u-qe a-ni-ja po-si-e-e-si
1 o-u-qe pe-pa^-to u-po '[ ] o-pa' wheel-less chariot [nn]
[One?] horse- (chariot without wheels) (fully) assembled, and there are no
bridles attached, nor any. . .underneath. The feudal contribution of So-and-so.
po-si-e-e-si = r:p6eji\ai (cf. Arc. ttoeotk T rocreoTi, SIG, cccvi, 12) ‘they are attached to’
or ‘they are present in addition’. On 0402 and 0416 posi is used absolutely: ouq'^e
hdniai posi. Compare Sd0412: ouq^e posi elephans ‘and there is no ivor\^ attached’.
pe-pa.^-to evidently refers in some way to the underpart of the chariot or harness.
Furumark compares rrEipco: ouq'^e pepartoi hupo ‘and it is not pierced (studded?)
367
271-274
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
underneath’, cf. II. i, 246, oxfj'rrrpov xpuo'Siois fiAoiai TreTrapitEVOv? More probably
a noun, possibly compounded with /)£r- = Trapi-; or beginning (cf. <poppeid)?
Palmer: *P£(3 octov ‘floor? step?’ from root ^a-.
272 = Sf0421 (P xv)
i-qi-ja I a-na-mo-to a-ja-me-na chariot-frames 27
Twenty-seven horse- (chariots) not (fully) assembled, inlaid.
273 = Sf0420 (P xv)
i-qi-ja / a-na-ta a-na-mo-to ' a-re-ki-si-to-jo o-pa’ chariot-frames 80
Eighty horse- (chariots) not inlaid, not (fully) assembled. The feudal con-
tribution of Alexinthos.
a-na-ta (cf. a-na-i-ta on Sf0419, a-na-to Sf0423, Sf0425) alternates with a-ja-me-na on the
Sf- tablets, beside the common denominator a-na-mo-to (=fem. dvccppocTTOi) . In
spite of the inconsistency in the feminine ending, it probably represents the negative
form an-ai{s)toi, which thus bears the same relationship to a-ja-me-na as a-na-mo-to
does to a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na. This was independently recognized by Chantraine.
274 = Sf0428 (P xv)
2 \iyqi-ja / po-ni-ki-ja me-ta-ke-ku-me-na
^ wi-ri-ne-o o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi — i
One horse- (chariot), painted crimson, dismantled-, with cheek-straps (and)
horn bits.
The presence of the o-po-qo formula on this tablet looks at first sight like a flagrant
breach of rule i (p. 364), in that a ‘cheek-strap’ is hardly to be expected on a chariot
whose framing is so incomplete that even the rail is missing from the ideogram. The
explanation probably lies, however, in the exceptional word me-ta-ke-ku-me-na, where
the prefix pava- suggests some form of dismantling or rebuilding, during which its
original harness was not separated from it; cf. class. paTcnroieco, paTaoKaud^co, etc.,
‘remodel’; paToyEco only means ‘pour from one vessel into another’, but compare
yfepai in the sense ‘be dissolved, scattered, dropped’ and ‘cast’ (cf English
‘re-cast’).
Unlike the others, the fourteen chariot tablets classified as Se- were found
in the North Entrance Passage {K on fig. 13, p. 115); though showing the
same ideogram as the Sd- tablets, their phraseology is markedly different, even
if fragmentary; the references to ivory may suggest more highly decorated
state chariots.
368
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
275-277
275 = Se879 (K Ixvi)
ai-ki-no-o
pte-re-wa / pa-ra-ja e-te-re-ta po-ro-ti-ri wheel-less chariot [nn]
[One ?] old chariot of elm-wood . . . -ed three times with ai-ki-no-o.
e-te-re-ta\ probably a verbal adjective, and apparently a variant of e-ka-te-re-ta on the
next tablet. From s^apGpeco ‘dislocate’? Or cf. gKTppua, eKxpriCTis ‘trepanning hole’?
Or en-treta, cf. II. iii, 448 , ev Tpr|TolCTi Asyseo'cnv (‘inlaid’? ‘morticed’? ‘holed’?)?
Another adjective describing these chariots is wo-ra-we-sa on Se880, probably wola-
wessa from Horn. ouAf] ‘scar’.
po-ro-ti-ri appears to contain *trins (acc.) ‘three’ or tris ‘thrice’, on the analogy of the
numeral 2 on the next tablet. Cf. irpoTpixa ‘on three successive days’, Horn.
KccGdira^ ‘once and for all’, ouvTpsis ‘by threes’.
ai-ki-no-o'. meaning unknown, cf. Pylos 251 = Vn02. ‘Goat tendons’ (cf. Skt. sndyuh
‘tendon, strap’)?? Cf Horn. VEupa poEia.
276 = Se 1006 -1-1 042 (K)
e-re-pa-te-jo-pi o-mo-pi [
\1 pte-re^wa / e-ka-te-re-ta ai-ki-no-o 2 e-re-pa-te-jo-pi [
[? One chariot of elm-wood] . . .-ed with two ai-ki-no-o, with ivory. . . with
bands of ivory ....
o-mo-pi (instr. plur.) probably from olpos ‘decorative band’ {II. xi, 24) rather than from
oppos ‘chain’, oppa ‘eye’ or copos ‘shoulder’. Like e-re-pa-te-jo-pi, this word apparently
forms an exception to the rule at Pylos that -<pi is not added to - 0 - stems.
Sel007 uses the term e-wi-su-zo-ko, which recurs in an ivory context on PY 249 = Va02.
277 = Sel028 (K)
e-re-pa-te-\^
\j i\-qo-jo I ^g-ivq [ or z:g-jgl
T his tablet shows a deceptive resemblance to 163 = X 984 {q.v.), in spite of the
apparent ke-ke-me-na of the latter and its publication in SM II cheek by jowl with
tablets of the ‘land owmership’ series.
5. CHARIOT WHEELS AT KNOSSOS
Apart from 278 = So894, all the two dozen Knossos wheel tablets were found
in the ‘Armoury’ building (see Evans, PM, iv, pp. 793 - 6 ). Like the vase-
paintings and frescoes, they show a four-spoked design. Those from the tombs
of Amenhotep III and Tutankhamen (Carter, 1927 , ir, pp. 57 - 9 ) have under
369
24
V& C
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
their gold casing a structure of ash, the hubs bound with rawhide, and have
leather tyres; Egyptian wall paintings also show bindings (some at least
presumably of metal) at intervals round the spokes,
at the junctions of spokes and felloe, and round the 243
felloe. The chariot of the Tiryns fresco has similar
markings on the spokes, and apparently has a separate
tyre, which is divided by wider and narrower dark
cross-lines which Evans suggests ‘may have been wire
and metal bands’.
The majority of the wheels are qualified by one or other of two names of
timbers [ptelewd ' ^\rci' and ‘willow’) and by one or other of two puzzling
adjectives describing their construction, te-mi-*yi-ta and o-da-ku-we-ta (variously
spelt). Both may well be adjectives in -wenta, and l-mi-we-te on Sg890
appears to be a variant spelling of the first; Ventris suggests, however, that
*71 may be a monogram for ne^ko, i.e. termin ekhonta ‘having a te-mi-\ It is
tempting to see in te-mi-wejte-mi-*'/! (cf Horn. Tsppiosis) an adjective
meaning ‘provided with a (leather) tyre’; even though Johannson’s proposed
connexion of the Homeric adjective with Skt. cdrma ‘leather’ would demand
the spelling qe- here, and is in any case not generally accepted. Some kind of
decorative or functional edging seems likely, at any rate.
The alternative specification, which implies a noun-stem o-da-k-, is equally
uncertain (note its application to textiles on 220 = L 870) . Connected with
65a^ ‘biting’ (‘serrated edge’?), or with oT5a^ ‘unripe fig’ (a kind of
studding?) ?
The ZE and MO which precede the numerals do not, as Evans thought, refer
to a carpenter s saw and the charioteer’s whip, but are abbreviations of j^eOyos
‘pair’ and povfos ‘single’ (see p. 54). When the number of wheels is ‘three
pairs’ or more, the descriptive adjectives are in the plural, as we might expect;
but there is some inconsistency both at Knossos and at Pylos in the case of
lower numbers. Both ‘one pair’ and ‘two pairs’ generally involve dual
adjectives (the first presumably being read as ‘two wheels’), but one(?) pair
takes the singular on 278 = So894, and one and a half pairs (‘three wheels’)
the plural on 284 = Sa01.
The classical use of the dual, already very inconsistent in Homer, is confined
to two main functions: first, reference to ‘natural pairs’ (e.g. ears, eyes,
draught-horses) ; second, the counting of ‘ accidental pairs ’ — but only where
the words 5uco or 2euyo5 are expressly added (so in Attic temple inventories
of the 5th-4th centuries b.c., e.g. 910X0 xpuoo 1 1, etc.). Schwyzer {Gram, ii,
p. 48) suggests that such accidental pairs’ must originally have taken plural
1®
WHEEL
Single
V
Pair
370
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
278
concord; but examples such as to-pe-zo ‘two tables’ (241=Ta715) and di-pa-e
‘two goblets’ (236 = Ta641) show that our Mycenaean dialect is at the inter-
mediate stage where an explicit 6uco requires the dual in all classes of noun and
adjective, as in Indo-Iranian and in Old Slavonic.
The neuter adjectives of the wheel tablets might naturally be taken as
applying to the heteroclitic kukAo ‘wheels’, literally ‘circles’; but there is a
probability that the real term to be understood is a-mo-ta, and a possibility that
this is not dpiJoard ‘ well-fitted ’ but harmota, ancestor of appccra ‘ chariot ’ (which
evidently does not have this Homeric meaning at Knossos in view of i-qi-ja).
This term is evidently connected with dpiios ‘fastening’, dppojco ‘put together’,
in allusion to the fact that the chariot must be assembled from a number of
loose parts before use; and in the Mycenaean arsenals the word may have
been applied specifically to the wheels. Cf. dpucrroTTri yog ‘wheelwright’, 11. iv,
485, and a-mo-te-jo-na-de iharmoteidna-de'i) as the destination of axles and
871190x0 (pliant branches for felloes?) on252=Vn06.
The total number of wheels separately listed on the Knossos tablets appears
to be over a thousand pairs, but of these the 4624(?) pairs of o-da-ke-ive-ta on
So0446 may perhaps represent a repetitive total (note the o-pe-ro of sixteen
pairs ‘missing’ in line 2).
278 = So894 (K Ixi)
^ a-te-re-te-a / pe-te-re-wa 'te-mi-*yi' wheel ze [i?]
2 ka-ki-jo wheel ze i ka-ko-de-ta wheel ze [3-t-]
^ ki-da-pa / te-mi-*yi-ta wheel ze 41 [mo i?]
* o-da-tu-we-ta j e-ri-ka wheel ze 40 [-|-
. . . ; one (?) pair of wheels of elm-wood, with tyres;
one pair of bronze wheels;
three -i- pairs of bronze-bound wheels ;
forty-one and a half (?) pairs of wheels of ki-da-pa wood, with tyres;
forty + pairs of wheels of willow-wood, with studs.
a-te-re-te-a: perhaps the neuter plural of an adjective in -f|s with a- privative; not a
verbal adjective in -xea {-*tewa).
ka-ki-jo = khalkid (dual) : possibly only the tyre was of solid bronze, although a wheel
entirely of metal is perhaps not excluded, especially as only one pair is listed.
ka-ko-de-ta = xdKKoBsTa, cf. khalkoi dedemend and arguroi dedemeno at Pylos (see below).
As a tyre of solid silver is unlikely, these adjectives probably refer to metal bindings
at intervals round the felloe or spokes, like those detected by Evans on the Tir\ns
fresco.
ki-da-pa (not ki-da-ro, Bennett, Index, p. 63) ; possibly a kind of timber, cf. oxivbatpos,
CTKivSdAapos, crKi5a9fi?
371
24 =
279-283
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
279 = So0437 joined (P xvii)
a-mo-ta j pte-re-wa a-ro^-jo te-mi-^ji-te wheel ze 5
Five pairs of wheels of elm-wood, of better class, with tyres.
a-ro^-jo-. apparently dual of a-ro^-a on 214 = Ld571, 282 = So0430. A mis-spelling for
a-ro.^-el These duals do not agree with a-mo-ta and with the recorded number of
wheels.
280 = So0439 (P xvii)
a-mo-ta / e-ri-ka te-mi-*yi-ta wheel ze 3 mo wheel [i]
Three and a half pairs of wheels of willow-wood, with tyres.
281=So0440 (P xvii)
a-mo-ta / pte-re-wa / o-da-*8y-ta ' de-do-me-na' wheel ze [nn]
X pairs of wheels of elm-wood with studs, which have been contributed.
o-da-*8y-ta\ the sign *8j is confined to this word, as *yi to the other wheel adjective;
it appears to have the value kwe.
de-do-me-na = UZo\xiva.\ in contrast to worzomena (‘manufactured’?) on So0438, etc.?
Or does that also mean ‘contributed’ (cf. worzei at Pylos, p. 254)?
282 = So0430 (P xv)
ko-ki-da o-pa ne-wa
e-ri-ka / o-da-*8y-ta a-ro 2 -a wheel ze 22 mo wheel i
Twenty-two and a half pairs of new wheels of willow- wood, with studs, of better
quality. The feudal contribution (of) Kolkhidas.
283=So0442 (P xvii)
o-pe-ro
[ fja I a-mo-te pe-ru-si-nwa / ta-ra-si-ja wheel ze i
One pair of. . . wheels owing from last year’s allocation.
The word-order and syntax are not very- clear. Possibly harmote (dual) ophilo[men5)
perusinwds talasids; a-mo-te could also be dppooOp (aor. pass.) or the nom. sing, of the
occupational name a-mo-te-re (X 770 and X 6026) ; but it cannot be any part of
dppooTos. In support of a Myc. form harmo ‘wheel’ one may add the possible
reading a-mo as nominative singular on KN So7485 . 3 ; the classical meaning of appa
is paralleled by the fact that both in Sanskrit [rdtha-) and in Tocharian A {kukdl)
the term for ‘chariot’ is derived from an IE word for ‘wheel’.
372
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
284-285
6. CHARIOT WHEELS AT PYLOS
The vocabulaiA" and arrangement of the Pylos wheel tablets, 200 years later,
are very like those of the Knossos series; and their ^
adjectives show similar sequences of neuter duals or vt' wheel
plurals according to the number of pairs listed. Pylos ^ wheel + te
has, however, developed a variant of the wheel with ®
surcharged te, which (to judge from 287 = Sa793) probably stands for the
quahfication te-mi-*yi-ta.
284 = Sa01 [488]
ku-pa-ri-se-ja wheel + te ze i mo i
One and a half pairs of wheels of cypress wood, with tyres.
ku-pa-ri-se-ja: not to be confused with the place-name adjective Ku-pa-ri-si-jo on
56 =An 657 . The Homeric equivalent KUTrocplaaivos is only used once, of a door-post
in Od. xvn, 340.
285=Sa02 [487]
ke-ro-ke-re-we-o / wo-ka we-je-ke-e wheel+te ze i
One pair of wheels with tyres, jit for driving, belonging to Kheroklewes.
This tablet is typical of a set of thirteen, all introduced by a man’s name in the genitive.
Three of them have two pairs of wheels, the rest one pair each ; all the descriptions
are in the dual, as here. The remaining names are: Pa^-sa-re-g, Tu-ri-si-jo-jo,
E-ke-i-jo-jo, Wo-ro-ko-jo, Wa-de-o, A-pa-si-jo-jo, Pe-qe-ro-jo, E-te-wa-jo-jo, Mo-qo-so-jo,
Po-ru-we-wo, A-te-wo-jo, A-me-ja-to.
wo-ka we-je-ke-e (dual) : though its vocalization is very uncertain, it is likely that this
description is the opposite of no-pe-re-e ‘unfit for service’ (see below), and hence
means something like ‘fit for use on this charioteer’s vehicle’. It is tempting to
connect the second word with the Homeric d-siKps, OTi-ciKps. we-je- could be an
abnormal spelling or represent a disyllabic grade of the root; but there is a more
serious objection that adjectives in -fjs seem originally to have been all compounds
(Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 513). Must we postulate a compound (with -eyfis) of the
same prefix we-j- which reappears in the adjective we-ja-re-pe, etc. (possibly ‘suitable
for anointing’, cf. 6i-riAi9fis, v£-qAi<pfis, etc.?) applied to oil on the Pylos tablets of
1955? wo-ka cannot be the Homeric oyo: ‘pre-eminently’, since this is certainly
from eyco, and probably a shortened form of e^oxct; but it might be a somewhat
similar adverbial formation from ‘ride, take, in a chariot’ (cf. oxsot ‘chariot’
and II. X, 403: iTnroi ccAsyeivoi oxEEcrfiai ‘difficult to use in a chariot’). For the
ending cf. Kpucpa, piya, olya, etc. Alternatively wo-ka may be a noun from the same
stem, to be taken closely with the preceding genitive.
373
286-290
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
286 = Sa787
pa-ra-ja we-je-ke-a 2 wheel ze 30 mo i
e-qe-si-ja pa-ra-vpa wheel ze 12 za-ku-si-ja wheel ze 32
So many (in all) ; thirty and a half pairs of old wheels, for driving-,
twelve pairs of old wheels for Followers (?),
thirty-two pairs of wheels of Zaky^thian type.
e-qe-si-ja pa-ra-wq : the second line is written near the edge of the tablet, and all three
final signs look at first sight like -wa. e-qe-si-ja is also applied to ‘cloaks’ on 214 =
Ld571, q.v.-, if, as seems likely from 56 = An657, the heq'^etds is a military officer, it is
perhaps reasonable that the design of both his uniform and his chariot should be in
some way distinctive.
za-ku-si-ja: compare the [Z‘k\-ku-si-jo which should probably be restored as an ethnic
or place-name on 54 = Anl9, but which also occurs on Mycenae Oel22 (as a man’s
name?). The assibilation of the ending -vOios is also seen in Att. TTpo(3aAiCTios,
TpiKopuCTio? and in Pylos Ko-ri-si-jo, 0-ru-ma-si-ja-jo.
287==:Sa793
e-re-pa-to j te-mi-*yi-ta pa-ra-ja ta-na-wa wheel + te ze ii
Eleven pairs of old spindly wheels with te-mi- of ivory.
e-re-pa-to: Ventris is inclined to analyse this phrase as: elephantos termin-ekhonta ‘having
a termis of ivory’; but this would indicate that the termis here represents some kind
of decorative band rather than the actual running surface or ‘tyre’.
ta-na-wa: Horn. Tavaos, see Vocabulary, p. 408.
288 = Sa790
~ka-kol a-mo-ta e-qe-si-ja / no-pe-re-a^ wheel + te ze 6
Six pairs of wheels for Followers (?), unfit for service.
no-pe-re-ao, = Axt. dvcocpsAfi; cf. Horn, dvcbvuiios/vcbvuuos, etc.
289 = Sa682
te-tu-ko-wo-a^ no-pe-re-a.^ wheel ze 6
Six pairs of heavily-built wheels, unfit for service.
te-tu-ko-wo-a., (cf 216 = Ld871) =Hom. TSTuyueva; see Vocabulary, p. 409.
290 = Sa03 [287]
a-ku-ro / de-de-me-no wheel ze i
One pair of wheels bound with silver.
a-ku-ro : this is the only occurrence of the word dpyupos on the tablets.
374
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT 291
291 =Sa 794
ka-ko de-de-me-no no-pe-re-e wheel ze i
One pair of wheels bound with bronze, unfit for service.
7. CORSLETS AND HELMETS AT PYLOS
Twelve tablets found in 1952 (classification Sh-) list the corslet ideogram.
This resembles the Knossos corslet (see below, p. 380) in its tapering
sides and in the varying number of horizontal cross-lines; but instead of vertical
shoulder loops it shows lateral projections which may
represent short sleeves, and above the neck it adds a 163 corslet
construction which must probably be taken as a form
of headgear. The identification of this Pylos ideogram as a set consisting of
corslet and helmet is confirmed by the terminology to-ra-ke = ©copoKes and ko-ru-to
(gen. sing.) =K6pu6os; and thus supplies new material for the discussion of
the traditional picture of Heroic armour in Homer and its relation to the
archaeological evidence (see Evans, PM, iv, pp. 688-90, 803-6; Lorimer,
1950^ PP- 196-245; Hood, 1952, pp. 256-61; Gray, 1954, etc.).
Hood suggests that certain bronze plates found in the ‘Tombe dei Nobili’
at Phaistos are part of armoured belts or corslets; but the absence of metal
scales from all other Minoan and Mycenaean sites, and in particular from
warrior graves, makes the direct archaeological evidence for a bronze corslet
very slight, Mycenaean vase-paintings show only doubtful indications of
body-armour, though the white dots on the tunics and helmets of the Mycenae
‘Warrior Vase’ (Lorimer, 1950, PI. HI) have been taken by some to represent
metal disks. Two ivories from Enkomi in Cyprus do, however, depict a
‘lobster’ corslet similar to that worn by the ‘Peoples of the Sea’, divided into
ribbed bands in inverted-V formation : there is general agreement that these
were of metal.
Evans {PM, iv, p. 688; SM II, p. 57) regarded the Knossos corslet
ideogram as representing ‘a form of body-armour consisting of horizontal
plates of metal, presumably backed by leather or linen, and suspended from
shoulder-pieces of a similar fashion ’. He compared them with the horizontally
banded corslets worn by some of the soldiers ofRameses II and by his Shardana
mercenaries; but from their white colour and apparent rows of stitching
Bonnet has argued that these were not of metal but of thickly wadded linen.
Gray (p. 6) refers to a fragment of cloth fourteen layers thick from a Mycenaean
burial, which is thought to be part of such a padded corslet. There seems to
be no reason, however, why metal plates should not have been sewn into
375
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wadding of this kind, and thus not appear as separately identifiable plates on
the exterior.
Lorimer is inclined to regard all Homeric references to a metal 9cbpri§, with
the possible exception of the Achaean epithet xcAkox 1 toov 8S, as late accretions
to the traditional picture ; but in view of the scale corslets evidenced by finds
at Ugarit and Nuzi (and listed on the Nuzi tablets, see below) and faithfully
depicted on the monuments of Amenhotep II, Thothmes IV and Rameses III,
Gray and Hood find it hard to believe that similar metal body-armour was
unknown in the Aegean. Although the word is not found on the
Mycenaean corslet tablets, the object qe-ro^ (which appears to be part of
a corslet, see 299 = V 789) is once qualified by the bronze ideogram; and
on some ‘charioteer’ tablets the corslet is erased and replaced by an ingot,
as Evans pointed out. Such body armour may have been restricted almost
entirely to charioteers, for whom the absence of a shield made it a necessity ;
which would help to explain its absence from chieftains’ graves.
The Pylos corslets are listed or identified by the varying number of o-pa-wo-ta
which they comprise : of the twenty listed, sixteen have ‘ twenty large o-pa-wo-ta
and ten small’, the remainder ‘twenty- two large ones and twelve small’. It
is tempting to identify these with the horizontal bands shown on the ideogram,
but it is not clear how they are to be distributed. Do the small ones make up
the collar and sleeves? Or the upper part above the level of the armpits?
Or a more flexible section below the waist ? And are those of the back counted
separately from those of the front? One might expect the corslets to undo
into two halves by fastenings along the side, but the references to ‘ pairs ’ are
probably to be taken as the issue of two corslets to one chariot (cf 297 = Sc222)
rather than the division of each into two yuaAoi.
o-pa-wo-ta apparently represents op-aworta" things hung or attached around’,
from dfelpco (cf. Horn. CTwr)opos ‘joined with’, dopTrip ‘strap’; and dpraco
‘ attach ’, if from *dp£pTdco) . Another inconclusive indication of its meaning is
the fact that four o-pa-wo-ta (abbreviated o) are regularly applied to the Kopus
or ‘helmet’ in these sets; but note that the classification o does not include
the two pa-ra-wa-jo, in which Bennett has recognized the equivalent of the
*'n-apdfjd in Horn. KopuOos 5id xoAKOirap^ou ‘helmet with cheek-pieces of
bronze’, Od. xxiv, 523 (see Vocabulary, p. 403).
‘ It is clear (as Hood points out, 1952, p. 258) that there was an extraordinary
variety of helmet fashions in the Aegean at this period.’ Fig. 26 shows a
representative selection. Helmets made entirely of relatively thin bronze, and
showing holes for the stitching of a padded under-cap, have been found in a
LM H warrior grave near Knossos {A: Hood, 1952, PL 50) and at Dendra
376
METALS AND MILITARY EQ.UIPMENT
{B: Persson, 1952, pp. 1 19-129), and are shown on the Agia Triada ‘Boxer
Rhyton ’ (C) ; a single bronze cheek-piece from lalysos is in the British Museum.
A very characteristic type is the conical boar’s tusk helmet (D), with or
without fanciful horns and plumes above; the number of concentric rows of
plates is most often four. Owing to the relative scarcity of the raw material,
this helmet was probably confined to kings and chieftains. A simpler form of
Fig. 26. Late Minoan and Mycenaean helmets
conical headgear is shown on the vase from Tomb 5 at Isopata (£) : it has
six concentric bands (excluding the bottom rim and terminal knob) which
Lorimer regards as strips of leather. Hood as thick padding sewn together at
intervals. A similar helmet, whose sections have a more pronounced bulge,
is shown on the fragments of a faience relief from Shaft-Grave III at IVIycenae
(F) : it has four ‘rolls’, and four ‘horns’; a helmet with seven ‘rolls’ is seen
on a LM I a polychrome goblet from the Tomb of the Double Axes at Knossos
{PAI, III, p. 310, fig. 198), with four ‘rolls’ on a clay seal-impression {ibid.
p. 313, fig. 205). More fanciful and unique types are shown on the late
377
292
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
‘Warrior Vase’ from Mycenae (G), where the spots are regarded as metal
disks; and on a gold plaque-bead from Shaft-Grave III {H), whose two thick
‘rolls’ are surmounted by a composite knob and by a horn.
The head-gear shown full-face in the Pylos ideograms bears no unmistakable
resemblance to any of these eight types, and it is not altogether clear whether
the cap is to be taken as a simple cone and the lines below the cone as the
cheek-pieces and neck of the corslet; or whether these lines indicate a wide
bottom ‘roll’ (surmounted by small horns as on i^?), above which a relatively
narrow cone sticks up. In either case the disposition of the four o-pa-wo-ta is
difficult to reconstruct. If they are in fact concentric as on Z), E and F, their
width would be about 5 cm. ; and if the bands of the corslet were of the same
width, about fifteen of them would be needed between neck and thigh. The
scale corslets of Rameses III hav^e thirteen bands (Lorimer, 1950, p. 198,
fig- I?)-
Very similar phraseology is seen in the Nuzi tablets which list coats of mail
for charioteers and horses (Lacheman, 1939, p. 541), e.g. :
Bel-Ahi received from the palace one coat of mail that fits the body made of 400 large
scales, 280 very small scales, the sides and decoration of which are of copper; one
kurpisu (helmet) of copper made of 190 scales.. . .
400 scales of the side, 200 (small?) scales of the side, 200 scales of the kurpisu Ninki-
Tesup has received.
But a complete identity of context can only be argued if we assume that our
much smaller numbers of o-pa-wo-ta are not separate plates but rows of scales,
perhaps sewn into separate belts before application to the corslet.
The Semitic prince shown on the chariot of Thothmes IV (Lorimer, p. 198,
fig. 16) has a helmet covered with approximately two dozen narrow bronze
plates sewn radially between the crown and lower rim; an arrangement of
four such petal-shaped plates, which avoids the difficulty of beating out a solid
cone of bronze, may perhaps be argued for the Pylos helmets. The number of
o-pa-wo-ta to the Pylos helmets also recalls the Homeric terms Tpu9dA8ia and
Kopus TeTpd9aAos {II. xxii, 315, also dp9i(paAos v, 743), Kuvsq TSTpa9dATipos
(xi, 41) ; but if these 9dAoi and 9dAT)pa are explained as ‘horns’ or ‘bosses’,
then they evidently' have no relevance to the meaning of o-pa-wo-ta as applied
to corslets.
292 = Sh 740
pa-ra-jo corslet ze 5
wi-so-wo-pa-na o-pa-wo-ta me-zo-a^ o 20
me-u-jo-a.^ o 10 ko-ru-to 04 pa 2
378
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
292-296
Five pairs of old corslets : twenty larger-sized plates of equal . . . ;
ten smaller-sized
Your plates of the helmet, two cheek-pieces.
wi-so-wo-pa-m: probably an adjective compounded with Icros (Cretan, Arc. ficrpos)
‘equal’. One might have expected iao|3apEa, iaorraAea, icroTraxscc, iaoirAorrEa,
iCT09av£a, etc.; possibly from 7Tf)vos ( =U9aCTtia Hesych.) : ‘with an equal number of
thicknesses of cloth’?
The use of o as an abbreviation is here quite distinct from its usual meaning ‘ amount
owing or missing’.
293 = Sh737
CORSLET I o-pa-wo-ta / me-zo-ao o 20 me-u-jo-a.^ o 10
ko-ru-to o 4 pa-ra-wa-jo 2
One corslet: twenty larger-sized plates, ten smaller-sized plates,
four plates of the helmet, two cheek- pieces.
294 = Sh733 (four other tablets are identical)
CORSLET I me-zo-a.2 o 20 me-u-jo-a^ o 10 ko-ni-to 04 pa 2
295 =Sh734 (three other tablets are identical)
CORSLET I me-zo-a^ o 22 me-ti-jo-a^ o 12 ko o 4 pa 2
The reverse of this tablet and of Sh739 have erased and illegible entries also apparently-
dealing with corslets.
296 = Sh736
to-ra-ke a-me-ja-to o-pa me-za-na wo-ke ne. corslet 5
Five new corslets, the feudal contribution of A-me-ja-. . . .
a-me-ja-to: genitive of a man’s name as on Sa834, not dpiavTog ‘unstained’. The last
two words, of which wo-ke appears verbal (i^epy- ‘work’ or psy- ‘convey’?), are
incomprehensible; me-za-na recurs in 76 = Cn22, q.v.
8 . CHARIOTS AND CORSLETS .\T KNOSSOS
The 140 Knossos Sc- tablets were apparently all found together in a small
archive room in the West Wing of the palace [B on fig. 13, p. 115), Evans’
‘Chariot Tablet Deposit’ (f^M, iv, pp. 786-9, 803-7). Each is introduced by
a man’s name, and itemizes corslets, wheeled gh.vriots (see p. 361)
and HORSES, generally in that order.
The extant tablets show eight cases of ‘one corslet’ and fourteen of ‘two
379
297-299
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
corslets’; in the majority of cases the relevant numbers have been lost. On
nine tablets the corslet has been erased and an ingot apparently inserted
at the end of the hne or on the reverse; on three
the ingot has been drawn in over the erasure
itself Evans regarded this as the record of an
alternative issue of bronze sufficient to make a pair
of corslets (these might then each contain about
13 kg. of metal). The number of chariots is never
larger than one, and on two tablets they are absent altogether. There are
eleven (?) entries with ‘a single horse’ (mo), at least twenty-five with ‘a pair
of horses’ (ze).
The tablets probably record the issue of equipment to charioteers : note that
the man Me-nu-wa of Sc238 recurs on V 60 after an introductory word which
Bennett read a-ni-wo-ko, Sittig a-ni-o-ko (Chadwick a-ni-g-ko), and which is
evidently the Homeric f]vloxoi.
On four tablets the corslet has a surcharged circle with dots ( = qs) instead
of the usual horizontal lines, and on Sc266 this version of the ideogram is
followed by qE alone with the numerals ‘one pair’: it is difficult to guess the
meaning.
297 = Sc222 (B xxvii)
me-za-wo corslet 2 horse ze i
Mezawon: two corslets, one pair of horses.
298 = Sc226 (B xxvii)
ti-ri-jo-pa^ wheeled chariot i corslet i horse i e-ko i
Triopas: one chariot, one corslet, one horse — -(already) having one.
e-ko: we had previously taken this as eyxos ‘one spear’, but Furumark suggests ex^v,
which is rather more plausible and may help to explain the other tablets where the
chariot is accompanied by only one horse. Note that the usual mo is here omitted,
as if phrasing and context made confusion impossible.
The vocabulary of the Pylos corslet tablets enables us to fit the following
two Knossos fragments into their rightful context:
299 = V 789 (J hi)
qe-rOo 2 e-po-mi-[
]-ra e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo 2 pa-ra-wa-jo [
qe-ro^: we have already met this word on 230 = K 740, where it describes an object
whose outhne is reminiscent of the corslet ideogram and has the adjunct bronze.
380
u no
162 A Mb corslet
106 HORSE
165 INGOT
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
299-300
It possibly represents some kind of foundation or framing to a metal-reinforced
corslet. Perhaps from crreAAco {*sq^eljd), cf. Hesych. o-rsAAa- ^cootia, cnroAds ‘leather
jerkin’, cnrEAri^- yuvaiKsIov ludriov (Suidas), crxoAos etc. Palmer (1955^, p. 38)
suggests *g’‘helioi ‘coats of mail’; cf. 9aA6v to OTEpEov KUKAcojia toO OTEpvou,
Hesych., cpctAapa, TETpd9aAos, etc.
e-po-mi-[joy. ‘shoulder pieces’? Cf. Eircoptos (Euripides), mcoiiis.
e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo : evidently the adjectival equivalent (dual) of the description koruthos
‘of the helmet’ on the Pylos tablets; to what noun does it refer?
300 = G? 5670
1 ] qe-ro^ 2 [
2 ko]-ru Qi I o-pa-wo-ta [
The identity of the helmet ideogram (cf. fig. 26, A, p. 377) only became apparent
on further cleaning of this fragment by Ventris in August 1 955. Dr Platon has placed
it on exhibition with other selected tablets on the ground floor of the Iraklion
Museum.
PART III
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
This glossary is not restricted only to words occurring in the 300 texts printed above,
but includes all the sign-groups other than apparent proper names which we have
been able to extract from the Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae tablets excavated up to
1955-
When forms which are merely inflectional or spelling variants are discounted, the
990 entries are reduced to no more than 630 lexical units or separate ‘words’. This is
a poor yield from some 3500 tablets (many of which are admittedly fragmentary or
contain only proper names), and compares unfavourably with the situation at Ugarit,
where only 194 published alphabetic tablets in 1947 gave Gordon a vocabulary^ of some
2000 words. Of the Mycenaean texts, only the small number of Knossos ‘chariot’
tablets ( 265 - 277 ) and the Pylos ‘land tenure’ and ‘furniture’ series ( 108 - 154 , 235 - 247 )
contain sentences of reasonable length and variety.
Of these 630 words, some 252 (or 40 per cent) have forms which can, allowing for
historical evolution, be directly equated with Homeric or classical forms, and have
corresponding meanings which fit the context of the tablets with virtual certainty.
These words, distinguished here by J (e.g. ti-ri-po = tripos) , are a valuable addition to
Greek lexicography, and represent, together with Hittite vocabulary, the earliest detailed
evidence of Indo-European speech.
The remaining 60 per cent include compounds without later equivalents ; spelhngs
where the context does not allow a conclusive choice to be made between alternative
identifications, within the range of the ‘spelling rules’ (see pp. 42-8); and finally
forms which cannot yet be explained etymologically, though their approximate
meaning and function may be apparent from the context.
The words are arranged in the normal alphabetical order of the transcription letters,
but inflectional forms of nouns, adjectives and verbs have received subsidiary grouping
after their nominatives, masculines or indicatives, where these are known. Forms with
prefixed 0- jo- o-u- will be found in two cross-referenced positions, both with and
without. The enclitic conjunction -ge has everywhere been omitted from the listed forms
where its function is certain.
Tablet references are grouped under KN (Knossos), PY (Pylos) and MY (Mycenae).
Normally only one tablet will be quoted within each of Bennett’s classifications
(indicated by the prefixes Aa-, Ab-, etc.), for preference one of the tablets printed in
Part II of this book. If the spelling also occurs on other tablets of the same prefix, this
will be indicated by the addition of the plus sign ( + ). 1939 Pylos tablets are referred
to by their numbers as published in PT / (1951 : for a concordance with the numeration
of PT II (1955) see pp. 449-52.
Where identifications have been suggested by other scholars (or are disputed between
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Chadwick and Ventris) this is credited; but account is not necessarily taken of inde-
pendent agreement by other scholars on possibihties already recorded by us in our
draft glossaries of July 1952 and October 1953, or in our prehminar)' notes on the
1952-3 Pylos texts.
Homeric parallels to the linguistic forms are added in square brackets ; failing these,
the earhest classical use of the word. The sign + indicates that the word continues in
use by later authors; the century of a less known author may be indicated by ‘5 b.g.’,
etc. Notes on the etymolog}", whether traditional or controversial, are added in some
cases where they are necessary to the understanding of the Mycenaean form proposed.
Finally, page references will be given for words whose form and meaning receive
their main discussion in the commentary' to chs. vi-xi.
a-de-te, PY Eq887. Nom. sing.: (?)-(er, an agent
noun describing a man’s trade. An-deter
‘ binder ’ ?
a-de-te-re, PY 52 = .A.n26. Nom. dual, quali-
fying ‘ two men’ : {?)-tere.
:a-di-ri-ja-te, PY 242 = Ta707. Instr. sing. masc. :
andriantei ‘ (inlaidj with the figure of a man’.
[dvSpids Pindar 5 B.c.-t-.]
a-di-ri-ja-pi, PY 243 = Ta708-t- . Instr. plur. ;
* andriant-phi > andriamphi.
ai-ka-na-jo, PY Uni 189. Possibly the name of a
liquid, also abbreviated ai.
lai-ka-sa-ma, PY 257=Jn09. Acc. plur.: aixmatu
‘points (for arrows and spears'’, [lyysos
alxpfi II- x\i. 315 + , *atksmd, cf. OPruss.
qysmis ‘javelin’.]
ais-ka-te-re, PY 248 = Va01. Dual in -tere-, see
p. 348. Related to the next word?
ai2?-yte-re-si, PY 169 = Es646 + . Dat. plur. in
-tersi'. a kind of person or di\-inity receiving
offerings. See p. 279.
Xai-ki-Gi-ri-jo, PY 91 = Fn02 + . Nom. plur. masc.
(or dat. sing.) : aigialioi. description of a class
of men ‘frequenting the seashore’? [aiyia-
Aeios -Ath. Med. 1 .-t.D.. AiyiaAtes Herodotus,
alyiaAos II. iv, 422 + . Etymolog>- uncertain :
may contain *hal- ‘sea’.]
ai-ki-no-o, KN 275 = Se879 4- . Part of a chariot?
See p. 369.
ai^I-ki-no-o, PY251 = \’n02. .Alternative spell-
ing of the preceding.
ai-ki-pa-ta, KN Fh346, PY 32 = .Ae05-)-. Nom.
sing.: aigipai's tds ‘goatherd’. [Homer only
aitroAo; Od. XX. 173-f {* aig-q“olos , axy\^o-TO%
■IGdxq Od. IV, 606. For *-pa(s)las, cf.
TtaTTraivco.]
ai-mi-re-we. KN 81 = Dm 1 180-1- . Nom. plur.
masc. : class of rams, distinguished from
e-ka-ra-e-iL'c q.v. [Connected with atuuAos
‘wheedling', Hesiod 4-, aaiAAa *smilja ‘con-
flict’. Pindar 4- ?j See p. 210.
ai^I-te, PA' 44 = An29. Nom. sing, of the next
word ?
ai-te-re, KN 48 = B 101. Nom. plur. masc.:
name of a man’s trade, {?)-teres, ‘inlayers’,
connected with the succeeding word? Chad-
wick: du-te-re'i
a-ja-me-no, KN 266 = Sd040 1 4- , PY 242 =
Ta707 4-. Nom. sing, and plur. masc.:
mai{s)menos -oi. Nom. dual fern.: aiai(s)mend.
Reduplicated perf. part, pass., probably
‘inlaid (with ivory, etc.)’. Cf. a-na-to ‘not
inlaid’. [Etymology obscure; probably not
related to siansvf), siapivov. Georgiev, 1954,
compares HHittite aja- ‘make’.] See p. 334.
a-ja-me-na, KN 265 = Sd0403 4- , 272 = Sf042 1 4- ,
PA’ 239 = Ta642. Nom. sing. fern. : aiai{s)mend.
a-ja-me, KN Sd0415. Defective spelling of the
preceding.
a-ka-ra-no. PA’ 241 = Ta715. Nom. sing, fem.,
adjective describing a table, probably ct-
privative: akardnos ‘headless’? [dcKaprivo?
Anth. PL] See p. 342.
a-ke. PA’ 172 = Kn02. Probably part of ayco
‘lead’, see p. 285.
a-ke-a 2 , PY A n04. Nom. plur. neuter: angea
‘wine-jars’? Or the same word as a-ke-e?
[ayyos n. Od. xvi, 13-)-.]
a-ke-e, PY Cnll, Mal2, Na03. Palmer: agei
‘in the precinct (of Themis j ’. [ayta-
TSiiEvca Hesych.] Cf. also apyo; ‘plain (near
the sea) ’, Strabo viii. 372.
Xa-ke-re, PA 63 = Cc660. 3rd sing. pres. : agirei
‘he collects (sheep) ’. [ctyEipco II. iv, 3774-.]
a-ke-ra^-te, PA’ Vn03. Nom. plur. masc., aor.
part. : agerantes ‘ who collected [e-po) ’. [69 -
^69ev ctApiTa . . . dyEipas Od. xix, 197.] Or
possibly angelantes.
a-ke-re-mo, KN Lf838. Nom. sing., a class or
trade : agrernon. [^pEpcov ‘ hunter’, Etyrn. Alag.]
a-ke-re-mo-no, KN A 865. Probably gen. sing. :
agremonos.
Xa-ke-re-se, PA 43 = Sn01. 3rd sing. aor. (or
fut.?i: agrese ‘captured, took’. [Homer only
aypEi ‘come on!’; ctypeco ‘take’ is Aeolic.
From dypr) Od. xii, 3304- ‘chase’.]
386
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
o-a-ke-re-se, ibid, ho agrese ‘thus he took’; less
likely for ou- ‘not’, cf. ouq^e in the other
entries; see p. 176 .
%a-ke-ro, PY Ea03, Vn03. Nom. sing, and plur. :
angelos -oi ‘messenger’. [ayysAos H- n, 26 + .]
a-ke-te-re, PY Jn832. Nom. plur. masc. :
asketeres, of smiths ‘who practice their trade’,
equivalent to talasian ekhontesl [doKTiTTis
Aristoph. + , daKEco ‘work raw materials’
II. XXIII, 743 + ; etymology obscure.]
a 2 rke-te-re, KN V 118. Probably an alternative
spelling of the preceding.
a~ke-ti-ra2, PY Aal 6 + . Nom. plur. fern., a
woman’s trade: asketriai ‘ craftswoman ’ or
similar. [doxfiTpia late, only in sense ‘female
ascetic’, but cf. Horn. doKECo.] Or akestriai?
[ccKEOTpia ‘sempstress’, Sophr. 5 B.C. + ,
dKEOTpi? ‘midwife’, Hippocr. 5 B.C.] Or,
best, agetriai [Tarent. dyerpia' pala Hesych.]
‘nurse, fostermother, midwife’ — Furumark.
See p. 158 .
a-ke-ti-ri-ja, KN 17 = Ai739, PY Aa08. Alterna-
tive spelling.
a-ze-ti-ri-ja, KN 25 = Ap694, 89 =E 777 rev.,
M 683, X 657. Alternative spelling, with
z- for k- (see p. 44 ) ?
a-ke-ti-ra^-o, PY .^604-1-. Gen. plur.: agetridon,
etc.
a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i, PY FnOl, Unll, MY 93 = Fol01.
Dat. plur. : agetrid’i, etc.
Xa-ki-ti-to, PY 197=Na69-p [153 = Er02.4?].
Acc. sing, neuter ? : aktiton ‘ un tilled ’. [dKTiToj
h. Horn.]
Xa-ko-ra, KN Dx969, PY 62=Cn655-t-. Nom.
sing.: agord, noun corresponding to the verb
a-ke-re, ‘ (So-and so’s responsibility for) col-
lection (of sheep)’ or ‘collecting-place’.
[Horn, dyopf) only ‘assembly of people’,
‘place of assembly’, later ‘market’, now
agord', from dytlpco. dysAri is derived from
dyco and only used of horses or cattle (now
ayeldda — ‘covi’) which makes a form *agold
‘flock’ unlikely.]
Xa-ko-ra-jo, KN 86=Co907. Nom. plur. masc.?;
agoraioi, ‘belonging to the a-ko-ra’, of mixed
livestock, [dyopalo? .-\esch.-t-. only ‘of the
market or assembly’. But cf. poOv dysAaitiv
‘ member of a herd ’, 11. xi, 729 .]
a-ko-ra-ja, KN Co903-i-. Nom. plur. neuter?:
agoraia.
Xa-ko-ro, KN D1932. PY [Un04], 252 = Vn06.
agros or agroi, ‘ fields, lands (of Louses') ’.
[dypol II. XXIII, 832 + .]
a-ko-ro-we, PY 77=:Cn23. Nom. sing, masc.,
describing an ox or bull: akhrowes ‘colour-
less, pale’ or ‘of uniform colour’ (d-).
[dxpoos ‘pale’, Hippocr. 5 B.c., cf. £UXpoT|s
= £ 0 xpoo 5 Od. XIV, 24 ; dxpoia ‘likeness in
colour’, Hesych.]
a-ko-ro-we-e, ibid. Nom. dual: akhro'uree.
a-ko-ro-we-i. KN X 7100. Dat. sing.
Xa-ko-so-ne, PY 252 = \’n06. Nom. plur.: axones
‘axles’, [d^cov masc., II. xvi, 378 -t-.]
a-ko-to-no, PY 44 = An29. Probably aktoinoi
"not possessing a plot’.
a-ko-wo, PY 55 = .\n724. See p. 188 .
Xa-ku-ro, PY 290=Sa03. Instr. sing.: arguroi
' (bound] with silver’, [dpyupos II. ii, 857 -P ;
cf. Lat. argentum, Arm. arcath, etc.]
a-ma, KN E 845 -p , 95 = F 852 -P . Nom. sing. :
amd ‘harvest’? or ‘bucket’? or v-erbal form
from dudeo? [dpdeo II. xviii, 551 +; dpr)
‘bucket’ Plut.]
a-mo-i-je-to, PY 248 = \'a01 rev. Two words
(cf. i-je-to)? harmoi hiesthon ‘the two are just
being sent’. [dppoT .Nesch. -p .]
a-mo-ra-ma, KN 34 = -Am601-P. Nom. sing.:
harmotdma ‘ food levs' ’ ? [Cf. dppaAid ‘ rations ’
Hesiod -P, dppoAid P. Teb. 2 b.c.; ripua-
Acoaocro' ouvsAapEV ‘collected together, laid
hold of’, Hesych.; cf. Arc. dpptoAa, dppeo-
liaAa' dpTUpaTa ibid.', cf. also Hesych.
dpolpriua ‘loss of benefit’.] Seep. 170 .
a-mo-ta, KN 279= So0437-p , PY 288 = Sa790.
Nom. plur. neuter: noun (?) applied to sets
of WHEELS. See pp. 371 - 2 .
a-mo-te, KN 283 = So0442. Possibly dual har-
rnole; or aor. pass, harmosthe ‘was fitted’?
\’entris reads a-mo ‘one wheel’ on So7485.
a-mo-te-jo-na-de, PY 252 = Vn06. Allat. acc.:
harmoteionade (apporra) ‘to the chariot depart-
ment’, or harmosteionade (dppojco) ‘to the
joinery shop’. [Cf xak'Ktdov ‘smithy’. Od.
VIII, 273 , etc.] See p. 350 .
a-mo-te-re, KN X 770, X 6026. Dat. sing, (or
nom. plur.): harmosterei ‘fitter’? [dppoo-rfip
‘governor’ Xenophon -P.]
a-mo-te-wo, PY Ea25 -p . Gen. sing. : harmostewos,
title of an official. [Cf dppoaTTjs ‘harmost’
Thuc. -P .]
a-rno-te-wi-ja. 235 = Ta711. Nom. sing, fern.,
adj. describing etver: harmosterx'id ‘of the
harmost’s service’? See p. 335 .
Xa-na-ke-e, PY 44 = An29. Pres, inf: anageen ‘to
bring, contribute’. [Horn, dvdy&o.]
Xa-na-mo-to, KN 273 = Sf0420-p. Nom. fem. :
anhannostos -oi ‘not fitted up’, of the ‘incom-
plete chariot’ ideogram. [dvdppocjTOs ‘not
fitting’ Xenophon -P ; derived meanings Hero-
dotus, Thuc.]
a-na-mo-ta, KN Ef?)0465. Nom. plur. neuter:
anharmosta; the ideogram is not whe.\t.
a-na-to, KN Sg 888 -p. Nom. fem.: anai{sjtos
-loi ‘not inlaid’, alternating with a-ja-me-na
q.v.
a-na-i-ta, KN Sf0419-P. Nom. plur. fem.:
anai{s)tai, form incorrect in a compound.
a-na-ta, KN 273 = Sf0420. Shorter spelling of
the preceding.
Xa-ne-mo, KN 200 = Fpl-P. Gen. plur.: anemon
hiereia ‘(priestess] of the winds’. [dvEpoi IL
xin, 795 + .]
387
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-ne-ta-de, PY 175 = MalO. Pass, part., nom.
plur. neuter; aneta de, ‘but let off, remitted’,
of tribute. [dtvtT||jit ‘let go’, Homer + ; ovetos
‘set free’, aveai; ‘ remission of taxes’.]
%a-ni-ja, KN 270 = Sd04f)2 + . Nom. plur. fern.:
{h)dniai ‘reins, harness’. [Homer only fjvia
metri gratia ; dvlai Pindar, Att. T)viai ; *nsia-,
Skt. ndsyd ‘nose-rein’.]
a-ni-ja-pi, KN 266 = Sd040 1 -f . Instr. plur. :
araruiai ih)dnidphi ‘ (fitted) with harness’.
a-ni-o-ko, KN V 60. Nom. sing, or plur.:
(h)dni-okhos ‘chariot-driver’. Cf. the name
Ale-nu-wa recurring onSc238. [rivioxo? IL viii,
89 + .]
a-no-no, PY Ea801 131 = Ep01, Eb818. Nom.
plur. fern. : anonoi ‘(lands) not subject to o-na-io’
(lease?). Similarly Carratelli, 1954, p. 107.
a-no-pa^-si-ja, PY Ea805. Gen. sing, after e-ne-ka:
apparently an action noun corresponding to
classical -paala or the like.
Xa-no-wo-to, KN 232 =K 875. Nom. sing,
neuter. Sittig: dipas anouolon ‘ (goblet) without
handles’, lit. ‘without ears’. [dvoucrros
Theocr. 3 b.c., dcoTos Philetas 4 b.c. ; *-ousntos,
with ‘Achaean’ - 0 - for -n-.]
a-no-we, PY 236 = Ta641. Nom. sing, neuter.
Blegen: dipas andwes, variant form of the
preceding. [-cS^e; as in Theocr. dpcpcoES ‘ two-
handled’; *-Suses.'\
g-nu-wi-ko, KN 38=Asl516 (Ventris’ reading).
Perhaps an wiko (or wikos) ‘each time, at a
time’. [Acc. or gen. of substantive found in
TTiviKa (Schwyzer, Gram, i, 629); cf. Lat.
inuicem.l
a-pe-e-ke, PY 55 = An724 (.\n32). An impersonal
verb? See p. 187.
Xa~pe-e-[si], PY An33. 3rd plur. pres.: ap-eensi
‘ they are absent, away ’. [atTEipi Homer ; for
the form, see e-e-si.^
a-pe-i-si, KN Od666. Alternative spelling of the
preceding?
a-pe-o, KN [V 117?], PY 51 = An20. Nom.
sing. masc. : apeon ‘absent’.
a-pe-o-te, KN 37 = B 823, PY 55 = .An724
(.•\n32). Nom. plur. masc.; apeontes.
a-pe-a-sa, KN Ap633 (joined). Nom. plur.
fern.: ap-eassai ‘absent’. l-e’'assa from *-esntja,
as Arc. laua, Cret. laTra; Skt. sati from
*sntj3.X
a-pe-ti-ra^. KN 207 = V 280. See p. 31 1.
Xa-pi, KN 90 = G 820, PY 247=Ta716. Prep,
with dat. : amphi ‘on both sides of’, [diaipi
II. XXA', 163-r.]
a-pi-e-ke, PY 97 = Un03. 3rd sing, pres.; amphi-
ekhei' encloses’ (‘keeps in safety’?), Carratelli:
‘collects’. [duTTEXco Od. vi, 225-1-.] See
p. 221.
Xa-pi-po-re-we, KN 233= Uc 160 rev. Nom. plur.,
describing amphora ideogram: amphi-
pkorewes ‘amphoras'. [dp9i(pop£us Od. ii,
290-1-.]
a-po-re-we, PY [238 = Tn996?], MY 234 =
Ue611 rev. Nom. dual.: amphorewe. [dp-
9op£us Herodotus -f , shorter form unsuited to
epic metre.]
'.a-pi-qo-ro, PY ,\a804 ll = .\d690. Nom. and
gen. plur. fern.: amphiq“oldn kont'oi, ‘(sons) of
the waiting-women’. [dpqiiTroXos Od. i,
331 + ) *ambhi-q“olos, cf. Skt. abhicarah, Lat.
anculus.^
a-pi-qo-to, PY 240= Ta713 -1- . Nom. sing, and
dual fern., adj. describing tables: amphig“otos
-to ‘encircled’; Chadwick: ‘with a broad
edging’; Muhlestein: ‘which can be walked
round, free-standing’, [dppipaivco Od. xii,
74+ > -g'^otos from *gmtos, class. -|3 octos.] See
p. 341.
a-pi-te-Y, KN U 876. Nom., probably the name
of some artefact, possibly amphithema, amphi-
thetir. [Cf. TtEpiSEpa, -Qripa, and EtriOEpa ‘lid’,
II. XXIV, 228-1-. Cf. o-pi-te-te-re.^
a-po-te-ro-te, PY 248 = Va01. Adverb: ampho-
terothen ‘from both of them’. [dp90TEpca9EV
‘from both sides/ends’, II. v, 726-1-.]
Xa-pu, KN 90=G 820. Prep.: apu ‘from’, [drro,
Aeol., .\rc., Cypr. dtru, now apo, ap.l
Xa-pu-do-ke, KN X 681, PY[Un01?]. 3rd sing,
aor. : apudoke ‘rendered, paid’. [dtroSiScopt
II. IV, 478-1-, Thess. diTuSopEvai.]
a-pe-do-ke, PY Gnll84 (see p. 217). Rare
example of aorist with augment : apedoke.
ta-pu-do-si, KN 92= Fh349 -p , G 461 4- , Ga5 18 + ,
100 = 0g424-p, L 728 -p, PY 173 = Ma06-p,
WrOl. Nom. sing.: apudosis ‘payment’,
‘ actual delivery ’. [dtroSoCTis Thuc. -P .]
a-pu-do-so-[mo?], KN Fh0484. See do-so-mo.
Xa-pu ke-ka-u-me-no, PY 236=Ta641. Nom.
sing, masc.: apukekaumenos ‘charred away’, of
the legs of a tripod cauldron. [drrroKaico
Xenophon -P ; of intense cold, II. xxi,
336+.]
a-pu-ko-wo-ko, PY Ab03 -p . Nom. and gen. plur.
fern., a class of women: ampukoworgoi ‘head-
band makers ’ ? [apiru^ II. xxii, 469 -P .]
a-ra-ka-te-ja, KN Lc542, PY Aa03 -p . Nom.
plur. fem., a class of women: dlakateiai ‘spin-
ning women’. [TiXaKcrrTi ‘distaff’, Od. iv,
•35 + > Aeol. ctAoKaTa Theocr.; cf. 'HAoKCt-
TEia, festival at Sparta. Perhaps from
*a-leknta, cf. Lith. lenktuie ‘reel’.]
a-ra-ka-te-ja-o, PY Ad677. Gen. plur. fem. :
alakateiddn.
a-ra-te-ja-o, PY Ad09. Probably a defective
spelling of the preceding.
Xa-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na, KN 270= Sd0402 -P . Nom.
sing, and plur. fem., perf part. pass, applied
to ‘complete’ chariots: hararmotmend -ai
‘fitted together’ (i.e. the joinery work of the
superstructure), the opposite of a-na-mo-to.
[dpnoju Od. V, 247 -p , .\tt. dppoTTCo, part.
fippoapEuri. Formation of two verbs in -6300
is obscure: dpp63(a cf. dpp66ios, but 6£cnT63CO
388
+ +
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
cf. SsCTTTOT-. ‘Attic’ reduplication as in alpsco
dpaipriKa, etc.]
a-ra-ro-mo-to-me-na, KN Sd0416. Incorrect
spelling of the preceding.
a-ro-mo-te-me-na, KN 271 = Sd0422. Incom-
plete, or unreduplicated, spelling of the
preceding.
a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-no, KN 266 = Sd040 1 . Prob-
ably fern, dual, see p. 342.
%a-ra-ru-ja, KN 266 = Sd0401 -t- . Nom. sing, and
plur. fern.: araruia -ai {h)dnidphi ‘fitted (with
reins) ’. [dpapuTa II. xv, 737 -(- . Perfect
active part, with ‘passive’ sense, see p. 89,
and cf. Schwyzer, Gram, i, 768.]
a-ra-ru-wo-a. KN 262 = Ra 1548 -i- . Nom. plur.
neuter: ararwoa ‘ (swords) fitted (tvith des-
moi)\ \*-wosa, cf. Skt. -vas-; class, -ora.]
a-ra-ru-wo-ja, KN Sd0408. Incorrect fem., con-
taminated by the neuter plur. ; but cf. Ionic
EcoOoia, etc.
%a-re-pa-te, PY 103 = Un08. Dat. sing.: aleiphalei
‘anointing-oil’. [dAEi9ap //. xxiii, 170-)-.]
a-re-pa-zo-o, PY 103 = Un08-|-. Nom. and dat.
sing.: aleipha-zoos -Si ‘ unguent-boiler ’ = class,
pup-e^/o;. [jsw intrans. II. xviii, 349 -1- , trans.
.\ristoph. + .]
a-re-po-zo-o, PY Ea812 + , Fg02. .Alternative
spelling of the preceding. [Connecting vowel
as in dl\.si96-pio5 .Aristoph. + .]
a-re-ro. PY 171 = Un7i8. The name of a com-
modity with monogram .a.-|- re- 1 - p.a.. See
p. 284.
a-re-sa-ni-e, PY 55 = .An724 (.An32). Pres,
infinitive? See p. 187.
a-re-ta-to, KN 270=Sd0402. Part of a chariot,
see p. 367.
a-re-te-re, KN .As5557. Nom. plur. : aleteres
‘corn-grinders’? [dAErris Gortyn 5 b.c.]
a^-ri-e, PY 55 = .An724 (.An32). Pres, infinitive?
See p. 187.
PY 154=Eq01. .Aor. participle : amam
‘counting’? [dpi-9pds, Horn. vripiTO^ ‘in-
numerable’.] See p. 269.
a-ro-[. MA’ 105 = Ge602. Acc. plur. Palmer:
arS \rnata'\ ‘ aromatic herbs and spices ’. [dpcopa
Hippocr. 5 B.c. -1-.]
Xa-ro-pa, PY 1225 -t- (1955). Bennett: aloiphd
‘unguent’. [dXoKpf] Od. vi, 220-1-.]
a-ro-po, PY .AnOl. aloiphoi ‘ anointers ’ ?
a 2 -rP-u-do-pi, PY 239 = Ta642. Instr. plur., a
material used to inlay furniture. See p.
340-
a-ro-u-ra, PA’ 154=Eq01. Acc. plur.: arouram
‘corn-lands’, [dpoupai 7109096901 II. xiv.
122+ ; -ou- a diphthong, Cypr. a-ro-u-ra-i:
cf. Lat. aruom.]
a-ro-wo, PY 251 = Vn02. Chadwick: gen. sing.,
halowos ‘of the threshing-floor’; but possibly
a place-name. [dAcoj Hippocr. 5B.C. -f.
.Att. gen. usually -co; Homeric form dAcofj.]
a-roa-a, KN 214= Ld571 -j- , L 5920, 282 =
389
S0O43O. Nom. plur. neuter, adj. applied to
textiles and wheels: arioa ‘better’? [Shorter
form of dpeicov ? L'^nlike dpioTog, dpeioov not
of things in Homer.]
a-ro^-e, KN L 735. Nom. plur. ‘fem.’ of the
preceding: arioes?
a-ro 2 -Jo, KN 279 = So0437. .Apparently dual:
form difficult to explain.
(jo)-a-se-so-si, PA’ 75 = Cn02. 3rd plur. fut. :
‘thus they shall do something (to fat swine) '.
Palmer suggests a derivative of dco daai
‘give someone his fill’, II. v, 289-:-. See p.
206.
a-si-to-po-qo, PA’ [Eb28], 148 = Ep04.6. Nom.
sing., a trade or office. Suggestion sito-poq“os
‘cook’ {Evidence) is invalidated by initial sign
apparently present on tablet. .A confusion
with a-to-po-qol
a-ta-ra, AIA’ 234 = Ue61 1 rev., sealing Wt501.
Nom. plur. neuter or fem., a kind of vessel
(no ideogram): antla? [Cf dvTA.05 ‘ship’s
hold’, Od. XII, 411, etc.. dvrAov Poll. 2 a.d.;
dvTAqTTip; dvrAiov ‘bucket’, .Aristoph. -f- ;
dvrAla’ KaSioKog Hesych.]
Xa-ta-ra-si-jo, PY 253=Jn01 . Nom. plur. masc.
Bjbrck and Chadwick: atalasioi ‘ (smiths) who
have not received an issue (of bronze) ’. See
ta-ra-si-ja.
a-te-re-e-te-jo, PA’ 238 = Tn996. Nom. plur. (?)
masc., adj. describing b.vth: antleteioi ‘which
can be emptied’? [dvrAsco ‘bale out. drain
dry’, .Ale. 7 B.C. dvTAq-rqpios. etc.] See
P- 338.
a-te-re-te-a, KN 278 = So894. Unless a man’s
name, probably nom. plur. neuter, apparently
a- privative with a stem in -is. See p. 371.
Xa. 2 -te-ro, PA’ 178 = Mai 3. .Acc. sing, neuter:
hateron icetos ‘the following (year)’, cf .Att.
6aTEpa‘on the morrow’. [ETEpos ‘one or other;
another’ Homer ETEpos (but OTEpos in
crasis) is confined to .Att.-Ionic: Common
Gk. drepos from *srn-teros.'\
a-te-we, PA’ 238 = Tn996. Nom. plur.: name of
a kind of ewer or jug.
a-ti-ja-[, AIA’ X 1 (1950,i. 3rd sing, pres.:
[I .i\thdnd antid ‘.Athena accepts, receives’??
[Cf. qASE 6’ ’ASfivq ipcov dvTiocoCTa Od. nr,
436.]
a-to-mo, KN V’ 56, PY 258 = Kn01, 43 = Sn01.
In groups e-qe-{a)-o a-to-mo, i-zq-a-to-rno,
apparently names of groups of men. [Cf.
dp9ti6s ‘fellowship’ h.Hom.+ ^ Not dpTotpos
‘butcher’. Soph. -t- ?]
Xa-to-po-qo, PY 49 = .An07-(-, 91 = Fn02, MY
46 = .Aul02, Oell7. Nom. plur. artopoq^oi
‘ bakers ’. [dpTOKOtros Herodotus -f- . -ttottos
P oll. -f : *-poq'‘os, Schwyzer, Gram, i, 298.]
Xa-to-ro-qo, PA’ 246 = Ta722. Probably instr.
sing.: anthroq“6i ‘with a man, human being’.
[6tv9pooTros Homer -I- ; possibly derived from
* andr-hoq^os (Brugmann), cf. Hesych. Spcoqi.]
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-u-qe, KN 270 = Sd0402. Probably an error for
ouq^e ‘ and not’ rather than oSts ‘furthermore,
on the contrar)'’, Homer + .
a-* 2 j-ka, KNLe786 = . A description of textiles.
da-i-ja-ke-re-tt, PY 44 = An29. rfai-agretu ‘ divider
of lands’? Or an ethnic?
%da-ko-ro, PY 49 = An07T-. Nom. dual and
plur. : dakoro -oi. [jaKopos ‘ temple attendant’,
probably orig. ‘floor-sweeper’; *dm-koros.
Schwyzer, Gram, i, 330.]
da-ko-ro-i, PY Unll. Dat. plur.: dakoroi’i.
da-ma-te, PY 114=En02. Feminine term used
in counting an area of land, possibly AapaxTip
iaccepted by Webster, Furumark, 1954 '. See
p. 242. Carratelli: SdpapTES ‘families, house-
holds’?
%da-mi-} 0 , PY Ea803. .\cc. sing.: ddmion, a kind
of agricultural holding, perhaps equivalent to
an onatonparo ddmoi. [Stipios ‘ public’, Od. xx,
264 -f .] Cf. SripioEpyo;, Palmer, 1954A, p. 44.
%da-mo, KN C 59 -P, E 845. P5 Ea03-r. 133 =
Eb08^. 131 = Ep01-P, 147=Eq03. 171 =
Un718. Usually dat. sing. : paro ddmoi "from the
village’, l.e. from the administration of the
common land. [Sfjpos'agricultural component
in a territoiy ’ Homer -f , later ‘ free people ;
commune’. Probably orig. ‘land divided at
first settlement’, cf. Sacpos, and ISaCTaorr’
dpoupas Od. VI, 10.]
da-mo-de-mi, PY 135 = Ep704. Ventris: ddmos
de min phdsi ‘ but the village says that
she. . .’, see p. 254. Similarly Georgiev.
da-mo-ko-ro, KN [L 642?], X 7922, PY OnOl,
235 = Ta71 1. .\cc. sing., nom. plur.: ddtnokoron
-oi? Title of a village functionaiy. perhaps
equivalent to ko-re-te. q.v. Cf dn-ko-ro?
%de-de-me-no. PY 290=Sa03-:-. Nom. dual
neuter: dedemeno. of wheels ‘bound (with
silver or bronze ’ ; cf. ka-ko-de-la. [SeSepui
perf. pass. Od. xxi\', 228 -i- .]
d?-di-kii-]'a, KN 18 = .Ak611: abbreviated de on
.■\k620? Incorrect spelling of dedidakhidai .
perf part, of SiSdoKco ;Homer-f-, perf
Xen. -P) ‘having completed their training’?
See p. 163.
%de-ka-sa-tg. KN 213 = L 641. 3rd sing. aor.
mid.: de.\ato ‘received’. [eSe^oto It. xvm,
238. etc., also Sekto Trom Se^to .Schwyzer,
Gram. I. 260) II. x\’. 88. etc.] Cf. de-ko-to,
L 642. in same sense.
o-de-ka-sa-to, PY PnOl. ho dexato ‘thus he
received ’.
de-ma-si, KN Fh353. Describing oil ideogram.
Loc. plur.: derma.n ‘in leather bottles, skins’?
[SsppaCTlV £V TTUKlVOlCJI Od. II, 291-:-.]
Xde-me-o-te. PY 41 = .\nl4. Nom. plur. masc.,
fut. part.: demiontes ‘who are to do building
work’, [dspo) II. vii. 436 -p : future not
recorded, but cf vEpdi. KauEOitat, teueco.
etc.]
tde-mi-ni-ja, PY Vn851. Nom. plur. neuter:
demnia ‘bedsteads’. [Sstivia pi. II. xxiv,
644-p.]
Xde-so-mo, KN 262 = Ra 1 548 -P . Instr. plur.
masc. : desmois ‘ (swords fitted) with belts?
hilts?’. [5£o-p65 Homer -p.] Equivalent to
Horn. ctopTTjp, TEAapcov ‘sword belt’? See
P‘36i- . . P
Xdi-da-ka-re, KN 22 = Ak781-r. Description of
children. .Archaic loc. sing. icf. oIkei) :
didaskalei ‘at the school-teacher’s’? [6i5d-
CTKaAo? (fern., h. Hom. + , later masc. Now
daskdla.'l
tdi-do-si. KN [260=0g0467], PY 178 = Mal3.
3rd plur. pres.: didonsi (or diddsi from -nti,
cf. Schwyzer, Gram, i, 686?) ‘they give, con-
tribute, delK'er’. [SiScopi Homer -P ; the
Horn, form 5 i6oOcti is an Ionic innovation.]
o-di-do-si, PY 252 = Vn06. ho didonsi ‘ thus they
deliver’.
o-u-di-do-si, PY 175 = MalO-p, 195 = Na67-P.
ou-dtdonsi ‘they do not contribute’.
o-u-di-do-to, PY 199 = Ng01-P. 3rd plur. pres,
pass.: ou-didontoi (or didotoi?) ‘they are not
delivered, contributed’. For -toi, see p. 87.
dose, PY 171 = Un718. 3rd sing, fut.: dosei ‘he
will give’. [Homer uses both Scocjoo (Skt.
ddsya-) and SiScoctco; now tha-d6so.'\
jo-do-so-si, PY 257=jn09. 3rd plur. fut.: ho
dosonsi ‘thus they will contribute, deliver’.
o-do-ke, PY 103= Un08. 3rd sing, aor.: ho doke
‘thus he gave’. [(eIScoke Homer -P, an in-
novation compared with inherited *£60)
(Schwyzer, Gram, i, 741)?]
do-ke, KN Wsl707, X 7711. Simple form of
the preceding.
de-do-me-na, KN So0440 -P . Nom. plur.
neuter: dedomena ‘delivered’.
tdi-pa. KN 232= K 875 4-, PY 236 = Ta641.
Blegen. Sittig: dipas, nom. sing, neuter,
‘gohlet?’; illustrated by ideogram, see p. 326.
[SE-rras n. It. xi, 632 -P ; Homeric ‘SEira’ is for
SETta’la), and no analog)' to apparent plur.
di-pa on K 740. No etymology.]
di-pa-e, PY 236 = Ta641. Nom. dual.: dipae
‘two goblets’.
di-pte-ra-po-ro. PY 91 = Fn02, <Ea814>, Unll.
Nora. sing, and plur.; a class of persons:
diphtheraphoroi ‘wearers of leather jerkins’?
Or -poioi ‘-sellers’? Or by metathesis for
(Hesych.) Cypr. 5i99EpaAoi<pos ‘schoolmaster’
(cf Herodotus v, 58 1 ? [SnpOlpa for * enyvEpa,
cf Stq^co ?] Carratelli f 1 954, p. 1 1 1 ) : ‘ scribes ’ ?
~di-wi-ja, PY 28 = An42. Epithet applied to
female slaves. [Horn. 6I0; ‘ heavenly ’ ; also
‘excellent’, 6T05 utpoppos Od. xvi, 20, etc.]
Chadwick: Diwjds ‘of the goddess Diwja’, cf.
172=Kn02.
Zdo-e-ro. KN B 822, C 911-p, X 5877 -P. PY
33 = .A.e07, 28 = An42, Eb24-p, 114=En024-,
168=Es644-f, 118 = Eo0l4-, 148 = Ep04-P,
390
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
253=Jn01 + . Nom. sing, and plur. masc. :
doelos -oi ‘bondman, slave, servant’, parti-
cularly in the expression theoio doelos, see
p. 236. [60OA0S .\esch. -r . Doric SuAos shows
that the class, forms are probably the result
of contraction, not from *-ou-. Pisani, Bailey:
cf. Khotanese dahd 'man’, Skt. ddsah.^
do-e-ro-jo, KN C 912. Gen. sing.: doeloio.
do-e-ro-i, PY 91 = Fn02 + . Dat. plur.: doeloVi.
%do-e-ra, KN20 = -Ak824,Ap628,Gg713, X1036 + ,
PY 27 = Ae08. 28 = An42. 1 37 = Eb30 -y. Ec07.
114=En02 + , 118 = Eo01-f, 148 = Ep04-|-.
Nom. sing, and plur. fern.: doeid -ai ‘maid-
servant, bondwoman, slave’. [SouAt) II. iii,
409 -f-.]
[do\-e-ra-o, KN Ak7024. Gen. plur.
do-qe-ja, PY 28 = An42. Nom. sing, and plur.
fem. : 'idorq'‘eia -ai, a class of girl slave. [Cf.
Soptrou ‘evening meal’, Homer + (Schulze
*dorq'‘-, cf. Alb. darke)?] Chadwick: ‘reaper’,
from 6p£TTCo; see p. 167.
Xdo-ra. PY 172=Kn02. Nom. or acc. plur.: dora
‘gifts’ (gold vessels offered to divinities).
[Scopov 11. VI, 293-1- > *10"^ ddro.]
Xdo-so-mo, PY 168=Es644-|-, 171 = Un718. Nom.
and acc. sing. : dosrnos -on ‘ (a kind of) gift,
contribution’. [Cf. .-Arc. dTruSoapos ‘sale’,
Orchom. IG, v (2), 343, 28 (4 b.c.). Prob-
ably equivalent to 66ais II. x. 213-t-.]
do-si-mi-ja, PY 182=Ma!8, MY [Ge606?].
Nom. plur. neuter: dosmia ‘which are to be
given as a dosmos’ . [Cf .Arc. ccttuSoctuios
T egea, IG, v (aj. 3 (4 b.c. j. ‘saleable’.]
do-si-mi-jo, PY \Va730. Neuter sing, of the
preceding?
do-wa, KN \'’5113. [Cf EM: 5opd- 6 ok 6 s
(C retan)?]
Xdo-we-jo, KN 269 = Sd0404 4- - Nom. sing.?
masc.?: description of part of a ch.vriot:
dorweios ‘made of wood, wooden planks'.
[=6oupEios Eurip. + , SoupdTsios Od. vin.
493+ ; *dorw-, cf Lith. dend ‘pine-wood’.]
du-ma. KN Npl039, X 1030, PY AnlG. Nom.
sing. : apparently the name of a class of men.
OnOl.6 is to be emended to ^dii-ma-li, ap-
parently the dative singular.
du-ma-te. PY 257=;Jn09. Nom. plur. of the
preceding. [Cf. 6dpap II. m, i22-(- ‘wife’?
*drn-art (perhaps orig. neuter; ‘who manages
the house’, Schwyzer, Gram, i, 519.]
po-ro-du-ma-te, PY 91 = Fn02. Dat. sing, or
nom. plur. : ? pro-d’marles. a class of men. with
pro- as in po-ro-ko-re-te q.\’.
po-rii-da-ma-te. PY50 = .Anl8. \ ariant spelling
of the preceding, or polu- ‘much, many’?
me-ri-da-ma-te . PY 50 = .An 1 8 -i- . Nom. plur.:
a further subdivision of this class: melli- ‘-to-
be’ as in lasAAsloriv. lisAAEttoais, etc.?
me-ri-du-ma-te. KN [X 1045]. PY49 = .An07 + .
Nom. plur.: alternative spelling: melli-
d’rnartesJ
me-ri-du-te, PA' 91 = Fn02. Defective spelling
of the preceding.
Xdu-ru-to-mo, PA’ 252 = \'n06. Nom. plur. :
drutomoi ‘w'ood-cutters’. [SpuTopo? II. xi.
86-y.]
Xdu-wo-u-pi, PA' 148 = Ep04+. Instr. of numeral
‘two’. [The -u- is problematic, unless directly-
inherited from IE "^d“iL’du-. Or for duoiu [n'lphi,
with the vocalism shown by .Arc. Ai6upoiuv
iSchvv-yzer. Gram, i, 557)? Cf. Skt. loc.
diayds<*d'‘woyoiis, Lith. dSiejaw, classical
Suolv, 5uonv is perhaps from *6uoT'JV.]
du-wo-u-pi-de. PA' Eb37. The preceding, with
-de ‘but’.
te-e-si, KN 24 = .Ai63, 271 = Sd0422, PY Nal 179.
3rd plur. pres.: eensi ‘they are’, cf. e-ne-e-si,
a-pe-e-si. [.Att., Lesb. Eicri, Dor. evTi for *senti.
Homeric tacri cither for *esnii, or derived
from the Myc. form under analogy of iaTdcn,
9dai (cf. Schwyzer, Gram, i, 665 ; . eensi < *ssenti
shows generalization of *«-,| cf. Hitt, asantsi.
ONorse era. OEngl. earonlsindon.]
e-to, PA' 248 = A'aO 1 . 3rd dual pres. : eston ' there
are two’. [Iotov Thuc. iii. 112.]
e-e-to. PA' 28 = An42. 3rd plur. imper.?:
eestopi) or eento{n\ ‘let them be’. [Same rela-
tion to eensi as Horn. Iotcov. Arg. Ivtco. Cret.
IvTcov, Boeot. sv9co to siai. evti. .Arc. (and
Dor.) i6vTco(vj may continue Myc. form
under influence of pres. part. (cf. .Att.
ovtcouL] Or imperf eento? See p. 168.
e-so-to. KN 34 = .-AmGO 1 4- . For esto ‘let there
be’? Or 3rd plur. fut. ftsoti/o; ‘ they will be ’ ?
See p. 170.
e-o. PA' 45 = .An830. 148 = Ep04. Nom. sing,
masc. or neuter: eon. eon ‘being’. [Horn.,
Ion.. -Aeol.. .Arc.. Dor. ecov, Cypr. Icov, .Att.
d)v. Cf. a-pe-o. a-pe-a-sa.]
Xe-ka-ma-te. PY 239=:Ta642. Instr. sing., part
of a table: ekhmatei ‘support, strutting’?
[eXUO li. XIV, 4104- : cf. also Eyuct- oxupcopa,
otOAos Hesy-ch.] See p. 341.
e-ka-ma-pi. PA’ 240 = 'ra713^. Instr. plur.:
ekhma'phi.
e-ka-ra-e-we, KN 81 = Dmll80-r. Nom. plur.,
term describing rams, as opposed to ai-mi-
re-we. see p. 2io. Carrateili: dat. sing.
eskharaeivei ‘ to the hearth- ■ sacrificer ) ’ ?
e-Zru-te-re-tu. KN 276 = Se 1006. .Adj. (or noun?,
describing an artefact? See p. 369.
Xe-ke, K-N D 147. 157= LT835 4- . .Ap5077. X 5661,
PY 109 = Ea782-y. 138 = Ebl04-. 114 =
En02 4-. 118 = Eo0l4-, 131 = Ep01-r, 147 =
Eq034-, 153 = Er02, 194=Na58-^. 248 =
A'aOl: 3rd sing, pres.: ekhei ‘he she has.
holds’, [tx^i, etc. Homer e-. now ekhi, etc.]
For appended -qe see p. 246; Palmer reads
e-ke-se = fut. £§ei.
jo-e-ke-to-qo, K.N 164 = Gv863. Word division
uncertain, ho ekhei toq“os ‘thus the place
391
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
has...’? [tottos ‘place, region’ Aesch. + .
OsthofF *toq“-, Walde, Bezzenberger *top-.^
e-ke-de-mi, PY 196 = Na70. ekkei de min ‘but
he has it’? Cf. da-mo-de-mi.
e-ko-si, KN 90 = G 820, PY 55 = An724, 151 =
Eb36 + , 114 = En02 + , 255=Jn658 + , 186=
Na46. 3rd plur. pres.: ekhonsi ‘they have’.
e-ke-si, PY 115 = En03.21. Mis-speliing of the
preceding.
e-ke-e, PY 140=Eb35, 135 = Ep704. Pres, inf.:
ekheen ‘to have’.
e-ko, KN 298=Sc226. Furumark: nom. sing,
pres, part., ekhon ‘(already) having (one;’.
Might also be enkhos ‘spear’, see e-ke-si, below.
e-ko-te, PY 149 = Eb33, 253=Jn01+, 43 =
SnOl. Nom. plur.: ekhontes ‘having, who
have’.
X[e\-ke-a, KN 263 = R 0481 bis. Nom. plur.:
enkhea ‘spears’, [iy/o? II. vi, 319+ ; etymo-
logy uncertain.] Probably a man’s name on
V 831.
e-ke-si, PY 257=Jn09. Dat. plur.; enkhessi
‘ (points) for spears’.
e-ke-jo-to, PY 44 = .An29. Perhaps 3rd plur.
pres, mid.: enkeiotoi (or enkeiontoi) ‘they lie in,
are in’, cf e-ne-e-si. [iyKsinai //. xxii, 513 + .
-keiotoi<*keint- as Horn. 3rd plur. KsiaTcn
(beside KtovTai, cf Skt. gdyante), non-.\tt.
KHOTai?]
e-ke-ro-qo-no, PY AslIII, .•\b21-l-, 13 = .\d691,
.-knOl. Nom. and gen. plur., describing
women (and men). Palmer: enkhSro-q“oinoi
‘earning wages’ (casual labourers). See
p. 161.
e-ku-se-we, MY sealing Wt501. Nom. plur.:
name of vessels or utensils: ‘funnels’?
[lyysco?] Uncertain reading.
e-me, PY 236 = Ta641. Dat. sing. masc. ; hemei
‘one’. [.Mt. eIs, gen. Ivos, from *hems> hens,
*hemo'S, Schwyzer, Gram, i, 588.]
e-me-de, PY Eb40. The preceding -f- -de ‘ but ’
contrasted with du-wo-u-pi-de, see p. 254.
e-na-ri-po-to, KN Sg884. Verbal adj. describing
chariot frame: enaliptos ‘oiled, polished,
painted’. [EvoAEiirros Hippocr. 5 b.c.J
Xe-ne-ka, KN 29 = -\s821, PY 27 = .\e08, 42 =
.An 17, Ea08, 147 = Eq03. Preposition with
gen.: ‘for the sake of for the benefit of’.
[ivEKa, EivEKa, II. xi\-, 89 -f, .Aeol. evveko
indicate *£Vf£KaT (Skt. ugdt >. cf pEKCov. Myc.
spelling is problematical.]
e-n^-me-na, NIY 106 = Ge603. Nom. fern.; ad-
jective describing a form of the commodity
skhoinos, also abbreviated E, see p. 226. [Cf.
EvfiuEvos ‘sitting in’, Homer -y? enemenos
‘infused’ (Evippi Aretaeus 2 .\.D.-t-'i? *enwer-
menos ‘strung together, entwined’, cf. EVEppa'
oppos, Schol. Pindar?] Or e-ro^-me-nal
Xe-ne-e-si, PY 114 = En02. 3rd plur. pres.: en-
eensi ‘they are in, reside therein’. [ivEipi
Od. IX, 126-i- .]
e-ne-o, KN Uf625 rev. Nom. sing. part. :
en-eon or en-eon ‘being in’.
e-ne-ro, KN L 695. Description of a kind of
textile or garment. Bjorck: cf Horn. EVEpoi
‘inferi’, EVEpTtpo; ‘low'er’?
e-ne-ra, KN Ai762. Fern, or neuter plur. of the
above. Is Ai- (woM.\x) prefix correct?
e-ne-re-ja, KN .Ak638. Nom. plur. ? fern. ;
‘w'omen engaged in making e-ne-ra' 'i
e-ne-wo pe-za (also joined', PY 239 = Ta642-|- .
Nom. sing, fem., describing a table: ennewo-
peza ‘with nine feet (?;’, see p. 340, and cf.
we-pe-za.
e-ne-wo pe-zo, PY 241 = Ta715. Dual. fem. of
the preceding: -pezd.
e-ni-qe, KN 221 = L 647. Nom. sing. fem..
describing a garment or textile ; en-iq“es ‘ with
holes in’? [Cf. ttoAucottos Od. xxii, 386.
*-dq“-, Evorrai, and vocalism of EV-iTtr].]
e-pa 2 -na-qe, PY Ua04.
e-pe-ke. KX D1 932. Verbal form?
te-pi, KN 207 = V 280, PY 148 = Ep04, 97=
Un03. Prep, with dative: epi ‘upon’, etc.
[ettI Homer -f- ; cf also o-pi.l
Xe-pi-de-da-to, PY 250 = \’n01. 3rd sing. perf.
pass.: epidedastoi (or -daitoi, cf SsSalaTat
3rd plur., Od. i, 23) ‘has been divided,
distributed’. [EiriSESaaTai Hesiod, Th.
789-]
e-pi-da-to, PY 254=Jn04-)-. Either abbrevia-
tion of the preceding, or aorist epidasto ? [Homer
only middle ISaiadpTiv (Saluupi), ISaadpriv
(ScTEopai).] Cf o-da-sa-[lo?], Wa917.
e-pi-ke-re, KN 95 = F 852 -I- . Adj.?: epikhSlls.
episkheresJ [ettixeiAtis .Ar. 4-; cf ETnayEpcb
II. xxiii, 125.] See p. 219.
e-pi-ki-to-ni-ja, KN 222 =J 693 [V 505]. Ben-
nett divides e-pi ki-to-ni-ja. Prob. a form of
garment or accessory. [Cf. yitcoviov ‘woman’s
frock’ -Aristoph. -y (also X'tt<ivia Melamp.).
TTpoKiOcbviov Trpopivov Hesych.]
e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo, KN 299 = V 789. Nom. dual
neuter?: epikorusid ‘for fitting on the helmet’,
cf Pylos ko-ru-to in same context. Spelling
does not favour Furumark’s comparison
EirixpuCTOS ‘gold-plated’.
e-pi-ko-wa, KN Fh343. .A kind of olive-oil,
perhaps that used for anointing: epikhowd.
[Cf Etrixoa- KOTaxuai; Hesych.]
e-pi-ko-wo, PA’ 56 = .An657. Nom. plur.: epi-
kowoi ‘watchers, guards’. [Cf Delph. rrup-
Koos ‘w'atcher of the sacred fire’ (man’s name
pu-ko-wo); ETTiKoupos ‘ally’ is probably
excluded, *epikorsos, not *epikorwos.]
Xe-pi-pu-ta, PA 252=\'n06. Nom. plur.: epiphuta
‘young trees, saplings’. [EtripOotiai ‘grow
upon, out of’ Herodotus -y.] CL pu-ta.
e-pi-qo-ra 2 , PY MnO 1 . .A place-name, or a word
epig^olia. epiq^olia? [Cf EiripoAla Etym. Mag.',
£Tn|3oAfi ‘additional quantity’; and EirirroAos
‘companion’. Soph. OT, 1322.]
392
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
e-pi-ro-pa-ja, KN Od 696. See p. 321.
e-pi-we-ti-ri-jo, PY Ea06. Nom. sing. masc. :
description of a class or trade, epiwetriosl
[Cf. Hesych. EirriTpiog- Aoyios, irctvoOpyos?
But Horn. ETrfiTpiuo; ‘close-woven’ is for
*£7Tl(f?ja(?)TpiH05, cf. f|TplCV, UTpiOV.]
e-pi-zo-ta, KA’ 163 = X 984. Nom. plur. neuter:
zoiva epizonta ‘living upon’? ‘surviving’?
[£-m3ooco ‘survive’, Herodotus -H ; athematic
participle like tHe-vtu, etc.?] But see p. 272.
e-pi-’^65-ko, PY 251 = Vn02. Nom. sing, neuter?:
an ariefact. cf. pe-*6j-ka.
e-po, KX \ 283, PY \'n03. X’om. plur. masc.?:
an object measured in 5’s and lo's. [1X905
Cypr. ‘butter’ and ip905 'skin’ are both
neuters; but perhaps the numbers refer only
to "jars, bales’?]
e-po-nii[, KN 299 = \’ 789. epomio- ‘shoulder
pieces’? See p. 381.
e-qe-a-o-a-to-mo, KN 56.
e-qe-o a-to-mo, PY 43 = Sn01. .Alternative
spelling of the preceding : ‘ the arthmos (fellow-
ship?) of the c.’? Miihlestein: eq^edon arthmoi
‘chariot fitters’.
Xe-qe-ta, KN 29 = .As82 1 , B 1 055, PY 57 = .\n43 -t- ,
142 = Eb32, \Va917. Nom. sing, and plur.
masc.: heq^etds -tai ‘followers’. Palmer sees in
them a special feudal class, like the ETaipoi,
Lat. comites, OEngl. gesithas, ‘thanes’, etc.
[^TTETcis Pindar.]
e-qe-ta-e, KN 29 = .As821. .Anomalous spelling
of the dual?
e-qe-ta-i, PA’ 28 = .An42. Dat. plur.: heq^etd'i.
e-qe-si-ja, KN 214 = Ld571 +, PY288 = Sa790-|-,
\\'a02. Nom. plur. neuter, adj. describing
garments, wheels, etc.: perhaps keq“esia ‘suit-
able for the class of heq^etai’.
e-qe-si-jo, PA’ Eb847 (joined). Nom. plur.:
heq“esioi doeloi ‘slaves of the follower’.
e-qo-te, PA 55=:.An724 (An32)-f. Nom. plur.
masc.: heq^ontes ‘following’? [Cf. ettouevoi,
with active flexion as Zend haca'li, OLat.
sequol Not from ettoj "busy oneself with’
11. VI, 321, etc. {*sep-).^
%e-ra-pe-me-na, KN 221 = L 647. Fem. sing.,
perf. part, pass.: errapmend ‘stitched’. [Class.
EppappEvp from pdiTTCo.] Note lack of p-.
%e-ra-wa. KN 94= F 841. Gen. sing, or nom.
plur.: elaiwa- ‘olive-tree’, ‘olive’. [tXaTai
(tree) Od. xi, 590-I-, (fruit, -Aristoph. -p .
Now' eljd.']
Xe-ra^-wo, PA’ Gnll84 (see p. 217). .Acc. sing. ;
elaiwon ‘ olive-oil ’, with o i L ideogram. [IXatov
II. X. 577 -r. No IE etymologv-; Lat. oleum <
* elaiuom.'X
e-ra-wo, KN G726, Np 1039, PA’ 1223. .Alterna-
tive spelling.
e-re-e, PY 55 = -An724 (.An32!. Chadwick; pres,
inf. ereen ‘ to row’. [Bare stem form of EpEacroa
II. IX, 361-)-?] See p. 188.
e-re-mo, PA’ 152 = Er01. Nom. sing, neuter:
name of a kind of land holding, eremon?
[Epfjpos ‘uninhabited ’ Od. m, 270 -f ; but note
also eXEua. gloss on cAcop ‘prev’, *sel-
‘take’.]
Xe-re-pa, KN Sd0412, PA’ 249 = A'a02. Nom.
sing.; elephans ‘ivory’. [sAtpcs II. v, 583 -P,
later ‘elephant’. Prob. eastern origin, see
p. 346.]
e-re-pa- te, KN 266 = Sd0401 -P , PA’ 243 = Ta708.
Instr. sing.; elephantei ‘with ivoiy’.
e-re-pa-to, KN 684. Gen. sing. : elephantos.
Xe-re-pa-te-jo, KN 276= Se 1006, 265 = Sd0403,
PA’ 239 = Ta642-P. Nom. sing., instr. sing,
and plur., masc. and neuter: clephanteios, etc.
‘made of ivory’. [eAe 9 C(Vtivo 5 .Alcaeus
7B.C. -P; £AE9dvTEi05 Diosc. -1-, only ‘of an
elephant’.]
e-re-pa-te-o, KN Sel007. .Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
e-re-pa-te-jo-pi, KN 276= Sel006 -p . Instr.
plur. masc. (anomalous, cf. p. 85?): ele-
phanieiophi.
e-re-pa-te-ja. PA’ 240 = Ta713. Nom. sing. fem. :
elephnnleid ‘of ivory’.
e-re-pa-te-ja-pi, PA’ 242 = Ta707-P. Instr. plur.
fem.: elephanteidphi.
Xe-re-ta. KN 83 = Ch902.1I. .As5941, PY [14 =
.Ad697?], 53 = .Anl2-p. Nom. plur. masc.:
eretai ‘oarsmen, rowers, sailors’. [spETOi Od. i.
280 -P .]
e-re-ta-o. PY 15 = .Ad684. Gen. plur.; eretdon.
q-re-ti-ri-ja, PA’ .Ad 16 (joined >. Bennett reads 0 -.
-Adj. describing a basdeicia of men: eretria ‘for
rowing purposes’? Or read ko-re-te-ri-ja?
e-re-u-te-re, PA’ 76=Cn22. VVa917. Palmer:
nom. plur. ereuteres 'inspectors'. [Ep£UTfi5 =
lpEuvr|Tf|5 ‘customs officer’ Cret. 3-2 b.c.,
*ereu- ‘inquire’.] Could also be dat. sing.,
see p. 207. Compare also ]-re-u-te-s!. Knossos
Fh364.
Xe-re-u-te-ro. PA’ 191 = Na56-P. Nom. and acc.
sing, neuter?: eleutheron ‘free’, see p. 298 .
[eAeuQepds II. VI. 455 -p ; now elefteros.\
e-re-u-te-ra, PA’ 192 = Na50+. Prob. neuter
plur. : eleuthera.
Xe-re-u-te-ro-se. PA' 190= Na55 -p . 3rd sing. aor. :
e/eut/ierare ‘he set free'. See p. 299 . [eAeuQepoco
H erodotus -P ; now elefter6no.~\
Xe-ri-ka. KN 278=So894-p. Prob. gen. sing.:
helikds ‘ of willow'-wood ’. [.Arc. eAIkp Theophr.
Probably related to Lat. salix rather than
OEngl. welig ‘willow’ and *f£AiKr| ‘spiral’.]
e-ro-pa-ke-ta, AIA' 93 = Fol01. Dat. sing, masc.:
name of an office or trade ? eloph-dgetdi
‘rounder-up of deer’ Icf. deer ideogram,
PA’ CnOl-P)? [Cf. sAapriPoAos II. xviii,
3ig-P ; *elribhos.^ Or a man’s name?
e-ro-pa-ke-u, KN .As0493. Man’s name, or
alternative form of the preceding.
e-ro-pa-ke-j'a, KN L 595. Nom. plur. neuter?
.Adj. describing TUXics: ‘suitable for e-ro-pa-
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ke-ta’? Cf. ra-wa-ke-ja for Idwdgesia. Could
be a woman’s name.
e~ru'Tni-ni-ja, PY 251 = \T02. Nom. plur. : name
of an artefact. [Cf. EAupyiai ‘roof-beams’,
Hesych. ; but Homeric Epupvos, Pamph.
Epepvi = Epuuviov, ’fortress’ are from *zE’er-.]
fe-ru-ta-ra, MY 105 = Ge602 -P . Nom. sing. fern. :
eruthrd ‘red’ or ‘orange’ (cf. x^^xos, mov,
Xpuo-os) . Cf. e-ru-to-ro, man's name. [EpuOpos
//. XIX, 38-f-.]_
e-ru-ta-ra-pi; K.X 215 = Ld5/3 + j L /oo. Instr,
plur. fern. ; eruthrdphi.
e-sa-pa-ke-rne-{na\, KN L /375 ( = X 508 bis).
Perf. part, passive: espargmena ‘swathed’?
[.\or. arrdpfav Horn. Hymn to Appollo I2i.]
e-io-re-u, PY 190 = Na55-}-. Nom. sing.: ('>)-eus,
name of trade or office ?
e-5fl-/’e-u'e, KN39 = .Ail517. Dat.sing.: (?)-we/.
e-sa-ne-wi-ja, PY Ala 15, OnOl, \ n03. The
department, or settlement, of the e.’ ?
e-so-to, see under e-e-si.
e-te, KS 34 = .\m601 -h, PY 248 = \'a01. enthen
‘from there’? [//. x, 1 79 .]
e-te-do-mo, KN Uf432, PY Ea808, 114=En02.
118 = Eo 01, 131 = Ep01. rnterdomor ‘artificer,
armourer’? [Cf. EVTsa II. x, 34 P* ~domos
as in naudomos, toikhodomos, but etym. suggests
this verb orig. restricted to timber vsork.]
e-te-re-ta. KN 275 = Se879. Nom. sing, fern., de-
scribing an old{?/ chariot: en-tretd ’with
holes’? [Cf. TpriTO? Od. xin. 77, either
• inlaid ’ or ’ holed, morticed Cf. e-ka-te-re-ta.
and see p. 369.
e-to-ki-ja, PY251 = A'n02.6, Vn879. Nom. plur.,
name of an artefact: entoikhia ‘ (something; on
the wall is j ’? [avTolxios Xenophon 4- .]
e-to-ni-jO: PA 55 = .-An724 (.\n32,i, I40=Eb35,
135 = Ep704-l-. The name of a kind of land
holding, see p. 253. [Cf. Cypr. pa-no-m-o-ne
Dali bronze, either ‘with all saleable produce’
or ‘in full ownership'? et- ‘true’, cf. Hd,
Heos, ETfiTupo5?]
e-to-ro-pa„-ta, KN Og878. U 736. Nom. plur..
name of the thongs !?> ideogram, no. 181?
entropata. enstrophatai Or entroppata<*-pmata
as .Aeol. oTrrraTa, ■yporTTraTa? [Cf. E^Tporroco
‘fasten the oars with thongs'. Hesych.: also
|yCTTpo905 ‘kind of earring’. Poll.]
e-to-wo-ko, KN Fh462. PY 50 = .\nl8. 91 =
FnOi. Dat. sing., and nom. plur., name of
trade: ento-worgoi. .synonymous with (’-te-do-iHO?
e-to-wo-ko-i, PA' Fnl 192. Dat. plur.
%e-u-ke-to, PA' 140= Eb3j. 135 = Ep704. 3rd sing,
pres, mid.: eukhtloi ‘she isolemnly, declares’,
not ‘pravs’. [outco priai Kai E’oxtTai II. xrv,
366 ^ ; IE *eug“h- > eugh- beside *weg'-h-, Lat.
uoiied.]
e-we-pe-se-so-me-na, MA' 227 = Oel27. Neut.
plur.: A'entris ’ pharieea. eii hepsesomena ‘to be
well boiled’ I’dyed’? . [tvpco ‘boil’ trans.
Herodotus — , fut. act. E^fioco.]
e-wi-su-zul-ko. 249 = Aa02-l-. Dual or plur.,
adj. applied to pieces i tusks?) of ivory, op-
posed to ro-i-ko q.v. ewisu-zugo- ‘evenly
matched, regular’? [Cf. iCTOju-yiis Theaet.
3 B.C., itroju'yos. e- as in Horn, eictos, -u- as
in Erevu-KAapos CTTEvfo;? But cf. wi-so-iio-
pa-na.]
e-wi-su-zo- ko, KN Sel007a.. .Alternative spell-
ing of the preceding.
Xi-ja-te, PA' Eq02. Nom. sing.: idter ‘physician’.
[itiTfip II. II, 732 -f , Cypr. to-ni-ja-te-ra-ru
acc.; now yatr6s.'\
^i-je-re-jay KN 200=Fpl4-, Fh5467, PY 27 =
.Ae08, 140=Eb35-p, 114 = En02, 119 = Eo02,
Ep03 + , Uni 189. Nom. and gen. sing. : hiereia
-fli ‘priestess’. [lepEia //. vi, 600-I- . Noinscr.
evidence for alleged form *lepEf7a: Cs'pr.
ta-ni-je-re-vi-ja-ne is from iepripia ‘sanctu-
an’.]
Xi-je-re-u, KN 29 = .As821, PA’ 44 = An29, 121 =
E0O4, Ep03. Nom. sing. masc. : hiereus ‘priest’.
[ItpEUS II. I, 62 + .]
i-e-re-u, PA’ 115 = En03 -r . .Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
i-je-re-wo, PA’ Ea756. Gen. sing. : hierewos.
i-je-re-wi-jo, KN 232 = K 875. .A man’s name,
or hiereu;io-, derivative adjective? [Cf. lepfiiov
‘offering, sacrifice’, Od. xrv, 944-.]
Xi-je-ro. KN Fp363, X 1447. hiero- ‘consecrated?
temple? offering?’, [ispog //. ii, 305 -|- (Ispov
Herodotus -i- , lEpd 11. i, 147-)-).]
i-je-ro-jo, PA' 27 = .Ae08. Gen. sing, masc.:
hieroio ‘of the consecrated, holy (gold)’.
Xi-je-ro-wo-ko, VY 148 = Ep04. Nom. sing, masc.:
hiero-worgos ’sacrificing priest’. [lEpOEp'yds
Call. 3B.C. -P, cf. .Att. IspOTTOios ‘temple
overseer'. Nominal from Ispa pijeiv H- t>
147, etc.]
Xi-je-to. PA’ 172 = Kn02. Tense uncertain, see
p. 283. hietoi or hientoi ‘is, are being sent’?
hielo, etc. ‘let it, them send’ or ‘be sent’?
[iripi It. I, 479-f .]
jo-i-je-si. PA’ 76=Cn22. 3rd plur. pres.: ho
hiensi ‘thus they send’.
Xi-jo, KN A' 1523. Nom. sing. masc. part.: ion
‘going’ or ‘coming’; a man’s name on MY
46 = .Aul02.
i-jo-te, KN B 7041, PA' 53 = .Anl2. Nom. plur.
masc. writes ’ rowers 1 going (by ship)’. [Itov
KoiAqs ETtl vqo; Od. ii, 332, etc.]
i-ku-wo-i-pi, 207 = \' 280. Instr. dual?: see
p. 311.
Xi-po-no. KN 233 = Ucl60 rev. Nom. plur.?:
ipnoi ‘cooking bowls?’ [lirvos ‘oven’ Hero-
dotus-!-, ‘lantern’ .Ari3toph.+ ; etym. un-
certain.]
i-po-po-qo-i. PA’ Fnl 192. Transposed spelling of
hiqepophorboi’ i ‘horse-keepers’? [lTnro9opP65
Plato-].
Xi-qi-ja. KN [265 = Sd0403] -r , 273 = Sf 0420 4- .
394
+ +
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
Nom. sing, and plur. fern.; {h)iqq'-id -ai,
apparently the Mycenaean name of a
CHARIOT, ‘horse- (sc. vehicle'’. [iiriTEios
11. V, 799 -I-, also 17111105, iTTTnKOs; Skt.
dgiyah. Cf. Horn, irnrioxappris ‘one who
fights from a chariot’.]
i-qi-jo, KN 266 = Sd040 1 ^ . Prob. dual fem. :
\h iqq'-^io "two chariots’.
%i-qo. KN 82=Ca895 (joined. PY FaOl,
246 = Ta722. Nom. plur., dat. instr. sing.;
ih;iqq"oi ‘horses, horse’, [itriros Homer + ,
Dor. also Ikkos; *eku:os. cf. Skt. dgiah, Lat.
equos.]
i-qo-jo, KN [277= 1028?], PY 147=Eq03.
Gen. sing.: ihiiqg‘‘ow ‘of the horse’ (possibly
collective, see p. aboh
i-qo-e-qe, KN 269= Sd0404-r . Number un-
certain: name of part of a chariot, com-
pounded with (h iqq"o- : see p. 364.
i-te-ja-o. PY 15 = .\d684. Gen. plur. fem.:
histeidon ‘weavers’? [Iotos ‘loom; cloth’
Homer 4- .]
i-to-we-sa. PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing, fem.:
histo-wessa ‘provided with a laT65? See
p. 338.
i-Tiq-a-to-mo-u PY 91 = Fn02. Dat. plur., cf.
a-to-mo. Muhlestein: iq'^ja-arthmor i ‘to the
chariot fitters’, cf. e-qe-a-o-a-to-mo. See p. 217.
t-*65, PY Ad 17, 44 = .\n29, 43 = Sn01. Nom.
sing. : the name of a class of man, preceded
by a man’s name in the genitive. [Cf. ivis
‘son’, Aesch. -1-, and Cypr. inscrr. ?] Lee
= i-ju= ulus ‘son’.
ja-ke-te-re, PY Aln03. \'ariant of a-ke-te-re, q.v. ?
jo-a-se-so-si, see under -a-se-so-si.
jo-do-so~si, see under -do-so-si.
jo-i-je-si, see under -i-je-si.
jo-o-po-ro, see after o-pe-ro.
Jo-te-re-pa-to. see under -te-re-pa-to.
ka-da-mi-ja, MY 107 = Geb04. .3. spice or herb;
probably kardamia — KdpSapov, Kap5aui5, Kop-
Sapiuq ‘garden cress’, Lepidium salhum.
ka-ka-re-a, KN 263 =R 0481 bis. Last sign in-
distinct, word divided over signs of erasure.
Nom. neut. plur.: enkhea khalkdrea ‘ispears.
with bronze points’ (also Furumark, 1954''.
[xaAKTipsi 6oupi II. v, 1454-.]
ka-ke-ja-pi. KN 267 = Sd0409. Instr. plur. fem.:
khalkeidphi ‘of bronze’. [xoAkeios II. xiii.
30-4.]
ka-ke-[jal\. KN Se893. Probably a form of the
same adj.
ka-ki-jo, KN 278 = So894. Dual neuter. ;
khalkio ‘a pair of bronze (wheels i’. [kukAo
XdAKEa n. \\ 723.]
tka-ke-u, KN V 958, PY 28 = .A.n42, Jn725, 183 =
Nn831. Nom. sing.: khalkeus ‘ (.bronze; smith’.
[XoAkeus II. XII, 2954- : now khalkyds.l
ka-ke-we, KN X 386, PY 253=Jn0l4-. 178 =
\Iai34-, 192 = Na504-. Nom. plur.: khal-
keijces ‘smiths'.
ka-ke-wi, MY’ Oel21. Prob. dat. sing.:
khalkeici.
ka-ke-u-si, PY .\nl5, Nal04. Dat. plur.:
khalkeiisi.
tka-ko, PY 254= Jn04 -4 , 291 = Sa794. Nom. and
instr. sing.: khalkos -oi ‘bronze’. [xciAkos
H omer 4- , now ‘ brass ’ .]
Ika-ko-de-ta, KN 278=So894. Nom. plur.
neuter, of wheels : khalko-deta ‘ bronze-
bound’, cf. ka-ko de-de-me-no. [xccAkoSetos
A esch. 4- .]
ka-ma, KN L 520, PY 55 = -\n724 ('An32’i,
Eal4, Eb22, Eol73. 148 = Ep04. ' 171 =
Ln718. A kind of agricultural holding, see
p. 261. [Huxley; cf. Cret. Kapav ctypov
Hesych., perhaps related to xadai-]
/m-ma-e-n, PY Eb24 4- , 148 = EpU4. Nom. sing. :
‘man who has a ka-ma holding’? See p. 261.
Cf. za -ma-e-wi-Ja.
ka-ma-e-we, PY 40 = .\n22 -r , 149 = Eb33, Ec07.
Ep03. Dat. sing, and nom. plur.: {l]-ewei.
(I ] -ewes.
%ka-na-ko, MY 105 = Ge602 4- . Nom. sing. fem. :
kndkos ' sa-ffiower'. Carthamus tinctorius. [KvfjKOS
Hippocr. 5 B.C.4-. 6 or q; related to Dor.
KvaKos. KvdKcov ‘tawny goat’, cf. Skt. kdnakam
‘gold’.] See p. 226.
ka-na-ko-e-ru. MY 106 = Ge603. Incomplete
spelling of kndkos eruthrd.
tka-na-pe-u. PY 115 = En03. 120=Eo03-|-. Nom.
sing. masc. ; knapheiis ‘fuller, cloth-dresser’.
[Kva9£U5 inscr. 6 b.c.4- : ■yva9£U5 probably
the later form. Schwyzer. Gram, i, 414.]
ka-na-pe-we, MY 226=Ocl29. Dat. sing. :or
nom. plur. ? : knapheivei.
ka-na-pe-wo. PY Eb26. Gen. sing. : knaphrwos.
ka-na-to. MY 234=L’e611. sealings \Vt502-r.
Nom. plur. : probably a kind of vessel or
implement. See p. 332.
ka-pa. PY 96=Un02, Name applied to
OLivESi?' apparently in contrast to po-pa...
[Cf. CTKdqr, ‘ trough, tub ’, Herodotus 4- .
OKaipis ‘pair. Od. ix. 223?] Sec p. 221.
PY 251 = Vn02. ‘ Sm.oke-stack’. [Konr-
via = KdTrvq (KccTrvo66Kq) Moeris.]
Xka-po, KN 94 =F 841. karpoi <?[/«/:i'«j'?] ‘fruits
of the olive’? [Kapiros II. vi. 142 4-, k. sAaias
Pindar, ,\. x, 35.]
%ka-ra-a-pi. PY 246 = Ta722. Instr. plur. neuter:
kta'fda’phi ‘with (lions"; heads". [Cf. Horn,
gen. sing. KapqaTos, KpdaTos.]
Zka-ra-ko. MY GebOT. .V herb or spice; gldkhon
‘pennyroyal’, .Mentha puleghim. [Dor., Boeot.
yAdxco.'v.. Ion. yAfix“V- Alt. pApyuiv; etvm.
unknown: no\v glifoni. g/ikhuni.]
ka-ra-ma-to. KN A’ 684. Furumark; gen. plur.
KAaapdTWv ‘small pieces, fragments’?
ka-ra-re-we. KN Lc778. PY Gnl 184 (see p. 217).
Nom, plur., name of kind of vessel, probably
395
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
‘stirrup-jars’. [kldrewes, because used for
drawing lots? Or from Kpaipa ‘head,
prow ’ ?]
%ka-ra-te-ra, MY 234=Ue611. Acc. sing. (nom.
expected): krdtira ‘mixing bowl’. [KpriTijp
11. XXIII, 741 4- .]
ka-ra-ti-ri-jo, AIY 234 = Ue611. Probably a kind
of vessel. See p. 332. Cf. ka-ra-se-ti-ri-jo.
Mycenae sealing \Vt507.
Xka-ra-we, KN 25 = -\p694. Nom. plur., de-
scribing wo. men; grdwes ‘old women’.
[ypriu5 Od. i, 191, etc., .A.tt. plur. yparg; now
gOa.]
%ka-ra-wi-po-ro, PY 142=:Eb32. 135 = Ep704,
257=Jn09, Uni 189, ^'n07. Nom. sing, (and
plur.?), probably always fern.: kldwi-phoros
"key-bearer, administrator’, a religious title.
[Dor. KAaKopopos, name of hero at Epidaurus,
priest at Messene (/G, 5 (n, 1447, 3-2 b.c.j;
cf. Att. kAei 6 oOxo 5 ‘ priestess ’, KA£i5o9opco ‘ be
a priestess’. *KAapi5, acc. *KAapiu (.Att. kAeIv,
Lat. clduem) earlier form than kAsis KAdSa,
Dor. KAa§ kASko.]
ka-ra-wi-po-ro-jo, PY .Ae09. Gen. sing.: kldwi-
phoroio.
Xka-ru-ke, PY FnOl. Dat. sing.; kdrukei ‘mes-
senger, envoy’ or similar. [Kfjpu^ II. ii, 504-,
Dor., .Aeol. xapu^.j
ka-ru-sa, PY Unll (Bennett;: Chadwick reads
ka-Tu-lfe on the original.
ka-ru-we, PY 245 = Ta721. Instr. sing, fern.:
a decorative feature in ivory, perhaps kartiei
‘nut’? [Cf. Kdpuov Batrach.+ ; oiKu; ctikuo?.]
ka-ru-pi, PY 246 = Ta722. Instr. plur.; perhaps
karuphi.
ka-si-ko-no, KN Ral555 4-, PY .An31. Nom.
plur., a class of craftsmen ? [Cf. Kciai;. Kaoi-
yvTiTo; ‘brother’, -yovos?]
ka-ta-ro, MY Z 202. Muhlestein; elai{won) kalha-
ron ‘pure olive-oil’ (inscr. on stirrup-jar).
[xaSapos Od. vi, 61 4- : but .AeoL, Dor.
KoSapos is perhaps the original form.]
Xka-ti, PY 238 = Tn996. Nom. sing.; kdthis, name
of a jug with e.xtra small handles around
body, ‘hydria’. [Cf. ktiQis -1605 ‘vessel for
shaking dice’, KtiSdpiov ‘voting urn’; and
.Arc. KdSiSoi (for -5E5?' • u6piai Hesych.
Etymologx' unknown,]
ka-za, KN AI 0452, v\ith '.vgrimi horn i '.
Muhlestein. Palmer; khalkia ‘of bronze’.
Doubtful in context.
ke-ke-me-na. KN 157 = Uf835 — . X 9844-. PA’
Eall4-, 144=Eb866-. 131 = Ep01, 147 =
Eq03. Nom. and gen. sing., nom. plur.:
]-mend. -mends, -menai. Perf. part. pass,
describing the ktoinai belonging to the ddmos,
approx, "communal’. [Palmer: root *kei
koi-, cf. KOIV65 "common’, Goth haims and
OEngl. -ham "village settlement’. Possibly a
formal relative of Ksipai, cf. Skt. reduplicated
perf. f^e.] Carratelli: "fallow’. .See p. 232.
ke-ke-me, PY 147 = Eq03.2. Defective spelling
of the preceding.
ke-ke-me-na-o, PY 149 = Eb33 4-, 135 = Ep704.
Gen. plur. fern.: {?)-mendon.
ke-ke-me-no, PA’ 45=An830, 141 = Eb20, 135 =
Ep704. Dual fern. ?; (?)-men6.
ke-ke-me-no-jo, PA’ 190 = Na55. Gen. sing,
masc. or neuter; {? j-menoio.
ke-ki, PA’ .Anl6. Nom. sing., description of a
class or trade: (?)-w. [Cf. KepKis -(609
‘weaver’s shuttle, rod, peg, etc.’? Derivative
of KepKog ‘ tail, penis ’ ; etym. uncertain.]
ke-ki-de, PA’ 56 = .An6574-, 187 = Na494-.
Nom. plur.: (l)-ides.
ke-me-ri-jo, PY Fn03. Possibly ‘amount stored
away’ [KEiinjAiov II. vi, 474-], or patronymic.
ke-ra, KN 163 = X 984, PY 137 = Eb30, 135 =
Ep704. Possibly for geras ‘gift of honour,
perquisite of age’, [ytpas o ti Sqpos eScokev
Od. \ni, 1504-.]
Xke-ra-a, KN 231 = K 872. Nom. plur.: keraa
‘horns’. [Horn. plur. Kspa.]
ke-ra-e, PA’ Sa840. Probably dual : kerae.
ike-ra-ja-pi, K.N 266 = Sd040 1 4- . 274 =Sf 0428.
Instr. plur. fem.: keraiaphi ‘made of horn’
(part of chariot trappings). \*kensios = \a.\.cr
KspctTtvos. Cf. Kspaia ‘horn, horn-like object’
.Aesch.4-. Kspao; originally means ‘horned’
(II. Ill, 24, etc.), supposedly from *kenwos,
cf. Lat. ceruos ‘stag’. But Chadwick regards
Kspaos as descended from Mycenaean keraiosi]
\ke]-ra-i-ja-pi, KN Sd0483. Fuller spelling of
the preceding.
Xke-ra-me-we, PA’ 52 = .An26. Nom. dual.:
kerame-we ‘ potters ’. [KEpapeO; II. xviii, 60 1 4- .]
ke-ra-me-wi, AIA’ Oel25. Probably dat. sing.:
keramewi.
ke-ra-me-wo, PY 130 = Eo371, 117 = En01.
Gen. sing. : keramewos.
ke-re-a. 1 , PY 236 = Ta64i, .Acc. plur. neuter;
skeUa ‘legs (of a tripod cauldron)’. [okeAos
n. (only of a man) II. xvi, 314, etc.]
ke-re-si-jo we-ke, PA’ 236 = Ta641 4- . Describing
tripod cauldron (s;: Palmer: Kresiowerges (‘of
Cretan style or workmanship’, see p. 336.
[Cf. AuKioEpyfis Herodotus 4-, KopivSioupyps
Calli.x. 4- , etc.]
ke-ri-mi-ja, KN 212 = Lc535, PA’ 28=.An42.
-Adj. describing te.xtiles or slave-girls or both.
[Relative of yEip ‘hand’, cf. xEp-vqTi; II.
433> ‘manipulation’ Hippocr.
5b.c. 4-? Or cf. X9p6? ‘bereaved’, X9"
pcotrnjs?] See p. 167.
ke-ro. KN [U 436], U 746. Written over cir-
cular ideogram no. 142. keros ‘beeswax’?
[Kr)p69 Od. XII, 484-; but Common Gk.
possibly *Kdp6s.]
Xke-ro-si-ja, PA’ 40=.An22-(-. Prob. geronsia
group of elders ’ under the basileus of a
village, see p. 172. [ycpouaia Eurip. 4-, Lac.
yEpovTia; yspouTE; ‘elders’, Od. ii, 14, etc.]
396
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
ke-ro-te, KN B 800 (erased), PY Jn881. Prob.
gerontes ‘old men’. [yspovTES Homer + , now
yeri.']
ke-ro-ta, KN L 785, Le786 + . Nom. plur.
neuter, adj. describing textiles; geronta ‘old’
[cf. yEpov CTCtKoj Od. XXII, 184, etc.] ?
%ke-se-nu-wi-ja, KN 215 = Ld573 + . Nom. plur.
neuter, describing textiles: xenwia ‘for guest-
gifts’. [§Eiuta (*5£vpia) II. xi, 779 + , also
6copa §£ivf|ta Od. xxrv, 273.]
ke-se-ne-[, KN Ld649. Prob. alternative
spelling of the preceding: xenweia or xenwewia.
Cf. also ^-nu-we-jo, X 651.
Xke-se-nu-wo, PY Xb03. Either a personal name
(cf. Core. Ssvpcavj or xenwo- ‘guest, stranger’.
ke-u-po-da, KN X 442 + , PY 190 = Na55 + .
Palmer: kheu-spondds ‘libation-pourer’; but
perhaps a man’s name. Cf. 90 =G 820.
ki-ri-se-we, PY An08. Nom. dual or plur., a
man’s trade: khrisewes ‘anointers? painters?
plasterers? ’. [Cf. XP‘“; yp'^tpa ‘oil; plaster’;
Xpio-rris ‘ white- washer ’, Hesych. ; also ‘stucco-
maker’.]
ki-ri-ta, KN L 785. Nom. plur. neuter, de-
scribing textiles: khrista ‘anointed’ (cf. Od.
VII, 107?)? krita ‘selected, choice’ (xpiTos
II. VII, 434+)?
ki-ri-ta-i, KN Od5003. Prob. dat. plur. fern, of
the preceding.
ki-ri-ta, 90 = G 820. Perhaps related to the pre-
ceding, but more prob. krithd -ai ‘barley’.
[KpiSp, KpiOai II. XI, 69-1-, also KpT (*KpT61.]
ki-ri-te-wi-ja, KN Fp363 [X M132], PY 28=
.An42, 139 = Eb21, 135 = Ep704. Nom. plur.,
a class of women possibly with a religious
function. See p. 167.
ki-ri-te-wi-ja-i, KN 89 = E 111. Dat. plur.:
{'i)-ewid’i.
ki-ta-no, KN Gal530 + . Probably name of a
condiment.
%ki-ti-je-si, PY 193 = Na57. Palmer: 3rd plur.
pres., ktiensi ‘they bring into cultivation’.
[.Nthematic conjug. of verb ktei-jkti-, later
KTijco, cf. Skt. kshi ‘reside’.]
ki-ti-me-na, KN X 7753, PY lll = Ea23 + ,
Eb26, 117= EnOl + , 1 18 = EoOl + . Nom. and
gen. sing., nom. plur. fern.: ktimend -as -ai, lit.
‘brought into cultivation (by private
initiative?) ’, of land not administered by the
ddmos, see p. 233. [Cf. euktIpevos Od. xxiv,
226.]
ki-ti-me, 117=En01. Defective spelling of the
preceding.
%ki-ti-ta, PY 54 = .\n 1 9 + . Acc. sing., nom. plur. :
ktitdri -tai ‘settlers, inhabitants’. [kt 1 tt|s
E urip. Or. 1621; cf. TTEpiKTiTai Od. xi, 288,
and me-ta-ki-ti-ta.]
Xki-to, KN 222 =J 693. Nom. sing.: ‘tunic’, or
possibly ‘fine linen’. [yiTcov ‘tunic’, Od.
XV, 60 + , Ion. KiScbv, Dor. kitcov.] See
p. 320.
ki-to-ne, KN X 771.2. Nom. plur.: khitones.
ki-to-pi, KN Le787. Instr. plur. : khitomphi.
ki-to-na, KN L 785. An adjectival form of the
preceding? Acc. plur. ?
ki-wo-qe, PY 251 = Vn02. The name of an artefact
with numeral i : kiwdn q^e ‘ and a post ’ ?
[kIcov ‘roof-pillar’, Od. xix, 38+ ; but sug-
gested relative Arm. siun does not betray *-a'-.]
ko-ki-re-ja, PY 235 = Ta7 1 1 + . Nom. sing. fem. :
adj. describing ewers and tables: konkhileid
‘ decorated with sea-shells ’ ? [KoyAos Eurip. + ,
KoyxuAiov Epich. 5 b.c. + , etc.] See p. 335.
ko-na, PY Ep02.3. Either an erroneous repeti-
tion of ko-to-na, or for koinds ‘ common ’.
ko-ni-jo, PY 54 = Anl9. Without m.vn ideogram
in a list of rowers: skhoinion ‘ (126 lengths of)
ship’s rope’? [cryoiviov Pindar + .] Palmer;
from Koivo;.
ko-ni-ti-ja-ja, PY \'n879. Nom. plur., adj. or
noun describing artefacts. [.Adjectives in
-lalos are mostly late formations.]
ko-no, KN 203 = F 953, MY 105 = Ge602 + .
Probably a herb or spice: skhoinos, perhaps
‘ginger-grass’, Cymbopogon schoenanthus. See
p. 226.
ko-i-no, MY Ge606. .Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
ko-no, PY 154=Eq01. .A place-name, or koino-
‘ common ’.
ko-no-ni-pi, KN 229= K 434, PA^ 244=Ta714.
Instr. plur. fem., part of the decoration of a
jug and chair: kononiphi ‘cross-bars, bands’?
[Cf. Kavovis -Aristotle + , also Horn, xavcov.]
See p. 329.
ko-re-te, KN 83 = Ch902, A' 865, PY 257=Jn09,
258 = Kn01, 183 = Nn831, OnOl, 43 = Sn01.
Nom. sing, masc., title of official in tributary
villages: koresier? Furumark, 1954: ‘Dorf-
schulze, Burgermeister’. [Cf. KopEVvupi
‘nourish, satiate’, Att. AiyiKopEl;? Or cf.
Koipocvos (Ruiperez)?]
ko-re-te-re, PA’ 257=Jn09. Nom. plur.:
koresteres ?
ko-re-te-ri. PA’ OnO 1 + . Probably dat. sing. :
koresteri ?
po-ro-ko-re-te, KN A’ 865, PA 257=Jn09,
258= KnOl. Nom. sing. : pro-korestrr ‘ vice-k.’ ?
Conte.xt shows subordinate position. [Cf.
Lat. pro-consul, etc. Class. TTpopoaxos, irpo-
5 evo 5, TtpoiJavTis, are not precise analogies.]
po-ro-ko-re-te-re. PA’ 257=Jn09. Nom. plur.:
prokoresteres q'^e ?
ko-re-te-ri-jo, PA’ 45 = .An830. Neuter: ko-
resterion ‘land occupied by a k.’l
Xko-ri-Qo-da-na, PA’ 103 = Ln08. AIY Ge605.
Nom. plur. neuter: koria{n\dna ‘coriander
seed’, Coriandrum satiium. [xopiavva Anacr.
6 B.c. + , also Kopiav6pov, KopiappXov, ko-
Alav5pov. Kopiov ; derivation from Kopi? ‘ bug ’
is unlikely: probably a loan-word; now
k6lyandrol\
397
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ko-ri-ja-da-na, MY Ge605. Alternative spelling
of koria{n)dna.
ko-ri-ja-do-no, KN 98=Ga4154-. Nom. sing,
neuter; koria(n)dnon.
ko-ro, PY Eq02. Gen. plur. : khoron ‘of the
lands’? [xcSpo? //. HI, 315 + .]
ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo, PY 59 = An656 + , 186 = Na46 + .
Nom. plur. masc., a class of men. [Cf.
KopKupaTo5 ‘ of Kerkyra ’ ? Or KpoKuXeia 11. ii,
633, a dependency of Ithaca ?]
ko-ro-no-we-sa, PY 235 = Ta711. Nom. sing,
fem., describing a ewer: koronowessa, perhaps
‘with a curved handle’. [Kopdbvri Od. i, 441.]
See p. 335.
ko-ro-to, MY Oel06. Nom. sing., applied to a
textile: khroslon ‘dyed’ [ = KtxpcoapEVov] or
it/orion ‘spun’ [ = kekAojctpeuou] ?
ko-ro-ta-i, KN 218 = L 598 + . Probably fem.
or neuter plur. of the preceding.
%ko-ru-to, PY 292 = Sh740+. Gen. sing.: korulhos
‘(plates,) of the helmet’, [xopus -605 Od.
XXIV, 523 + .]
ko-ru-pi, PY 239 = Ta642. Instr. plur.: ko-
ru‘‘‘phi ‘ (Inlaid with ivory) helmets’.
[ko]-ru, KN 300 = G 5670. Nom. sing, koru',
tvith HELMET ideogram.
ko-ru-we-ja, KN L 472. Describing textiles:
korweia ‘ children’s ’ ? Perhaps also ko-we-ja.
X 697.
ko-te-ri-ja, PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. plur., a
utensil, probably for use in fire-tending;
korteria ‘strikers, hammers’? [Cf. xpoTsco II.
XV, 453 + . variant KopTsoo.] See p. 337.
Xko-to-na, PV 108 = Ea817 + , 144=Eb866 + ,
117 = En01 + , 118=Eo01+, I31 = Ep01 + ,
147 = Eq03. 43 = Sn01. Nom. and gen. sing.,
nom. and acc. plur. : ktoina -an -at -ans,
‘estate, plot of land’. [ktoIvoo- Sgiio? pepe-
piCTpevos Hesych. ; the equivalent of an .Attic
deme in Rhodian insert. From *ktei-. cf.
ki-ti-je-si, etc.]
ko-to-i-na, ikS 156 = Ufl031 + . Fuller spelling
at Knossos.
ko-to-na-no-no. PY Ea22. For kloina-anonos. see
a-no-no.
ko-to-na-o, PY 140 = Eb35 + , 135 = Ep704,
\Va784. Gen. plur. : ktoindon.
ko-to-no, PY 141 = Eb20. 128 = Eo278. Dual
ktoino? See p. 249.
ko-to-ne-ta. PY 15i = Eb36. Nom. plur.; ktoi-
nelai [cf. Rhod. KToivETai]. Meaning uncer-
tain; see p. 264.
ko-to-ne-we. PY Be995. Synonymous with the
preceding ?
Xko-to-no-o-ko. PV 133 = Eb08^, 121 = Eo04,
131 = EpO 1 + . Nom. sing. ; kloino-okhos ‘ holder
of a ktoina’. [Cf. xAripoOxo? Herodotus—.]
ko-to-no-o-ko-de. PY 140 = Eb'lo. .\cc. sing. ? :
ktoinookhon + de ‘but’.
ko-to-no-ko, PA Eol73. Defective spelling of
the preceding.
ko-u-ra, KN 211 = Lc532 + . Nom. plur. neuter?
description of a kind olpharwos garment. [Not
from Koupd’clipping’, etc. (as Furumark, 1 954) ,
which has spurious diphthong from *kors-.^
ko-u-re-ja, KN 25 = .Ap694, Lc581, X 5096 + .
Adj. describing wool and women: ‘suitable
for making ko-u-ra ’ ?
Xko-wa, KN 23 = Agl654 + , 17 = Ai739 + , 18 =
Ak6 1 1 + . .\p639, PY 1 = AaO 1 + , 6 = Ab02 + .
Nom. sing, and plur. fem. : korwd -ai
‘daughter, girl’. [KoupT| II. vi, 420 + , Att.
Kopt], prob. Arc. Koppa; now k6ri.\
ko-wi-ro-wo-ko, KN 48 = B 101. Nom., number
uncertain, name of a trade : kowito-worgo-
‘maker of hollow (objects of some sort)’.
[koTAos Homer + , also koiAos, from *K6piAos,
cf. Eat. cauos.^ See p. 1 80.
Xko-wo, KN.\g87 + , 17=-Ai739 + . 18 = Ak611 + ,
35 = Am819 + , .Ap482 + , PY l = .Aa01 + ,
6 = Ab02 + , 8 = Ad670 + , 26 = An02 + , MY
Oel21. Nom. sing, and plur.: korwos -oi
‘boy, lad’ or ‘son’. [xoDpog Od. xix, 523 + .
Att. Kopo;, Dor. Kcopo?.]
ko-wo, PY 171 = Un718. With ideogram hide +
KO: kowos ‘sheepskin, fleece’, [xcoas neuter,
II. IX, 661 + , Hirt *qow9s.^
Xku-mi-no, MA' 105 = Ge602 + . Nom. sing,
neuter: kuminon ‘cumin’, Cuminum cyminum.
[xupivov Hippocr. 5 b.c. + . A Semitic loan-
word, cf. Ugaritic kmn, Hebr. kammon, Akkad.
kamunu.'] See p. 227.
ku-mi-na, MA’ Ge605. Nom. plur.: kumina.
Xku-na-ja, PY 235 = Ta711. Nom. sing, fem.:
gunaia ‘as a woman’s gift’? Cf.
[yuvaia 5copa Od. xi, 521, etc.]
Xku-na-ke-ta-i, PY 191 = Na56. Dat. plur.:
kunagetd’i ' to the huntsmen ’. [KuvtiysTTi;
Od. IX, 120 + , Dor. KuvaysTos; now kinigos.]
Xku-pa-ri-se-ja, PA' 284 = Sa01. Nom. plur.
neuter : kuparisseta ‘ ( wheels) of cypress wood ’.
[aTaSuo; KUrrapio-aivos Od. xvn, 340+.]
Xku-pa-ro, KN G 519, 102 = Ga517 + . .A herb or
spice: kupairos ‘ Cyperus rotundas’. [KviriTEipov
Theophr. + , also KurtEipos, Ion. KUTtEpog. Not
in sense 'Cyperus longtis’ of II. xxi, 351, etc.
Dor. KUTiaipos (.Aleman 7 B.c.) is not
diagnostic, as word is probably borrowed
from Semitic, cf. Hebr. koper.]
ku-pa-rOo, 103 = Un08+. Alternative spell-
ing of the preceding.
Xku-pa-ro-we, PA' 1203 (1955). Bennett: kupairo-
ocen, OIL ‘flavoured with Cyperus’.
lku?]-pe-ra. MA' 234 = Ue61 1. Nom. plur.. in a
list of vessels: probably ktipella ‘drinking
cups’. [tcuTTEAAa plur. It. iii, 248 + .]
ku-re-we. KN X 7544, PA' 57 = .An43 + , 76 =
Cn22, 177 = Ma02. Nom. plur., a class of
men: it '-ewes. Seep. 191. Carratelli;sA-!/fe'eJ
‘leather-workers’ ; Palmer; ‘men-at-arms’,
cf. K0pO5, etc.
Xku-ru-so, KN 231 = K 872, PY 239 = Ta642 +
398
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
Instr. sing.: khnisoi ‘with gold’; also khrusos
-01 -0 ois, adj. masc. ‘of gold, golden’.
[XpuCTos ‘gold’, II. VI. 48+;
(generally scanned as disyllable; ‘of gold’.
It. I, 15, etc. From Hebrew and Ugaritic
harus-, which is both noun and adjective.
Now khrisdji, ‘gold’, khrisos ‘of gold’.] See
P- 343-
ku-ru-so-jo, PY 27 = Ae08. Gen. sing.: khrusoio
‘of the gold’.
ku-ru-sa-pi, PY 242 = Ta707 + . Instr. plur.
fem. adj.; khrusdphi ‘of gold’.
ku-ru-so-po-ro-we-\^, KN X 1014. Division
uncertain, cf. xP'-'O'opdpos ?
Xku-ru-so-wo-ko, PY 52 = An26. Nom. plur.;
khruso-worgoi ‘ goldsmiths ’. [xpuaoupyo?
Septuagint+ ; cf. xP’-'O'oxoo; Od. iii, 425+ .]
ku-ru-su-pa^'^ , KN 230= K 740. Nom. sing.:
description of a three-legged vessel, possibly
compounded with khrus- ‘gold’. See p. 327.
Xku-su, KN L 698. Preposition with dative;
.v!OT ‘with’. [§uv Homer-l- .]
Xku-su-pa, KN Fh367. Nom. sing, neuter: tosson
xumpan ‘so much (olive-oil) all together’.
ku-su-pa-ta, KN D1699. Nom. plur. neuter:
xumpanta ‘all together’. [^uptravTa Od. vii,
214-I-, also oOpTravTa.]
Xku-su-to-ro-pa^, KN 36 = B 817, [X 1470], [Eh
5497], PY 150 = Ec07, 153 = Er02. Nom. sing.:
xunstrophd ‘aggregate, total rolled into one’
(also Furumark). [o-uoTpocpri Herodotus -P .]
ku-te-re-u-pi, PY 28 = -A.n42, NaOl. .Andrews,
Georgiev: instr. plur.: khutreuphi ‘potters’.
[XUTpsO? Plato -p. Possibly a place-name, cf.
.\ttic deme Kspapsis.] Or ‘from KuQripa’?
ku-te-se-ja, PY 240 = Ta713-P. Nom. sing, fem.:
kiiteseid ‘made of ku-te-so’.
ku-te-se-jo, PY 242 = Ta707-p. Nom. sing, and
instr. plur.: kuteseios -ois.
ku-te-ta-jo, PY 242 = Ta707.1. Probably a
mis-spelling of the preceding.
Xku-te-so, PY 242 = Ta707. Nom. sing.; a kind of
wood, probably ‘ ebony ’. [Ktrnao^ ii, ‘ bastard
ebony’. Laburnum iidgare, Theophr.]
Xku-wa-ni-Jo, PY 244=Ta714. Instr. plur. masc.;
kuaniois ‘with (phoenixes) of lapis-coloured
glass’. [KudvEOS //. xvm, 25 -P .]
Xku-wa-no, PY 239 = Ta642 -p . Bennett : instr.
sing.: kuanoi ‘(inlaid) with kyanos, lapis-
coloured glass’. [Kuavos II. xi, 26+ ; ‘natural
kyanos’ in Theophr. = ‘ lapis-lazuli ’. Non-IE
loan-word. Cf. Ugaritic iqnu, .-^kkad. uqnu
‘ lapis-lazuli ’ ? Cf. also ku-wa-an-na-se, un-
known Hurrian term describing furniture on
.Alalakh no. 425.] W'ace proposes ‘niello’;
see p. 340.
ma-ra-kp, P\ 77=Cn23. Acc. sing. neut.
= See p. 208. [.-\vest. mawcit-; Aeol.
Ppoxuj.]
ma-ra-te-u, PY 44=-\n29, Cn05. Nom. sing.
masc., a class or trade: (?j-eus. [Cf. paAa-
TfjpES- vouTai Hesych. ?]
ma-ra-te-we, PY 195 = Na67. Nom. plur.;
(?;-ca,'«.
Xma-ra-tu-wo, MY 105 = Ge602 -f . Nom. sing. :
maralhu;on ’ fennel’, Foenicidum vulgare.
[udpaOov Epich. 5 b.c.-P, also pdpaSo;, pdpa-
Spov; etymology unknown.]
ttrta-te, PY 28 = .A.n42. Nom. sing, fem.: mater
‘mother’, [pfi't'np h 351+5 Dor. pArrip;
now mitera.]
ma-te-de, ibid.; mater de "and the mother’. Cf.
pa-le-de.
ma-te-re, PY 1202 (1955). Bennett; dat. sing.
mdt(e')rei.
me-ki-ta, KN X 537. Nom. plur. neuter?:
megista ‘largest’? [psyiaTo; II. ii, 412 -P.]
Xme-no. KN 200=Fpl-r, Fhl645, Od5672, \Vb
M133, PY 1224. Gen. sing.: nienos (possibly
menhos) ' in the month of’, [pel? II. xix, 1 1 7 -P ,
gen. UTivo?, Lesb. privvo?, Thess. p£iv(v)o? from
’^mens, mensos. Now minas, minds.']
me-no-e-ja, PY 239 = Ta642. Nom. sing, fem.,
describing table; ‘crescent-shaped, semi-
circular’? [Gf. privoEiSri? Herodotus -P .]
me-re-ti-ri-ja. PY l = .\a01. Nom. plur. fem.,
a woman's trade: meletriai ‘corn-grinders’?
[Cf. me-re-ii-ro= cIKiMpov ‘flour’, dAeTpt? Od.
XX, 105 -P ; root *ml- tml-.]
me-re-ti-ra.y, PY .■\b789. .Mternative spelling.
me-re-ti-raiplo], PY .\d05. Gen. plur.
Xme-re-u-ro, PY 171 = Un718. meleuron ‘flour,
wheat-meal’. [pdAsupov Epig. Horn., .\1-
caeus -p , perhaps modified by the analog}’ of
aAsupov.]
Xme-ri, KN 205 = Gg702-P (in monogram 206 =
Gg705-P). Nom. sing., with .■\mphora
ideogram: meli ‘honey’. [peAi Od. xx,
69+-]
me-ri-to, PY 171 = Un718. Gen. sing.; melitos.
me-ri-da-ma-te, etc., see under dit-ma.
me-ri-te-wo. PY Ea771-P, EcOl. Gen. plur.?
Garratelli; melitewon ‘of the apiarists’. [Cf.
ptAiaaEu? .-Aristotle -p .]
me-sa-ta, KN L 735-P. Epithet of cloths:
mes(s')ala ‘of medium quality or size’? [pta-
aoTO? ‘midmost'. II. vni, 223 + .]
me-sa-to, KN A\'b I 7 1 4 -P . Masc. ?
Xme-ta, PY 57 = .An43-p. Prep, with dat.: meta
q^e ‘and with (them/. [pETd -ydat.. It. i,
525 -P. uith gen. in prose. In a number of
class, dialects replaced by TtESa from different
root.]
me-ta-ke-kii-me-na, KN 274=Sf0428. Nom.
sing, fem., redupl. part, applied to framework
of a chariot: rneta-{? i-mend. [Possibly from
pETayteo ‘transfuse’.] See p. 368.
tme-ta-ki-ti-ta, PY 54 = .Anl9. Nom. plur., a class
of men subsidiary to ki-ti-ta: meta-ktitai
‘migrants, new residents'. [Cf. peTavdcnrTi?
II. IX, 648 -P.]
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
me-tu-ra, PY 30 = Ae03 + . Acc. plur. ? Perhaps
a kind of livestock. [Cf. nituXos Theocr. + ,
‘hornless’ ?]
me-u-jo, KN Ak612 + . Nom. sing, masc.-fem.-
neuter, of children and goblets; mewjon (or
mewjos?) mewjon ‘smaller, younger, small
rather than large’, Lat. minor. [pEicou
Homer + , Dor., Arc.; also Dor., Aeol. ppcov.
Not directly connected with Lat. minor-,
proposed derivation from *mei-ion is un-
certain. *meinon (extracted from dpEivcov) is
a fiction.]
me-wi-jo, KN 19 = -\k627-h, PY 236 = Ta641.
Alternative spelling of the preceding.
me-u-Jo-e, KN .\k509 bis -f . Dual and plur.
masc.-fem.; mevujoe, mewjoes. [.\tt. contr.
ptious Xenophon.]
me-wi-jo-e, KN 20 = .Ak824 + , K 829. .Alternative
spelling of the preceding.
me-u-jo-a^, PY 292 = Sh740 -1- . Nom. plur.
neuter: mewjoa = pM.. pelco.
me-za-na, PY 76=Cn22, 296 = Sh736. .\dj. (?)
applied to cattle and to a noun connected
with armour. .Andrews ; ‘ Messenian ’ ? Pal-
mer, Georgiev: erratic spelling of peXcwa?,
peAaiva; ‘black’?
me-za-ne, PY 91 = Fn02. Dat. sing, or nom.
plur. : a class of men. Probably from the same
word as the preceding.
Xme-zo, KN Ak612 + . Nom. sing, masc.-fem.:
mezon (or mezbs?) ‘larger, older, large rather
than small’, Lat. maior. [p£l3coy 11. iii, i68+,
-Attic: Ion., Dor., .Arc., .Aeol. pejcov. Common
Gk. form for *meg-jdn, Skt. mahiydn.']
me-zo-e, KN 18 = Ak611-(-, 223 = L 471, PY
236 = Ta641. Dual neuter, dual and plur.
masc.-fem.: mezoe, mezoes. On Ta641.2 a
mis-spelling for the neuter singular.
me-[^zo\-a, KN .As5863. Probably Knossos
spelling of the succeeding.
me-zo-a^, PY 292 = Sh740-t- . Nom. plur.
neuter: mezoa.
mi-ja-ro, KN L 1568. Neuter sing., of a te.xtile:
miaron ‘dirty, defiled’? [piapos II. xxiv,
420 + , but Pick postulates *miw3ros.'\ .Also
abbreviated mi.-.
mi-ka-ta, KN \ c64, PY 50 = .Anl8-|- , 91 = Fn02.
Eb839, [148 = Ep04. 13]. Nom. sing, and
plur. masc., name of a trade or class: miktds
-tail
mi-ra^, PA' 241 = Ta715. Probably a kind of
wood for table-making, see p. 342.
mi-ta, MA’ 105 = Ge602-r. .A herb or spice;
mintha ‘mint’, Mentha lindis. [uiv9a Hip-
ponax 6 b.c. + , also plv9r|. Etym. unknown.]
%mi-to-we-sa. KN Sd0407 + . Nom. sing, or plur.
fern., of chariots: rnilto-'wessa -at ‘painted with
red’. [Cf. vfjES piATOitapijoi II. ii, 637,
piAxriAipEE; Herodotus.]
mi-to-we-sa-e. KN 269 = Sd0404. Unusual
spelling of the nom. plur.
Xmo-ri-wo-do, KN 259 = Ogl527. Nom. sing., a
substance measured by weight: moliwdos
‘lead’ (also Georgiev). [poAipos II. xi, 237,
also poAipSos, poAupSo?, poAipo;, *p6Aipos,
etc. ; now moliui. Non-IE loan-word, dis-
tantly comparable to Lat. plumbum.^
mo-ro-pa^, KN C 1632, PY 57 = -An43, 258 =
KnOl, 43 = Sn01. Nom. sing, masc., title of
a land-owner in the villages. Palmer:
mo{i)ro-ppds ‘owmer of a portion’ (cf. ktoino-
okhosl). [polpa 11. xvi, 68 -h, popos (Locr.
and Lesb.) a measure of land. Cf. Boeot.
•n"irdpaTa = KTriporra, Arc. tvTraais ‘acquisi-
tion’; EKTtapov dKAfipcoTou Hesych.]
mul-jo-me-no, PY 97 = Un03. See p. 221.
na-u-do-mo, KN U 736, PY 189 = Na65,
Vn865. Nom. plur.; naudomoi ‘ship-builders’.
[Class. term vauTtriyoj Thuc. -|- ; cf.
to-ko-do-mo, e-te-do-mo.] Probably not from
vapo- ‘temple’.
%na-wi-jo, PY 257=Jn09. .Acc. sing, masc.:
ndwion ‘(bronze) for ships’. [56pu vpiov Od.
IX, 384 + , Trag., Dor. vdios.] Chadwick:
from vaos ‘temple’? See p. 357.
ne-ki-ri-de, KN L 1568. Nom. plur. fem.?
ne-ki-ri-si, KN Od687. Dat. plur.?
ne-puirsa-pi, KN 231 = K 872. Instr. plur.,
prob. fem., decoration on metal vessels.
%ne-wo, KN Fh362+, Od689, X 658, PY59 =
.An656, AlY 226 = Oel29. newos, etc., ‘new,
young’ [v£05 Homer -P , Cypr. super!. VEpoora-
Tos, cf. Lat. nouos.']
ne-wo-jo, KN X 5506. Gen. sing.
ne-wa, KN 282 = So0430 + , X 997, PY
[Sa843?], MY [228 = Oelll]. Nom. plur.
neuter: newa, as opposed to perusinwa ‘last
year’s’.
%no-pe-re-a^, PA’ 288 = Sa790+. Nom. plur.
neuter, describing wLeels: nophelea ‘out of
sendee, unusable’. [Cf. dvco9EAT|5 Xeno-
phanes 6 b.c.-P; cf. Homeric dveovupos/
vcbvunos, etc.]
no-pe-re-e, PY 291 = Sa794. Dual neuter:
ndphelee.
no-ri-wo-ko, PY .Aal3. Nom. plur. ‘fem.’, a
trade: {l)-worgoi. Furumark compares vco-
poin xuAkco, II. n, 578, which is obscure.
no-ri-wo-ko-jo. PA' .Ad669. Gen. sing.: {l)-wor-
goio.
nu-wa-ja, KN 221 = L 647. Nom. sing, fem.:
adj. describing garments. See p. 320.
nu-wa-i-\^. KN X 663. Possibly identical with
the preceding.
0-02 ; PA' 250 = A'nO 1 . ho ar' thus now’, a shorter
form of o-da-a^l Or a defective spelling?
o-a-ke-re-se, see after a-ke-re-se.
o-a-po-te, KN 213 = L 641. hd apothen ‘thus
from afar’? (also Furumark, 1954i. [ccttcoQeu
Soph. -{■ .]
400
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
o-da-a^, PY 44 = An29, 142 = Eb32 + , 114=
En02 + , 154=Eq01 + , 175 = MalO + , 43 =
SnOl, 171 = Un718. An adverbial and/or
conjunctional phrase, always first in para-
graph, often having function of introducing
subsidiary matter, hoda ar(?) ‘thus now’,
‘thus in their turn’. [<S>6e, cb6i Homer -f (for
-da cf. Cypr. dv6a' aurri Hesych.] ; apa ap pa
Homer + (from *ar or *r).] The attempts by
Furumark and Georgiev' (1954) to explain
o-da-a2 as a plural noun conflict with its
contexts.
o-da-*87-ta, KN 282 = So0430 -P . Neuter plur.
adj., describing wheels, and contrasted with
te-mi-*yi-ta: (?)-zi’enta. Seep. 370.
o-da-ke-we-ta, KN So0446. Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
o-da-ku-we-ta, KN [L 870], So0435. Alter-
native spelhng.
o-da-tu-we-ta, KN 278 = So894. Probably a
mis-spelling of the preceding.
o-da-ja-[ro?], PY Wa917. 3rd sing. aor. middle:
ho dassato ‘thus he divided’. [Horn. SdaaaTO,
from SaTEopai.]
o-de-ka-sa-to, see after de-ka-sa-to.
o-de-pa^-a^, PY OnOl. Introducing second list
of enigmatic ideogram no. 154. Bennett now
divides o-de pa^-a^', possibly verbal: ‘but thus
(the men from beyond .A..) did such-and such ’.
o-di-do-si, see after di-do-si.
o-do-ke. see after di-do-si.
o-ka. PY 57 = .An43 -P . Nom. sing. fern. ?, prob-
ably the name of a military detachment or
sector: okhd. [Cf. oxi) ‘support, food’, from
EXto?] Or orkhd? [Cf. opxapos II. ii, 837, etc.
(Aeol.?), dpxfl- But opxo; ‘row’, opxds
‘enclosure’ probably have *p-.] See p. 185.
o-mi-ri-jo-i, KN Fh356. Prob. dat. plur. [Cf
opiAos ‘assembled throng’ Od. i, 225 + .
Aeol. oniAAos?]
o-mo-pi, KN 276 = Sel006. Instr. plur. masc. : see
p. 369. Objects of ivory.
o-na, KN AI 559. PY Ua04. and ‘purchase’, cf
o-na-to? [(i)vf| Soph. -p , Lesb. ovva; but this
is probably for *wosnd, cf. Skt. vasndm.]
o-na-te-re, PY 114 = En02-P, [Wa784]. Nom.
plur. : ‘ persons holding an o-na-to (lease or
purchase; ’. See p. 235.
o-na-to, PY 112=Ea825-P, 133=Eb08-P, EcOl,
114=En02 + , 118=Eo01-p, 148 = Ep04+,
147 = Eq03. Acc. sing, neuter: ondton ‘a
holding, lease or purchase (?) of land’. See
P- 235.
o-na-ta, PY 149 = Eb33-P, 135 = Ep704. .Acc.
plur. : ondta.
o-ni-ti-ja-pi, PA' 242 = Ta707. Instr. plur. fem.,
of part of a chair: ornithidphi ‘decorated with
birds ’ ? [6pvi0EO5 .Aristoph. -P .]
Xo-no, KN 82=Ca895 (joined;. Nom. plur.: onoi
‘asses, donkeys’, with same ideogram as
HORSE. [6vo5 II. XI, 55^ + •]
o-no, KN Fh347 + , L 758, PA’ 55 = -An724-p,
L'nOl, MY Oel08-P. Furumark, 1954:
‘ Einkaufspreis ’ ? Cf C&V05 ‘price paid’, Od.
XV', 388 -P? Palmer: ‘mill-stone’. .Almost
certainly not ovo% ‘donkey’.
o-nu, KN X 681. Nom. sing, of o-nii-ke? [Or
cf. S3vv\j- 0UTC05 Hesych.; .Arc. -Cypr. ovu
‘this’?]
o-nu-ke, KN L 1568 edge, Od682, AI 683,
Wsl703. Nom. plur. noun(?j, describing
wool(?) ideogram; also in compounds
re-u-ko-nu-ka, po-ki-ro-nu-ka. [ovuf ‘claw’ II.
VIII, 248 -p, also ‘nail; hoof’, hardly seems
possible, unless in a very derivatNe sense.]
o-nu-ka, KN Lc485, L 584 -p. .Apparently
synonymous with the preceding (or ad-
jectival ?).
o-nu-ke-ja, PA’ .\b30. Nom. plur. fem.: ‘women
engaged in preparing o-nu-ke ’ ?
o-nu-ke-fa-o, PY Ad675. Gen. plur.
o-pa, KN C 50, L 695, 29 = .As821. Dm 1184,
265 = Sd0403, 273 = Sf 0420, 282 = So0430,
264 = Wsl 704, PY 296 = Sh736. Some kind of
group, department or detachment? Often
preceded by a man’s name in the gen.
l*soq’‘d> opd ‘following, retinue’, postulated
as base of otrdcov ‘esquire, attendant’, IL
VIII, 263 -P? Similarly Furumark, 1954, p.
58.] Chadwick: ‘a form of feudal service’?
See p. 169.
o-pa-wo-ta, KN 300 = G(?) 5670, PA’ 292 =
Sh740-P. Nom. plur. neuter: probably
■plates’ applied to bodv-armour, see p. 376.
o-pe-ro, KN G 461-p. Gg706, L 869, 283 =
S0O442-P, X 409 -p, PY .AdOl, 55 = .An724
(.An32), Cn09, Eb39, Fn03, 179 = Ma09-P,
184 = NnOl . L'sual annotation to persons and
things ‘owed’, ‘failing in their duty’, ‘which
should be there but aren’t', etc., further
abbreviated as 0 .-. Owing to variation in
congruent adjectives, probably not a word
ocpsAos (only ‘advantage’ in Greek) but
abbrev'. for participles act. ophelon. etc. and
pass, ophelomenon, -menu etc. [to oipEiAouEVOv
‘debt’, Xenophon -P, etc.]
pe-ro-ro, MA’ 107=Ge604. Probably a mis-
spelling of the preceding.
pe-ro, PY Mal6. Pla^-ful )?) abbrev. of pre-
ceding as ‘adjunct’ to ideogram o.
Xo-o-pe-ro-si, PA’ 184=Nn01. 3rd plur. pres.:
ho ophelonsi ‘thus they owe’ or ‘owe for’.
[oqjEAAoj Od. vni, 332 -P (also .Arc., .Aeol.),
.Att. 6<peiA<o, Cret. ocpriAo). p- in .Arc. po<pATi-
Koai is probably not original, Schwvzer,
Gram, i, 226.]
jo-o-po-ro. MA’ 105 = Ge602. 3rd plur. aorist:
hd dphlon or dphloii ‘ thus they owed ’, or ‘ con-
tracted a debt’. [.\tt.-Ion. dxpAov (attached
to oipAtaKdvco) was probably orig. aorist to
6<peAA&o.]
o-pe-ro-ta. PA’ 55 = An724 (.An32). Acc. sing.
26
401
V* c
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
masc. : ophelonta ‘ (an inhabitant) who ought
to (be rowing)’, ‘is obliged to’.
o-pe-ro-te, PY 55 = An724 + . Nom. plur. masc. ;
ophilontes.
o-pe-ro-sa, PY 135 = Ep704. Nom. sing, fern.:
ophilonsa, ‘although she should have’, or
‘although she is obliged to’.
0‘P€“To-S(i-de , PY 141 = Eb20. ophelonsu-h de
‘but’.
to-pi, KN 39 = .M1517, L M127 + , Od690 + ,
162=Uf983, X 567 + , PY 31=Ae04+.
Preposition with dative: opt ‘around, upon,
after’. [Cf. Eat. ob, Osc. op; an ablaut
doublet of ETTi, cf. 6Tn-6£v, orr-copot, Thess.
otteI, 6TTEi6fi = £'TT6l, ETTEiSfi, Schwyzcr, Gram.
o-pi-a^-ra, PY 56 = An6o/. Acc. plur. neuter:
opi-hala ‘coastal (regions)’. [E90A0S It. n,
53^T .]
Xo-pi-da-mi-jo^ P5: 45 = An830, 75 = Cn02. Nom.
plur. masc. : opiddmioi, ‘ those who are at home
in the villages’. [£Tri6fiui05 Od. i, 194+ .]
o-pi~i-ja~pi^ KN 266 = Sd0401 + , 274 = Sf 0428.
Instr. plur. fem. : part of the harness of a
chariot team. See p. 365. A shortened form
of the succeeding?
o-pi-i-ta-ja, KN X 537. Nom. plur.?: an
artefact, possibly opi-histaia-.
o-pi-ka-pe-e-we, PY 257=Jn09. Nom. plur., a
class of persons in the tributary villages: opi-
skapheewes? [Cf. £TriCTKa9su5='one who har-
rows in the seed’, Hesych., lTTiaKa<pElov ‘hoe,
mattock’, Delphi 3 b.c.?] See p. 357.
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja, PY 243 = Ta708 + . .Acc.
plur. fem. : opi-kelemntans (possibly opi-
kremnians) ‘edges of the back (of a chair)’?
See p. 343.
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi, PA' 242 = Ta707 + . Instr.
plur.: -idphi.
o-pi-ke-ri-jo, PA' .An35. See p. 187.
o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de, PA' 55 = .An724 (.An32). Is -de
conjunctional or allative?
o-pi-ma-tu, KN L 1568. See p. 317.
o-pi-me-ne, PY An30. 3rd sing, pres.: opimenei
‘remains’? [ettipevco II. xix, 142 + .] Or opi
menei ‘per month’ ? [Ernpfivia ‘rations’.]
o-pi-po-ni-ke-ja, KN L 1568. opiphoinikeia? See
P- 317-
o-pi-qi-na, KN L 584. Nom. plur. neuter, adj.
applied to textiles?
*o-pi-ro-qo, PA' .Aa777, Abl5. 13 = .Ad691, Nom.
and gen. plur. ‘fem.’: opiloiq'‘oi -Bn ‘remaining,
supernumerary’, cf. pe-n-ro-qo. [ErriAonros
Pindar + .]
o-pi-su-ko. PA'257=Jn09 + . Nom. plur., a class
of men in the tributaiy villages, see p. 357.
o-pi-te-te-re, PA' 251 = A n02. Nom. plur., name
of an artefact: upitheteres ‘covers, lids’? [Cf.
ETTiSEpa .Aristotle + , E-TrlSriiJa It. xxrv', 228 + .]
[ot'\-pi-te-te, KN 231 = K 872. Part of cup,
made of gold : probably nom. sing, of the pre-
ceding. Or a participle (cf. kuveti dp9iTE6£lCTa
11. x, 271, 9iaAT) dp9i9£TOS It. xxiii, 270)?
o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we, PY 50 = .Anl8, 91 = Fn02 + .
Nom. plur., a class of men: opiteukheewes?
‘riggers’? [Connected with Horn. teu)(£Cc
‘ armour, arms : ship’s gear ; vessek ’ ? Or with
ciriTuyxctvco ?]
o-pi-te-u-ke-wei KN B 798. Shorter spelling of
the preceding.
o-pi-te-ke-e-u, PA 97 = Un03. Nom. sing.:
(?)-eus. defective spelling.
o-pi-ti-ni-ja-ta, PA' Eb06 + . Nom. sing. : a title
or trade; connected by Carratelli with Cret.
6Ivos = 6eTos, but cf. p. 182.
o-pi-tu-ra-jo, PA FnOl. Dat. sing. Furumark,
1954: opithuraioi, a man’s occupation [cf.
Horn. ETTiSupios, Trpo6upaiov] ; but possibly a
man’s name.
o-po-qo, KN 266 = Sd0401+, 274 =Sf 0428.
Nom. dual or plural. Palmer: opoq^oi ‘horse s
cheek-pieces’, made of leather or ivory.
l*opi-oq^-, cf. TTpoo-coTTOV, pETCotrov; and
TrapcoTTia ‘ blinkers ’, Poll. + .]
o-re-ne-ja, KN Ld579 + . Nom. plur. neuter.
{l)-neia, adj. describing te.xtiles or garments.
[Cf. (hAEvr) ‘lower arm’, h.Hom. + I Or cf.
wAevti, cbAfiv ‘mat, mattress’?]
o-re-ne-a, KN L 593. Alternative spelling ot
the preceding.
o-ro-jo, PY 154=Eq01. Gen. sing. See p. 269.
%o-ro-me-no, PA’ 31 = Ae04+. Nom. sing. masc. :
opt. . .oromenos ‘watching over (animals) .
[Itri. . .opovTai Od. xiv, 104, etc. No trace
of *f- in Homer either (for suggested con-
nexion with opctco, *u)or-). Probably *sor-l
sorw-, cf. A\’est. haraiti, haurvaiti ‘watches .]
lo-te, PY 235 = Ta711. Conj.: Aote ‘when’, [ots
it. I. 397 + •] c
o-ti-ri-ja, PY Aa05. Nom. plur. fem., name ot
a trade: {?)-triai.
o-ti-rOi, PY Abll. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
o-f t-roj-o, PY Ad663. Gen. plur.: {?)-triddn.
o-u-di-do-si (with ou- ‘not’}, see after di-do-si.
o-u-di-do-to (with ou- ‘not’), see after di-do-si.
o-u-ko, MA' Oel08 + . Nom. sing.? An object
connected with wool?
MY 97K=Oelll. Probably nom. plur.
of the preceding.
o-u-pa-ro-ke-ne-l, see pa-ro-ke-ne-[to?].
o-u-qe, KN L 641, 265 = Sd0403 + , 274 =
Sf0428, PY Eb39, 148 = Ep04+, 43 = Sn01,
248=Va01. Conj.: ouq^e ‘and not, but not’.
[ouTE ‘and not’, II. xxii, 265 + , more often
‘neither. . .nor’. Function of Myc. ouq^e is
closer to that of class. ouSe ‘and not, but not’,
cf. Lat. ne-quel\
o-u-ru-to, PA’ 56 = ,An657. 3rd plur. pres.: ho
wruntoi ‘thus they guard, watch’. [Athematic
pres, of Epuopai (*p(Eipuuai), cf. Horn. inf.
pOoSai, imperfect Ipuro 11. tv, 138, etc.]
402
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
o-u-te-mi, KN 201 = \ 280. ou themis ‘it is not
right by custom’? Thus Georgiev, 1954.
[ou itoi 6 e|jiis EtTTi Od. XIV, 56.] Or ou termis
‘there is no border (?)’? See te-mi-*yi-ta.
o-u-ki-te-mi, KN 207 = V 280. Alternative
spelling with ouk{h)i ‘not’, [ouki II. xx, 255,
etc., later ouxi, possibly with a different etym.]
o-u-wo-ze, o-wo-ze, see under wo-ze.
to-wi-de, PY 154=Eq01, 235 = Ta711. 3rd sing,
aorist: ho wide, lit. ‘thus he/she saw’ {‘made
inspection, checked?’). [TSe II. xi, 243, etc.]
o-wi-de-ta-i, PY 171 = Un718. \V’a731. Ap-
parently aor. inf. : ho widesthai, see p. 283.
[1660001 II. I, 587, etc., active sense.]
o-wo-we, PY 236 = Ta641. Nom. sing, de-
scribing tripod cauldron: oiw-dwes ‘with a
single handle’? [oIos II. iv, 397 + , Cypr.
olf05.] Or ouo-wens ‘provided with handles’.
[Cf. TpiTToS’ COTtOEUTa II. XXIII, 264, CtC.?]
See p. 337.
o-za-mi-[. PY 42 = An 17. ‘Thus they are
penalized’? [jriiiioco Herodotus + , jpula
Aesch. Dor. japla.] Cf. also the man’s
description za~mi-jo.
o-ze-to, PY Vn04. Verbal form, probably 3rd
sing. aor. Palmer; ho gento ‘thus he took’.
[yEVTo II. \nii, 43, etc. Cf. C\-pr. ditoyEtiE'
09 £Ak£, uyyEpos' ouMapp Hesych.] Muhle-
stein: ho keitoi ‘what belongs’.
Xpa, PY 256=Ja749, Jn02. Nom. sing. masc. ;
tossos pans ‘so much (bronze) in all’, [ttas
Homer -f, possibly from *kwdnt-.'\
pa-sa, KN 90= G 820. Acc. fern. sing, or
plur. : pansan or pansans. [-itSoo, Cret., Thess.,
Arc. trccvaa, Lesb. traloa.]
pa-te, KN B 1055. Nom. plur. masc. ; pantes
‘so many (men) in all’.
pa-to[, PY 150=Ec07, Probably gen. sing.:
pantos ‘of everything’; could be sparlo-
‘sown’.
pa-si, PY 254=Jn04. Dat. plur. masc.: pansi
‘to them all’. [uaCTi]
pa-si-te-o-i, KN 200=Fpl-f, 206 = Gg705-)-.
Dat. plur. : pansi theois ‘ to all the gods ’.
pa-ta[, KN C 918. Neut. plur. : panta.
Xpa-ka-na, KN 261 = Ral540-|- . Nom. plur.
neuter: {s?)phasgana ‘swords’, [ipdo-yavov
II. XXIII, 824 -f, Cypr. according to Anec. Gr.
1095. Perhaps for * sphag-skanon, Prellwitz.]
pa-ke-te-re, PY [251 = Vn02.6] Vn879, MY
234 = Ue61 1. Nom. plur., name of some kind
of artefacts. See p. 332.
pa-ke-te-ri-ja, MY Wt506. .Adjective or dimin-
utive deriv'ed from the preceding.
pa-ke-we, KN \ 505. Nom. plur. masc. ;
pakhewes ‘thick’, [traxus II. v, 309 -I-.]
pa-ko-to [, PY 237 = Ta709. The name of an arte-
fact, see p. 337.
pa^-ra-de-ro, PY Vn879. In the description of
some kind of artefact.
%pa-ra-jo, PY .An08, Cnl4-f , Na59, 292 = Sh740.
Dat. sing., nom. plur., etc. : palaioi‘ o\d’ , perhaps
also ‘of the time before’. [TtaAaids of man’s
age, II. xrv, 108-I- ; of things, Od. ii, 293-!-.
From TrdXai *q“alai (cf. TfjXE) ; no evidence
for -*[^os. Now palyos.}
pa-ra-ja, KN U 124, L 1568, Se879, PY 286 =
Sa787 -t- . Nom. plur. neuter, etc. : palaia.
pa-ra-ke-te-e-we, PY Jn750. Nom. plur. masc.,
of ‘active’ smiths: prdktewes? [Cf. irpriKTrip
‘doer of deeds’, II. rx, 443; ‘trader’, Od. viii,
162-r, also irpoKTcop?]
pa-ra-ke-\we], PY 239=Ta642. Instr. sing.:
name of a material used to inlay furniture,
see p. 340.
pa-ra-ku-we, PY 244= Ta714-|- . .Alternative
spelling of the preceding.
pa-ra-ku, PY Cn24. .A form of Pporyu? ‘short’
(but cf. -Aeol. pphyu;) ?
pa-ra-ku-ja, KN Ld580. Nom. plur. neuter, adj.
describing garments ; derived from one or
other of the preceding?
pa^l-ra-ku-ja, KN 217= L 587. .Alternative
spelling of the preceding?
%pa«-ra-to-ro, 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing. Palmer;
spalathron ‘oven-rake’ or similar. [crrrdAadpov
Poll., equivalent of aTTdAau0pov. axdAaudpov.
OKdAEuSpOV.]
pa-ra-vtfjVY 286 = Sa787. .Adj. applied to wheels.
See p. 374.
tpa-ra-wa-jo, KN 299 = V 789, PY 293 = Sh737.
Nom. dual.: Bennett: pardwaio ‘pair of
(helmet) cheek-pieces’. [Cf. Kopueoj Std
XaAKOirapriou Od. xxiv, 523 -I- ; Horn, irapriiov
(*par-dtcsion), plur. irapEiai ‘cheek’: ‘cheek-
piece’ h.Hom.+ ; Lesb. rrapaua.]
pa-ra-we-wo, PY 42 = .An 1 7, 250 = A nO 1 . .A de-
scription of wo-no (probably ‘wine’). [Prob-
ably not an inflexion of irpaos, Ep. Trpqus
‘mild, gentle’ (never of taste), *praiwo-i
praiu-, but a gen. plur. Connected with
ripauvEio? olvo; II. xi, 639, etc., of unknown
derivation ?]
%pa-ro. KN .Ail 15, C 908 -p, Dk945, L 5916,
Ld871, PY .Anl5 + , 61 = Cn04-i-, 109 =
Ea782-I-, Eb747+, 118 = Eo01-(-, 131 =
EpOl-p, 147=Eq03, Mn02, PaOl-P, 96 =
Un02, Vn04, XbOl. Prep, with dative: paro
‘in the care of, from the hands of, in or from
the place of’, [trapd Homer -f ; with gen. in
sense ‘from’ in Epic, .Att.-Ionic. but cf. dtru,
Ef w'ith dat. in .Arc.-Cypr. ; -a from *-3?
*-m? *-n?]
pa-ro-ke-ne-[to?], PA^ 16 = .Ad686. Perhaps 3rd
sing. aor. middle: ou paro-geneto ‘did not
present himself’. [koI a9iv TtaptylyvETO
SaiTi Od. x\ii, 173 + .]
%pa-sa-ro, PY 247 = Ta716. Dual: passalo ‘two
(gold) pegs, rivets’. [irdaaaAos II. xxiv, 268
-r. *pakjalos. cf. TTpaCTCo, trfiyvuiJi ‘fasten in’.]
%pa-si, PY 135 = Ep704. 3rd sing, pres.; phdsi
403
26-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
‘says, affirms’. [(?riai Homer + , Dor. cpaTi,
Lesb. 9 al<Ji.]
Xpa^rsi-re-u, KN (prob. ml 39 = Asl517), PY
Jn03 + , 258 = Kn01. A’om. sing.: basileus,
probably not ‘ sovereign king ’ but ‘ head man
of tributary' village’ or ‘prince’. [Cf. paaiAtls
Eiai Kai aAAoi -rrcAAoi ev ’IOockti Od. i, 394 .
Etym. unknown ; now foiiijar.]
Xpa^-si-re-wi-ja, KN 232= K 875, PY [Adl5],
91 = Fn02 + . Gen. or dat. sing. : basilewid- ‘ the
retinue of a basileus’ [Adj. PaatAf)i 05
Homer + , Ionic paoiAriiri ‘ kingdom ’ Hero-
dotus + .]
Xipa^X-si-re-wi-jo-te, PY 43 = Sn01. Nom. plur.
masc. : basilewjontes^ archaic pres. part, of ^a-
aiAeuco, ‘functioning as basilewes’.
pa-ta-ja, KN 264 = \Vs 1704 + . Nom. plur.
neuter: paltaia (?) ‘arrows’, on sealings from
a box of arrows. [Cf. iraATOv ‘dart’,
Aristoph. + . Probably not connected with
aTtaSti ‘broad blade’, dim. arraSiov.]
pa-ta-jo-i, PY 257=Jn09. Dat. plur.: pallaioi’i
(?) ‘ (points) for arrows’.
Xpa-te, PY 28 = An42. Nom. sing.: pater ‘father’,
[trcrrfjp Homer + , now pate’ras.]
pa-te-de, PY 28 = An42. pater de ‘and the
father’.
Xpa-we-a, KN 211 = Lc532 + , 214 = Ld571 + ,
219 = L 594+. Nom. plur. neuter: pharwea
‘large pieces of cloth, cloaks’. [<papos Od. v,
258 , IL It, 43 + ; cf. Lett, buries ‘sails’.]
pa-we-Oi, KN [Le786 + ], L 7378, MY 227=
Oel27. ‘Mainland’ spelling of the preceding.
pa-we-o, KN X 651. Gen. sing, or plur.:
phariveos, -on.
pa-we-pi, KN L 104. Instr. plur.: pharwesphi.
pa-we-si[?, MY 228=Oelll. Dat. plur.:
phanvessi.
pa-wo-ke, PY Az.195, .Abl9. Nom. plur. ‘fern.’:
Palmer par-worges ‘supplementary labour,
extra hands’. [*par-u;rg-, as ouju-yts from
*-jug-. Cf. TtapEpydTTis Eurip. + .]
pa-wo-ko, PY 13 = .Ad691, La632. Gen. plur.:
panvorgon.
pe-da. KN X 114. Sittig, Georgiev: peda wastu
‘into the town’.
pe-de-we-sa, PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing, fern.:
‘provided with a ped-’, see p. 338 .
pe-di-je-we, PY 58 = .An654. Nom. plur.: pe-
diewes [Att. TIeSieT?] ; meaning uncertain. See
p. 192 .
Xpe-i. PY 57 = .‘An43 + , 190 = Na55. Dat. plur.
pron. : meta spheis (or sphe’i?) ‘with them’.
[Horn., Dor.. Lesb., Ion. a 9 i(v;, ako Horn..
.\tt.-Ion. a 9 lCTi(vi, .Arc. a 9 £is. This pronoun
is apparently extended from a pluralization
of *sphei ‘ to himself’. Lat. sibi, Osc. stfei,
Schwyzer, Gram, i, 601 - 3 .]
pe-ki-ti-ra-i. PY .A.bl 6 . Nom. plur. fern., a
woman's trade: pektriai ‘wool-carders’.
[Spcpai . . . Eipia tteIkete yEpoiv Od. xvni, 316 .]
pe-ki-ti-ra^-o, PY 3 = Ad694. Gen. plur.:
pektridcn.
pe-ki-ti-[, KN L 656. Probably connected with
the preceding.
pe-ko, KN D 7067 +, PY 77= Cn23. Acc. sing.:
peskos ‘hide’? See p. 208 . [ttectkos Ni-
cander.]
pe-ko-to, KN 210 = Lc526 + , L 698. The name
of a kind of textile or garment, probably
connected with pe-ki-ti-ra^', see p. 315 .
ipe-ma, KN 101 = Ga675 + , PY 152 = Er01 + .
Nom. sing, neuter: sperma ‘seed’ (of wheat or
coriander). [artEppa Homer + .]
pe-mo, PY 33 = Ae07?, 108 = Ea817 + , 133 =
Eb08 + , Ec06, 117 = En01 + , 121 = Eo04+,
131 = Ep01 + , 154 = Eq01 + , 167 = Es650.
Apparently synonymous with the preceding:
a variant spelling sperm6\ or spermos (in
specialized sense ‘amount or area sown’?).
Or abbrev. for attEppopoAia, etc. ?
pe-ne-we-te, KN Ld5108. Dual or plur., ad-
jective in -wente -wentes describing garments.
See p. 318 .
pe-ne-we-ta, KN 214 = Ld571 + . Nom. plur.
neuter: [l)-wenta.
pe-pa^-to, KN 270 = Sd0402 + . Part of a chariot.
See p. 367 .
Xpe-re, KN Od562, PY 172 = Kn02. Part of the
verb pker- ‘bring, take’.
pe-re-ke, KN 225 = L 520. 3 rd sing. pres. : per-ekhei
‘comprises’? [Tr£piex<^, Aeol. TTEppex“-]
Not connected with ttAekco ‘plait’? Sittig
reads peleke(wes), a unit of weight.
pe-re-ke-we, Pif Aa765, Adl9, MY Oel30. Nom.
plur.. name of a class or trade. [Cf. ttAokeus
‘ plaiter’, Epich. 5 b.c.? Probably not from
tteAekus, ‘axe- (men) ’?]
pe-re-ku-ta, KN [As602], PY An25. Nom. sing,
or plur.: presgutds ‘old man’? [.\tt. -irpEO-pus,
TtpEapuTTis, Dor. -rrpElyus, TTpEiyEuraj, etc.,
from *pres-g'^-.'\
pe-re-go-ta, KN C 50, PY An 16, Eb22, 116 =
En659. Previously' taken as variant of ‘old
man’; but appears to be a man’s name, also
spelt Qe-re-qo-ta-o (gen.).
pe-qo-ta, PY, 116 = En659.5, 123 = Eo06. Noun
apparently used to distinguish one man of the
same name from another : ‘ old man ’ ?
Xpe-ri-ro-qo, KN \' 479 rev. Introducing list of
men. Georgiev: periloiq^oi ‘remaining, sur-
viving’. [itEpiAorrros .Aristoph. + .]
Xpe-ri-ke, MY 234 = Ue611. Nom. plur., name of
a vessel: pelikes. [tteAiI' kuAi§ f] irpoxotStov
Cratin. 5 b.c. ap. Poll.; cf Att. TtEAwri = yoOs,
.Aeol. TTEAiKa ‘basin’.]
Xpe-ru-si-nu-wo, PY 181 = Mal4 + . Neuter sing. ;
perusinuon ‘last year’s’. [-rrEpuaivos .Ari-
stoph. + ; from *per-uti- (cf. pETOs), Skt. parut
‘last year’; now persi. IE *-inos shows no
other trace of v'ariant -inwos (Horn. otrcopTuos
can be explained metri gratia).]
404
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
pe-ru-si-nu, PY 179=Ma09. Probably a de-
fective spelling of the preceding.
pe-ru-si-nu-wa, PY 180=Ma01-|-. Neuter
plur. : perusinwa.
pe-ru-si-nwa, KN 283 = So0442, MY 228 =
Oelll. Alternative spelling of the preced-
ing.
pe-*65-ka, PY Vn879. Nom. plur. neuter?, de-
scription of an artefact: per- added to same
stem as e-pi-*6j-ko?
Xpi-a^-ra, PY 238 = Tn996. Nom. plur. fern.:
phialai ‘boiling-pans’. [9tdAri II. xxm, 270,
later in sense ‘drinking-bowl’, also ipteATi;
etym. unknown.]
pi-je-ra^, PY 237=Ta709. Alternative spelling of
preceding: phielai.
pi-ri-je, KN 230 = K 740. With sign ze: here to
be taken as ‘saw’, not ‘pair’? [Cf. ttplcov
‘saw’, Soph.-f.]
pi-ri-je-te, KN 262 = Ral548 -I- . Nom. sing.,
name of trade concerned with swords:
prieterl ‘cutler’ (cf. rrpioTTip)? Or from
iTpiacj6ai {*q^ri-) ‘buy’?
pi-ri-e-te-si, PY .\n30. Dat. plur. : prietersi,
alternative spelling.
pi-ri-je-te-re, PY 52 = An26. prietere.
pi-ti-ro^-we-sa, PY 240 = Ta713. Nom. sing,
fern.: ptilowessa ‘decorated with a feather
pattern’ or similar, of a table. [irriXov
‘ feathers, down : insect’s wing ’, Herodotus -(- .]
po-da, KN V 1524. Conte.xt fragmentary:
spondd ‘drink-offering’?
Xpo-de, PY 236 = Ta641. Dat. sing.: podei ‘foot,
leg’ (of tripod cauldron or table). [1x065
Homer -p, Dor. TTC05, *pods; now pddi.]
po-pi, PY 239 = Ta642. Instr. plur.: *pod-phi>
popphi, cf. qe-to-ro-po-pi.
po-ka-ta-ma, PY 238=Tn996. Nom. sing.: pos-
ktdma ‘ additional property, e.xtra acquisition ’?
[Arc. XTOCT- = TrpoCT-. Cf. TrpoaKTdopai Hero-
dotus-!-.] Or -Kd6appa ‘cleansing'?
po-ki-ro-nu-ka, KN Ld579-!-, 218= L 598 -f.
Nom. plur. neuter: poikilo-(?)-a ‘with (many-)
coloured o-nu-ke’, of garments. Cf. re-u-ko-
nu-ka. [ttoikiAos Ik v, 735 -t-.]
po-ku-ta, KN B 815-!-, C 911-P, L 469, PY
54= .knlP-p . Nom. sing, and plur., a class
or trade of men: poskhutai ‘ wine-pourers’?
[Cf. Ion. 7TpoxuTTis = rrpdxoos; but xrpoaxeco
is late.]
/>o-fc«-te-ro, KN C 911. .\dj. connected with the
preceding?
Xpo-me, KN 29 = As821, Ddl376 (4-5288), PY
31 = Ae04, .knOe, lll = Ea23-P, 128 = Eo278.
Nom. sing, ma.sc.: poimen ‘shepherd’. [TroipfjV
Od. X, 82 4- ; cf. Lith. piemens gen.]
po-me-ne, P’Y 110=Ea8004-, 183 = Nn831
(Nn02). Dat. sing, and nom. plur.: poimenei,
poimenes.
po-me-no, PY 109 = Ea782. Gen. sing. : poimenos.
Xpo-ni-ke, PY 246 = Ta722. Instr. sing. masc. :
phoinikei ‘with a griffin (?j ’. [Horn. 9oTvi§
‘Phoenician; purple; date-palm’, ‘fabulous
bird’, Hesiod, other meanings later. Probably
a loan-word : not from 901V65 ‘ blood-red ’,
which is from *g'‘honjos.] See p. 344.
po-ni-ki-pi, PY 244=Ta714. Instr. plur.:
phoinik-phi.
ipo-ni-ki-Ja, KN 270=Sd0402 + , [Se882], 274=
Sf0428. Nom. sing, and plur. fern. : phoinikid.
describing chariots, probably ‘painted crim-
son, dyed crimson’, not ‘Phoenician; made
of palm-wood’. [90 iv 1 keo 5 Pindar 4-, cf. usas
90iviKoxTap^ou5 Od. xi, 124.] Cf. o-pi-po-ni-
ke-ja, KN L 1568 edge, of textiles,
po-m-k^-fl, KN X 1017. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
po-ni-ja-ja, KN Sd0408. Probably a mis-
spelling.
po-ni-ki-jo, KN 99 = Ga4 184-, 100 = Og424 4- .
Name of a herb or spice measured by weight :
alternative name of kndkos eruthrd, in allusion
to its red colour or Phoenician origin? See
p. 222.
po-pa^, KN 165 = Gv862, PY 96 = Un02. Name
applied to olives or olive-trees. [Cf. 90p|3ds
‘giving nourishment’, Soph. 4-, Horn. 9op|3r|
‘food for animals’, later ‘food’ in general?]
Jpo-pu-re-fa, KN 224=L 474. Nom. plur. fern. ? :
porphureiai ‘(garments) of purple’. [90905
xT0p9up60v II. VIII, 22 1 4- , -Aeol. 7x09969105.
Semantic conne.xion with TT09969CO, ‘swirl’,
is dubious.]
po-pu-rOi. KN L 758. Dual fern.: porphurio.
po-re-na, PY 172=Kn02. Seep. 285.
Xpo-ri-wa, KN 217= L 587. Nom. plur. neuter:
poliwa ‘grey’, of te.xtiles. [7x0X165 II. ix,
3664- ; *7xoXipo5, cf. Lith. palwas ‘pale
yellow’, Slav. *polvu ‘white’.] Cf. man’s
name Po-ri-wo, C 911.3.
Xpo-ro, KN 82=Ca895. Dual, with ‘maneless
horse’ ideogram. Evans: polo ‘two colts,
foals’. [7XC6X05 Od. xxiii, 246-t-.] -Mso
‘young donkeys’.
po-ro-e-ke, PY 240 = Ta713 4-. Nom. sing,
‘fern.’: proekhes ‘projecting’ (?), of a table.
[Cf. TxpoExco ‘project’, Od. xii, 1 1 4-, xrpoExn5
Plutarch ‘three-dimensional’.]
po-ro-i-ra, KN Od690. May be a proper name,
[xxpeopa ‘prow’ is probably from *prowaira,
which would not fit here.]
po-ro-ko-re-te, see after ko-re-te.
po-ro-du-ma-te, po-ru-da-ma-te , etc., see after
du-ma.
po-ro-ko-wa. KN Fh350 4- . Perhaps a noun
applied to olive-oil. [Cf. xxpoxox) ‘river
mouth, outpouring’, Homer 4- .] Cf. e-pi-ko-wa.
Xpo-ro-ko-wo, MY 234=Ue611. Nom. plur.:
prokhowoi ‘water-jugs, wine-jugs’. [7x96x005
Od. xviii, 397-4-, -Xtt. 7Xp6xou5, dial. 7x96x05.]
po-ro-to. KN Od562. proto- ‘first’? [Homer,
Att.-Ion., Arc., Lesb. 7x9x6x05, Thess. 7x906x05,
405
i +
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Dor., Boeot., NWGk. TTparro;. Detailed
etym. uncertain.]
po-ro-wi-to-jo, PY 172=Kn02. Gen. sing., in-
troducing ‘reverse’ of tablet: Palmer: a
month-name connected with trAcoi^co, trAcotua
‘ sailing weather ’ ?
t-ru-po- de, PY 246 = Ta722. Instr. sing.
Bennett: polupodei ‘ (inlaid) with an octopus’.
[Gen. TTouAinroSo; Od. v, 432 4- , Dor. trcoAu-,
metri gratia; prose TroAurroBos; also gen.
ttouAuitou, TTCoAutrco, ttoAuttos with change
of declension.]
po-ru-qo-to, PY An31. Nom. plur., description
of men: polug'‘otoi ‘with more than one o.x’?,
‘ with a large field ’ ? [Cf. troAupoOrat II. ix,
194-}-, also TroAOpoTOs, -pcoTog. Hardly for
TToAupaTog ‘much-trodden’.]
%po-si, KN 270= Sd0402 -r . Adverb: posi, posi-
eensi ‘they are attached, in addition’;
cf. lui for lueoTi. [TrpoCTtcm .Aesch. -P; Arc.
TtoECTTK *Tr6a£aTi. *poti>Tiov. ttoti, itot.
Arc.-G>’pr. tto; (cf. Av. pa'ii], parallel to
Horn. trpoTi, Att.-Ion., Lesb. irpos,
Skt. prati.]
po-si-ke-te-re, PY 54 = An 19. Nom. plur. masc.,
a class of men: pos-ik{ejtere ‘suppliants, re-
fugees’? [tTpoalKTCop Aesch., Ikettis H- xxiv,
158, iKTfip Soph. -P, same sense.]
tpo-ti-ni-ja, KN 208 = V 52, Gg702, M 729, PY
Cc665,Fn01,172 = Kn02,\'n07. Nom.anddat.
sing, fern.: potnia ‘mistress’, sometimes (if not
always) of -Athena. [rroTvia Homer -p, cf.
Skt. pdtni.\
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo, KN D1 930-f [F 760], PY
[Ep04], 253=Jn01-P, [Un09]. Nom. sing,
and plur. masc.: potnia {we? jtos, apparently
‘subject to the goddess (or queen?)’. [The
-we- is difficult to explain, see p. 127.] .Also
spelt -we-i-jo on KN X 7742.
po-ti-ni-ja-we, KN D1 943. Defective spelling of
the preceding.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo, PY 154=Eq01. Gen. sing.:
potnia{we?)ioio.
Xpo-ti-pi, 242 = Ta707. Instr. plur.: portiphi ‘with
heifers, cows’. [rropTi? II. v. 162-4.]
po-ti-ro, KN V 1002 -p. Introducing (?; lists of
men or boys.
po-ei-[?]-n-e, KN 232= K 875? K 873? Name
of a kind of vessel? See p. 328.
pte-no. KN 270 = So0402 -P . Part of a chariot,
‘foot-steps’? Dual in -0 from -a stem? [Cf.
TTTEpVTi ‘heel’, II. XXII. 397; later figurative
uses.]
2pre-re-iv£t, KN Se8/9-P, 281 = So0440-P . Gen.
sing., describing wheels: pteleuds ‘of elm-
wood’, Ulmus glabra. [TrrEAeq II. \u, 419 -p ;
*TrTEA£pa. cf. OWG felawa ‘willow’.]
pe-te-re-wa. KN 278= So894. .Alternative spell-
ing of the preceding.
pu-ka-ta-ri-ja, KN 224 = L 474 + . MA' X 508.
Nom. sing, and plur. fem. ? : puktalia -iai, a
406
kind of garment. Chadwick: ‘double-
thickness, folded’. [Cf. TTTUKTOS //. M, 169+,
dissimil. -rruKTis, etc., cf. truKvos. Cf. Ugaritic
mizrtm ‘doubled garment, possibly for
mourners’, Gordon no. 88.] But cf. also
TTUKTOtAijco ‘box, fight’, Anacreon 7 B.c.
%pu-ka-wo, PY 50 = -Anl8 + . Nom. plur. masc.,
a man’s trade: pur-kawoi ‘fire-kindlers’.
[ra/pKaEOs Soph.; TtupKairi ‘pyre’, II. vii,
428+ ; TTupiKaot, of the Delphians, Orac. ap. Plu.
2. 406 e (for -1- in composition see Schwyzer,
Gram, i, 447).]
pu-ko-so e-ke-e, PY 241 = Ta715. Nom. dual
fem., describing tah\e%-. puxo-ekhee ‘containing
box-wood’? [tru^os; Homer only adj.
vo;. Etym. unknown.]
%pu-ra-u-to-ro, PA’ 237 = Ta709. Nom. dual fem.
or neuter: purauntro ‘fire-tongs’. [Ttupaucrrpa
= Trupdypa IG, 2". 47. 18, 4 B.c., m/paoTpov
Herodas rt', 62; Trup+*au.f-, cf. Lat. haurio.
Compare Cypr. Ivauov £v 6 e 5, (IjTtauov ©£?
Hesych. The Horn, ouco shows specialization
of meaning, see Karageorghis, 1954.]
%pu-ta, KN 166=Gv864. Nom. plur. neuter:
phuta ‘young orchard trees or vines’, [qjurov
Od. XXIV, 227 + .]
%pu-ta-ri-ja, KN E 849. Nom. sing, or plur. fem. :
phutalia ‘orchard, vineyard’. [9UTaAiri II. vl,
'95+-]
pu-te-ri-ja, KN 155 = Uf981 + . .Alternative
spelling of the preceding?
pu-te. KN 157=Uf835. Probably an abbrevia-
tion of the preceding. Could be phuter, see the
succeeding.
pu. 2 ?-te-re, KN V 159, PY 193 = Na57. Nom.
plur.. Palmer: phuteres ‘planters’. [cpuTEUco
Od. IX, 108 + , 9UTEla ‘planting’, Xeno-
phon + .]
}pu 2 ?-te-me-no, PY 153 = Er02. Probably [/'«]-
phutemenon ‘planted with trees’, [yq •rrE9UTEU-
uevq Herodotus.] See p. 267.
qe-qi-no-me-no, PY 249 = Va02. Nom. plur.:
perhaps g‘‘eg'‘mbmenoi ‘carved’ or similar.
[5 ivcot6s Od. XIX, 56, etc., dp9i5E61vqTai II.
xxiii, 562; etymology obscure.] See p. 341.
qe-qi-no-me-na, PA’ 242 = Ta707 + . Nom. sing,
and plur. fem. : -mend -menai.
qe-qi-no-to, PA’ 239 = Ta642. Instr. sing, masc.,
etc., alternative verbal adjective, ‘carved’,
with problematic reduplication: -dtoi, etc.
qe-ra-na, PY 235 = Ta7il. Nom. sing, fem.:
‘ewer, jug’. A’ocalization uncertain, see
P- 327-
qe-ra-si-ja, KN 2{)0=Fpl + . Probably a cult
term. [Connected with Horn. Sript) ‘hunting’
(*ghweTa)? or island Therasia?] Furumark,
1954, compares Ttpas, TEpaTsla (*g“rr-). See
P- 303-
qe-ra-si-jo. KN Fpl6. .Alternative spelling in
same formula.
+ 1 -
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
?]ge-ro-me-no, PY 14 = Ad697. Nom. plur.
masc. : q^elomenoi ‘who become, will be’?
[TTcAonai (Aeol.) ’become’, Homer + , Cret.
TsAopai ’will be’ (*q‘‘e!-).] Or g^Slomenoi
‘willing’; cf. Dor. 6r|Aopai.
qe-ro,, KN 300 =G 5670, 230 = K 740, 299 =
V 789, X 5306. Nom. dual and plur.
masc. : name of a bronze artefact of more or
less rectangular shape. See p. 380.
qe-te-a, KN Fp363. Nom. plur. neuter: probably
a kind of transaction, ’payment due’? [Cf.
teAQo; Callim. 3 B.c., but this may be from
or cf. SECTaaaSai ‘pray for, desire’,
Horn. dTro-Oearos ?] See p. 220.
Muhlestein: =TiT£a ‘to be paid’.
qe-te-a^, PY 96 = Un02. ‘Mainland’ spelling
of the preceding.
qe-te-o, KxN Fh348, 222 =J 693, L 513. Gen.
sing, or plur.
qe-to, PY236 = Ta641, MY [234=Ue61 1]. Nom.
plur. masc. : name of a vessel with handles
round the body. [Bennett compares ttWoi,
but this is usually derived from *bhidh-. cf. Lat.
Jidelia.]
qe-ti-ja, MY 234=Ue611, sealing \Vt504. Nom.
plur., possibly a diminutive of the preced-
ing.
Xqe-to-ro-po-pi, PY 31=Ae04 + . Instr. plur.: opi
g'‘etropo‘‘phi ‘ (watching overj the four-footed
animals’. [TeTpccrroSa ‘animals’, Hero-
dotus-!-. For q'^etro- cf Thess. TtsTposTripis
I B.C.]
Xqe-to-ro-we, PY 236 = Ta641. Nom. sing,
neuter. Blegen: q^etrowes ‘with four handles’.
[ = TSTpdc0TO5 Zenob. 2 --\.d.; see a-no-wej
a-no-u-’o-ta.l
qi-ri-ja-to, KN B822, X 1037. Perhaps q“riato ‘he
bought’ (Furumark). [ttplocTo Od. i, 430 -f,
cf. Skt. krinami.'] But see p. 82 for labio-velars
before consonants.
Xqi-si-pe-e, PY 247 = Ta7 16. Dual : Bennett xiphee
‘two swords’, [^icpos neuter, II. i, 194-i- ;
etym. unknown.]
Xqo-o, PY 76= Cn22. Acc. or gen. plur. ? : g'‘d{n)s
or g'-'oon (with dissim. of labials?) ‘cattle’.
[Acc. plur. Att. P0O5, Dor. (*g'‘dms, Skt.
gas), also Horn, pdas {*g'‘oii-ms); gen. plur.
Common Gk. *g'‘owdn.J See p. 207.
Xqo-u-ka-ra, PY 235 = Ta711. g^ou-kard ‘bull’s
head’. [There are no classical compounds of
-Kapa. but cf. PouKpavov, -lov, pouKEpdAiov.]
[qo^-u-ka-ra-o-i, PY 244 = Ta7i4. Probably
instr. dual.
Xqo-u-ko-ro, KN [.\s6067, X 5610], PY 51 =
An20-(- ,183=Nn831(Nn02 j.Nom.plur. masc. :
^“oi/7'o/oi ’cowherds’. [PoukoAoi II . xin, 571 + :
either from -q^otoi with dissim. of labials (cf.
aitroAos, etc.', or from a different root with
*k~. cf. Irish biiachailL]
go-u-qo-ta-[, KN X 480. g’‘oug"otd- ‘herdsman’.
[poupoTas Pindar.]
qo-qo-ta-o, PY Eall-f-. Prob. gen. plur. of the
preceding.
qo-wi-ja, PY 172=Kn02. Adj. g^owia- ‘oxen’s,
oxhide-’? [P6E105, pdaos Homer -p.] Furu-
mark assumes mis-spelling of di-wi-ja q.v.
ra-e-ja, PY 239 = Ta642 -P . Nom. sing. fern..
adj. describing tables, see p. 339.
ra-ke, PY Eb22, 148 = Ep04. Georgiev: 3rd sing,
aorist: lakhe ‘was allotted a portion’. [Adys
II. xxiii, 79-)-.]
Xra-pi-ti-ra2. PY Ab09. Nom. plur. fem., a
woman’s trade : raptriai ‘ sempstresses, stitchers,
clothes-menders’. [pditTpia Eust. 12 .t.D.,
cf. nEpippdTTTpia, Piraeus priestess IG, 2’.
2361, 12; now rdftra. Compare e-ra-pe-aie-na
= EppapiJEvq, which also does not show the
p- proposed in the equation with Lith. verpiii
‘spin’.]
ra-qi-ti-ra^, PY .\bl8. Probably an eccentric
spelling of the preceding (indicating the
general labialization of *q- before a con-
sonant?). See p. 82.
ra-qi-ti-ra.,-0, PY Ad 14 (-r667). Gen. plur.:
rap(?)tridon.
Xra-pte. PY .\n25, Eal4-|-. Masc. of the pre-
ceding: rapter ‘stitcher, tailor’. [Cf pdirtT];.
pacpsu;, pa<|>EUTfi;; now rdftis.']
ra-pte-re, KN Fh 1 056, A' 159, PY 52 = .\n26 -f .
Nom. plur.: rapteres.
Xra-wa-ke-si-jo, KN E 1569, PY Ea09i-, 147 =
Eq03, 152 = Er01, 195 = Na67. Nom. and
dat. sing., masc. and neuter: Idwdgesios, etc.
‘of the leader of the people’. [Cf. Kwr|yETr|;/
Kuvriysaiov Herodotus -H .]
ra-wa-e-si-jo, KN E 846. Probably a defective
spelling of the preceding.
ra-wa-ke-si-jo-jo. PY Ea25 -|- . Gen. sing. masc. :
Idwdgesioio.
ra-wa-ke-ja, KN 38 = -As 15 16. Probably for
ldwdge(si}d- (cf. basilewid- in the same context).
Xra-wa-ke-ta, PY 55 = .An724, 171 = Un718-i- .
Nom. and dat. sing.: Idwdgetds -tdi ‘leader of
the people, commander (?)’, see p. 120.
[AdySTOS Pindar -P : inscrr. Aapo-, -Aaf05,
etym. unknown. Palmer compares OHG
heri-zogo, OEng.yb/r-/o»rt.]
ra-wi-ja-ja, PY .\a807, .Ab25. Nom. plur. fem..
a class of women: Idiviaiai ‘captives, won
on a raid’. [Cf ApidSES II. xx, 193-)-, from
Ion. Ar|tr|, Dor. Acta, .\tt. Aeiu: *Adfia, cf.
onroAouco.]
ra-wi-ja-ja-o, PY 16 = -Ad686. Gen. plur. fem.:
Idiiciaidon.
re-di-na-to-mo, PY Eq02. Nom. sing, masc.,
probably a trade: redina-tomos ‘ tapper of pine-
resin, retsina’? [ptiTivT) Hippocr. 5B.C. -p:
etymologs’ uncertain.]
re-ke-to-ro-te-ri-jo. PY XaOl, 1217 {re-ke-e-'j.
With OIL ideogram. Bennett: ‘for bed cover-
ings’? [Cf. Asyos oapcoTov Hesiod -P .]
407
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Xre-po-to, KN 222=] 693. Neuter sing.; tinon
lepton ‘thin, fine’. [Xettras oQovas ‘fine
linens’, II. xvm, 595+ ; now leftosi]
%re-qo-me-no, KN 39 = Asl517. Nom. pint,
masc. : leiq^omenoi ‘those who are left’, cf.
o-pi-ro-qo, pe-ri-ro-qo. [oi 5’ oloi AditovTai
Od. XXII, 250+ , cf. Eat. linquo-l
Xre-u-ko, KN L 695, PY 77 = Cn23. Dual masc.
or neuter: leuko ‘white’. [Aeukos Homer+ .]
re-u-ka, KN 223 = L 471, MY 106= Ge603 + .
Nom. sing, and plur. fern. : leukd -ai.
re-u-ko-nu-ka, KN 217 = L 587 + , 214 =
Ld571 + . Nom. plur. neuter, describing gar-
ments: leuko-{?)-a, ‘with white o-nu-ke\ q.v.
re-u-te-ra, PY Na52. Defective spelling of
e-re-u-te-ra, q.v.
Xre-wo-pi, PY 243 = Ta708. Instr. plur.; leuo’’-'-
phi > lewomphi ‘with lions ’. [Aecov -ovtos II. v,
782 + .]
Xre-wo-te-jo, PY 246 = Ta722. Instr. plur.;
k{a)raa‘phi lewonteois ‘with lions’ (heads)’.
[Aeoutsio; Aesch. + .]
Xre-wo-te-re-jo, PY 238 = Tn996. Nom. sing.?
masc.: adj. lewotreios ‘ bath- (tub) ’, ‘for
bathing’. [Aourpiou ‘bath-water’, Ari-
stoph. + , AoETpd plur. ‘bath’, II. xxii, 444+.
For the apparent vowel metathesis, see p. 160.]
Xre-wo-to-ro-ko-wo, PY 9 = Ab27 + , 10=.Ad676.
Nom. and gen. plur. ‘fern.’: lewotro-khowoi -on
‘bath attendants’. [AosTpoxdos Od. xx,
297 + -]
ri-na-ko-ro, PY .An 15. Nom. sing., prob. a trade.
[Cf. Aivov ‘net’, II. v, 487, AivaypsTTiJ ‘caught
in the net’. Eye.?]
ri-ne-ja, PY .Aal8, Ab746. Nom. plur. fern., a
women’s trade; lineiai ‘fla.x workers’?
ri-ne-ja-o, PY 8 = .Ad670 + . Gen. plur. ; lineiddn.
Xri-no, KN 222=J 693, X 7741, PY 184=NnOE
Nom. and acc. sing.: linon ‘fla.x, linen, linen
thread, etc.’. [Aivov II. ix, 661 + .]
Xri-ta, KN 219 = E 594+. Nora. plur. neuter, in
phrase lita pharwea ‘linen garments’. [ATto
acc. plur. alone, Od. i, 130, etc. Not Aitos
‘ frugal’, Alcaeus +.]
Xro-i-ko, PY 249 = Va02. Nom. plur. masc.:
Toikoi ‘crooked, irregular’. [poiKOS Archil.
7 B.c. + ; but this may have initial *fp-, cf
MEG u.-rich.'l
sa-pa, KN 222 =J 693. MY Oel08. Apparently
the name of a textile.
sa-pi-de, PY \’n05, MY 105 = Ge602 + . Nom.
plur., a commodity: sarpides ‘boxes’? [Cf.
oaptris’ oaptros An. Ox. ii, 466, and adptrous-
ki| 3 cotou 5 Hesych. Or cf. 091110 ‘cuttle-fish’.
odAiTTi ‘saupe fish’?] See p. 227.
sa-ra-pe-do-[ . PY 153=Er02. The description of
a royal land-holding, perhaps a proper name.
[Cf -tteSov in yEcb-TTESov ‘plot of ground’,
dAitTEdov ‘coastal plain’, orparoTtESov ‘en-
campment’.]
408
dq-ra-pe-da, PY 171 = Un718. Probably nom.
plur. of the preceding.
Xsa-sa-ma, YIY 105 = Ge602 + . Nom. plur. neuter:
sdsama ‘sesame seed’, [orioopa Hipponax
6 b.c. + , Dor. odoapov. Semitic loan-word,
cf Akkad, sammasammu, E’garitic iimn.] Now
sisdmi, susdmi. Also abbrev. sa.
se-re-mo-ka-ra-a-pi, PY 243 = Ta708. Instr.
plur. neuter, a decorative feature on chairs:
‘finials’ (lit. ‘plank-heads’) ? See p. 343.
se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-i, PY 242 = Ta707 + . Perhaps
instr. dual.
Xse-ri-no, MY 107 = Ge604. Nom. sing., a herb or
spice: selinon ‘celeiy’, Apium graveolem. [o£-
Aivov II. II, 776+, now selino.]
tsi-a^-ro, PY 75 = Cn02. Acc. plur.: sialons ‘fat
hogs’. [aiaAos II. xxi, 363+; etym. un-
certain.]
Xsi-to, KN 35 = Am819. sitos ‘grain, ration in
cereals’. [oTto? (both wheat and barley)
Od. IX, 87+ ; now s{i)tdri ‘wheat’.]
Xsi-to-ko-wo, PY 26 = An02. Nom. plur. fem.,
a women’s trade : sito-khowoi ‘ grain measurers ’.
[Cf class. oiTopETpris; and Od. ii, 380 ypqus
. . .Se oi dAipiTo Xiviv Euppa9EEaCTt Sopolai.]
so-we-ne-ja, PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing, fem.:
‘provided or decorated with a so-we-no’.
so-we-no, PY 245 = Ta72 1 + . Instr. sing, or plur. :
item of decoration on a footstool, see p. 338.
Xsu-qo-ta-o, PY Ea08 + , EcOl, 147 = Eq03. Gen.
plur.: Furumark sug^oldon ‘of the swine-
herds ’. [oupcoTTi; Od. IV, 640 + .]
su-ra-se, PY 30 = Ae03 + . 3rd sing. aor. (or
fut.?;: suldse ‘seized’? [ouAdco Homer + ;
etym. obscure.]
su-ra-te, Pd 30 = -Ae03 + . Nom. sing.: suldter
‘exercising the right of reprisal’? Prob. not
‘cattle-thief’. [o-uAriTcop ‘plunderer’, Aesch.,
also ctuAtittis, fem. cruAriTEipa Eur.] See p. 169.
su-za, KN 94=F 841, 166 = Gv864, PY 153 =
Er02. Term describing fig (or fig-tree)
ideogram. ¥ or siikia or sukal [oukov ‘ fig’, Od.
\Ti, 121 + , Boeot. TUKov; ctuketi ‘-tree’, Od.
VII, 116+, Dor., Aeol. auxia. Etym. obscure,
perhaps related to Eat.yimi, Arm. thuz. Now
siko, sikyd.'\
Xta-na-wa, PY 287=Sa793. Nom. plur. neuter,
describing wheels: tanawa ‘slender, worn thin,
spindly’? [xavaos II. xvi, 589 + , both ‘long’
and ‘thin’, cf. pfjAa Tavocu-troSa Od. ix, 464.
Eat. tenuis, Engl, thin.^
ta-pa-e-o-te, KN 37=B 823. Nom. plur. masc.
(opposite of a-pe-o-te? ) ■. tarpha(?) eontes ‘pre-
sent (and milling about) ’ ? [Tap9EES plur.
‘thick, frequent’, II. xi, 387 + . Cf Horn.
Sapd 6apEE5, same meaning, and Horn,
eapijco ‘come often’.]
Xta-ra-nu, KN X 1521, PY 242 = Ta707 + . Nom.
sing, masc.: thrdnus ‘foot-stool’, etc. [Spqvus
Od. XIX, 57 + , .Att. Qpavo; ‘bench’.]
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
ta-ra-nu-we, PY 245 = Ta721. 251=Vn02.
Nom. plur. : thrdnues.
%ta-ra-si-ja, KN Lc535, 283 = So0442, PY 253 =
Jn01 + , MY OellO. Nom. and acc. sing,
fern. ; Bjdrck falasid -an ‘ amount weighed out
and issued for processing’; also perhaps in
specialized meaning ' w'ool-spinning’. [Class.
TaAaaia. TaAacjiQupyla ‘wool-spinning’: Eat.
pensum parallels the semantic development.
From stem of TaAavTov (not directly from
TOcAa? ‘long-suffering’;.] See p. 352.
ta-te-re, PY .An 13. Nom. plur., a man’s trade:
stateres? [aTarfip only of weights and coins;
‘debtor’ once Epich. 5 B.c. Cf. also OTCtTpia
‘plaiter’, Hesvch.]
Xta-to-mo, KN Wsl703, PA’ Cn09 4-, 251 = Vn02.
Nom. sing.: stathmos ‘farmstead; sheep-pen’;
prob. also the name of an artefact. [oraSpo^
TtoipvTiios, oTottoAos Horn., also ‘post, door-
post; balance’.]
Xte-ke, PY 235 = Ta711. 3rd sing, aorist: theke
‘appointed, made into’. [SfiKt Od. xin, 163,
etc.]
?]-^e-^o-fo, PA’ 167 = Es650 rev. Nom. tekton, or
part of a man's name?
Xte-ko-to-ne, KN 47 = -Am826, PA’ [51 = An20.11].
Nom. plur.: tektones ‘carpenters, wood-
workers’. [tsktove; II. VI, 315-1-; Skt.
idk^an-.]
te-ko-to-a-pe, PA’ .An24. Combination of tekidn
w'ith a dubious element: -apes ‘was absent’?
[Dor., .AeoL, .Arc.-Cypr. ijs 'he was’, Ved. ds;
Horn. fjEV, Ipv, etc. is derived from the orig.
3rd plur., Schwyzer. Gram, i, 677.]
te-ko-to-na-pe, PA’ 51 = .An20 [.An38]. Alter-
native spelling of the preceding, with inclusion
of final -n.
Xte-me-no, PY 152 = Er01 (not Er02). Nom. sing,
neuter: temenos ‘area of agricultural land set
aside for a chieftain’, [tepevos PaoiAriiov 11.
xviii, 550 -H , later ‘precinct of a god’; cf. Eat.
templum.~\
te-mi, see o-u-te-mi.
te-mi-*71, KN 278 = So894. Nom. sing, neuter,
adj. in -nt- or -went- ‘having a border]?)’?
[Cf. ctaTtis TEppiOEOCTa II. xvi, 803, etc., of
contested meaning.]
te-mi-*71-ta, KN 278=So894-p, PA’ 287 =
Sa793-P. Nom. plur. neuter, describing
W'heels, termi-(?)-nta.
te-mi-*71-te. KN 279 = So0437 4- . Dual: termi-
(?)-nte.
Xte-o, PY 140 = Eb35. 120=Eo03, 135 = Ep704.
Acc. sing.: theon ‘the god’ (or ‘goddess’?);
on E0O3 . 7 a mis-spelling for te-o-jo. [9e6s
Homer -i-, masc. and fern, (as in Attic), also
©ECt (prob. AeoL); etym. uncertain; now'
the6s.'\
te-o-jo, PA’ 137 = Eb30-l-, Ec07, 114=En02-f,
118=Eo01-l-, 143 = Ep715 4- . Gen. sing.:
theoio doelos -Id ‘serv'ant of the god(dess)’.
te-o-i, KN E 842, PA’ 1226. Cf. pa-si-te-o-i. theoi’i
‘to the gods’.
te-i-ja, PA’ 1202 (1955). Bennett: adj. theia- ‘of
the gods’ ; or as proper name? [©Eia Hes. Theog.
135, cf. Pind. Isth. v. i.]
te-o-qo-ri-ja, KN Od696. theoq^olia-, adj. ‘of the
priests, of the cult’? [SeottoAeco Plato -|-.]
Cf. te-o-po-ri-ja, KN E 1058.
te-pe-ja, KN L 642. Probably a women’s trade.
Furumark: sterpheiai. [Cf. OTEppos ‘hide’.
Eye. 4-.] AV’itton: cf OTEcpco ‘wreathe’.
te-pe-ja-o, PA’ Ad92 1 . Gen. plur.
te-ra-pi-ke, PA’ Eb842, 148 = Ep04. 3rd sing,
pres.: therapiskei7 "serves as a squire’. [Cf.
OspaTTEUco Od. xiii. 2654-.]
te-re-ja, PA’ Eb39 (4-940). Probably athematic
3rd sing. pres, (from *teleidmi?), from same
stem as word te-re-ta. q.v. : ouq'‘e teleid ‘ he does
(not I perform his feudal duties (or pay-
ments)’? [teAeco II ‘pay’, Homer 4- (also
teAeIco) from *tel--, but teAece) i ‘accomplish’
probably from *7“^/-.]
te-re-ja-e. PA’ Eb39, 148=Ep04. Pres. inf. of
the preceding, prob. synonymous with ivo-
ze-e: apparently for teleiaen.
(jo')-te-re-pa-to, KN 201=Fpl4. Probablya verbal
form with prefixed Jo- "thus’. See p. 307.
te-re-ta. KN 47 = Am826. 161=L’f839-4. PA’Eb37,
Ec07114=En02, 119=Eo02,Eq02,152=Er01.
Nom. sing, and plural : a function or office in
the pattern of land-tenure: telestds -tai ‘fief-
holder’ or similar. [Cf TsAsoTa nom. sing.
Olympia 6 b.c.]
te-re-ta-o, PA’ 152 = Er01. Gen. plur.: teles tddn.
te-re-te-we, PA’ 28 = An42. Meaning unknown,
see p. 168.
Xte-tu-ko-wo-a. KN 216 = Ld871. Nom. plur.
neuter, perfect participle of teOx^- describing
garments: tetukhwoa, perhaps ‘well-made’
(Horn. TETuyuEva) . [teteuxcos in passive sense
onlv Od. xn. 423 : ettItovo? P 065 pivoTo te-
TEUXths. ’^TETUXf- is historically correct for the
neuter plural, Schwjzer, Gram, i, 541.]
te-tu-ko-wo-Qi- PA’ 289 = Sa682. ‘Mainland’
spelling of the preceding.
te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro. PA .An09, 120 = Eo03. .A man's
trade? teutl-agoro- ‘beetroot-collector’? [teO-
skov Batrach. 4- , Att. aEurAov: etvm. unknown.]
ti-no, KN L 5923, PY 51 = An26. Xa26. Pos-
sibly gen. sing.: thlnos ‘of the shore, coast’,
[trapa 9lva SaAdaaris Homer 4- ; etym.
obscure.]
Xti-ri-jo-we, PA’ 236 = Ta641. Nom. sing, neuter:
dipas triowes ‘ (goblet! with three handles’, cf.
a-no-we, qe-to-ro-ive. [ = TpioJTOv BGU 544.
17, 2 -^.D.]
ti-ri-o-we-e, PY 236 = Ta641. Dual: tridwee.
Xti-ri-po. PA’ 236 = Ta64l4-. Nom. sing, masc.:
Blegen: tripos ‘tripod cauldron’. [Tpitros
11. XXII, 1644-. earlier form than Tpitrous
Homer 4- .]
409
++ ++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ti-ri-po-de, PY 236 = Ta641. Dual: tripode.
ti-ri-po-di-ko, MY 234 = Ue611. Nom. plur. ;
tripodiskoi ‘small tripod cauldrons’, ["rpi-
TToSiaKOS inscrr., also Attic deme.] A man’s
name on PY Cnl2.
to-e, PY Eb842. Fuller spelling of the dative
Tcp? See p. 87.
to-me, PY 148 = Ep04. Alternative version of
the preceding, see p. 87.
to-jo-qe, PY Eb24. toio q'‘e ‘and of this’?
to-i-qe, PY 193 = Na57. toVi q“e ‘and to these’?
to-ko, KN V 1529. Context unknown; tokos
‘childbirth’, ‘interest’? toikhos ‘wall’?
to-ko-do-mo, PY 51 = An20 + . Nom. plur.:
toikhodomoi ‘builders’. [toixo56uo 5 Dion.
Alex. (3.A..D.); oiKoSopos Herodotus+ has
perhaps gained at its expense.]
Xto-ko-so-wo-ko, PY 52 = .'\n26. Nom. plur. masc.,
a man’s trade: toxo-worgoi ‘bowyers, bow-
makers’. [ — To^oTToios gloss, ap. Poll.; to^ov
II. IV, 1 24+, etym. unknown.] To-ko-so-ta (cf.
Horn. TO^oTaj on X 7624 is perhaps a name.
to-mi-ka, KN Lc761 + . Adj. describing textiles
or garments. [Cf. ‘cord, string’,
Herodotus -1- ? Not Tpiuiaxov ipdriov (He-
sych.), prob. *Tpi -ptTioxov.]
to-ni-Jo, PY 247 = Ta716. Dat. sing.: part of a
sword, see p. 347.
to-ni-ja, KN X 192. Connected with the pre-
ceding?
Xto-no, PY 242=Ta707-|-. Nom. sing, masc.;
thornos ‘chair’. [Opovo; Od. l, 145+ : cf.
96pva5' UTTOTtoSiov (Cypr.) Hesvch.]
tto-pe-za, KN 207 = V 280, PY 239 = Ta642 -P .
Nom. sing. fern. Bennett: torpeza ‘table’.
[TpaTrs3a Od. xvii, 333 + , Boeot. TpttreSSa.
Probably from * (q'^)tr-pedja. Now trapezi.]
to-pe-zo, PY 241 = Ta7i5.3. Dual: torpezo.
to-qi-de, PY 239 = Ta642 + . Instr. sing., a
decorative feature on vessels and furniture:
torq'‘idei ‘with a running spiral’? [Cf. Eat.
torqueo.^ See p. 336.
to-qi-de-ja, PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing, fern.:
torq’^ideid ‘ (jug i decorated w ith a running
spiral ’ ?
to-qi-de-jo, PY 241 = Ta715. Dual fern.: tor-
q'‘idei6?
to-qi-de-we-sa. PY 235 = Ta711. Nom. sing,
fern. : torq'‘id-wessa. ss’nonym.
ifo-ra-A:e, PY 296 = Sh736 + . Bennett; nom. plur. :
thordkes ‘corslets'. [6copri§ 11. xxiii, 560 -r,
.\tt. Qcbpa^, .Yeol. Soppa^; etym. obscure.]
to-ro-no-wo-ko. KN 39 = .\sl517. Nom. plur.?:
probably a man’s trade, throno-uvrgoi, ’makers
of chairs ’ ? But note spelling to-no above. [Cf.
Horn. 6p6va ‘embroidered flowers’?]
to-ro-pa.^. KN Fh358-|-. Possibly trophd ‘food,
provisions ’. [rpopfi .-\esch. -e .]
to-pa^. KN Fh339. Probably a defective spelling
of the preceding.
Xto-ro-qe-jo-me-no, PY 154=Eq01. Nom. sing.
(or gen. plur. ?) ; troq'‘eiomenos, see p. 268.
[Mid. part, of TpotrEco II. xviii, 224, cf.
TpETTopai ‘be changed’, TpatTSadai ‘betake
oneself’, etc.]
to-ro-qo, KN Od563. Perhaps troq^on ‘manner’.
[rpoTros Pindar + . Also occurs in the man’s
name E-u-to-ro-qo (PY Jn05) = EurpOTto;.
Boisacq connects Tpstrco, etc. with *trep-, cf.
Skt. trdpate^he confused’, OLat. trepit=iieTtit.
But (Meillet connects Latin torqueo (similarly
Schwv'zer, Gram, i, 295 ; ; cf. Cvpr. eOrpoa-
ascrSar ETnoTpEpECTSai (Hesvch.), prob. from
*-troq'‘jo, and the synonyms drpoTros-dTpE-
KfjS.]
Xto-so. KN Am600-p, 39 = -M1517-E, 36 =
B 817-p, C 912, E 846-p,Fh0484, Od666-H,
Og833. Pp499, 655, PY 51 = .\n20, 149 =
Eb33, 131 = Ep01 + , 154=Eq01, 152 =
Er01 + , Gnll84, 256=Ja749, 171 = Un718,
Xn985, MY 93 = Fol01. Nom. sing. masc.
and neuter, nom. plur. masc. : tossos tosson
tossoi, normal Mycenaean totalling formula :
‘so much, so many’, cf. .\rlstotle to tcoovSe
‘ quantity’, [toctoos Homer -I- , .Att. toctos,
*totjos; now tosos, tdso, tosi.]
to-so-de, PY 58 = .\n654, 146=Eb34-|-, 117 =
EnOl-p, 121 = Eo04+, 131 = Ep01-l-, 154=
EqOl-p, 152=Er01-t-, 167 = Es650, 253 =
JnOl-f, 171=Un718. tossosde, tossonde, tos-
soide. [tooct6ct5e Homer -I- . Some of the
Myc. contexts may indicate tossos -de ‘but’;
similarly with to-sa-de.]
to-so-jo, PY 152 = Er01 {not Er02). Gen. sing.:
tossoio.
to-so-ne. MY Oell8. For tosson'? Deictic -v(?
to-sa, KN .\p639. C 918, Gal530, 217=
L 587 -E, Lc535, Od688, 261 = Ra 1540,
X 997 -E, PY 114 = En02, 153 = Er02, Na71,
286 = Sa787, Xn888. Nom. sing, fern., nom.
plur. fern, and neuter; tossd, tossai, tossa.
to-sa-de, [KN Gal530], PY 153 = Er02, 192 =
Na50 + , 199 = Ng01+, 252 = Vn06. tossaide,
tossade.
Xto-to, P\ 43 = Sn01. Neuter sing.: toto wetos
‘this (year)’, [touto Homer -E, probably for
*lo-u-to, cf. ’*’6 -u-tos; but a variant *to-to is
indicated by early .\tt. inscrr. toto,
Schwyzer, Gram, i, 61 1.]
to-u-ka, KN Lc504-t-. description of some-
thing to do with garments. Cf. to-mi-ka, or
Mycenae o-u-ka?
Z.tu-ka-te-re, (M\ OelQ6. Prob. dat. sing. : thuga-
terei ‘to the daughter (of So-and-so)’.
[OuycrTTip -ff IX, 148 = .]
tu-na-rio, KN 209 = Lc525-E, L 1568. .V de-
scription of te.xtiles, see p. 315.
tu-ra-te-u, P\ .NeOl-t-. Nom. sing., a class or
trade ('or ethnic?) : Ci'-eus.
tu-ra-te-we, KN B 755. Nom. plur.: {?)-ewes.
tu-ra-te-u-si, PY GnOl, Vn07. Dat. plur.;
(?j-eiisi.
410
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
Xtu~ro 2 , PY 171 = Un718. Nom. plur. : turoi
‘cheeses’, also written with monogram
TU + ROj. [TUpos II. XI, 639 + , cf. Av. tu'ri--,
now tiVt'.]
tu-ru-pte-ri-ja, PY 41 = Anl4, UnOl. A kind of
transaction (in both cases followed by o-no)l
[Cf. 6puirrco ‘break in pieces; enfeeble’?]
Carratelli: ‘demolition’? Palmer: ‘grind-
ing’.
%tu-we-a, PY 103 = Un08. Acc. plur. neuter;
thuea, prob. ‘ingredients for aromatic oil’.
[Susa ‘burnt sacrifices’ II. vi, 270 + , orig.
‘fragrant smoke’; cf. lAatou TsSucopEvov
‘aromatic oil’, II. xiv, 172.] See p. 224.
tu-wo, PY Uni 1. Sing, or dual? An enumerated
object or commodity. [Cf. Quov ‘citron-
wood’ Od. V, 60, ‘incense’ Soph.-f- ; and the
succeeding.]
u-do, KN K 873. .\nnotation to a vessel (?!-««
labelled po. .\pparently hudor ‘water’. For
a possible oblique form, see a^-rg-u-do-pi.
[uSoop Od. 1 . I lo-l- .]
u-do-ro, KN [233 = Ucl60 rev.], PY 238 =
Tn996. Nom. plur., name of a bucket-shaped
vessel. A compound of hudro- (abbrev.), or a
noun hudroi ? [u5pos II. ii, 723 , only ‘ water-
snake’; cf. uSpia, Dor. OSpav(a).]
tu-po, KN 271 = Sd0422, PY [145 = Ea05].
Adverb: hupo ‘underneath’. [Horn. Otto,
Aeol., Boeot. Otra: Arc. 6tt 0 perhaps
on the analogy of dixu, Schwyzer, Gram, ii,
474-]
u-po-we, KN Lei 78. Description of two linen (?)
tunics. [Cf. Hesych. UTroeoTris' x'tcov (*0 ito-
PEOTT15) ?]
Xwa-na-ka, KN Vc73, PY 194 = Na58, 235 =
Ta711. Nom. sing.: wanax ‘the king’. [ava§
II. I, 442 + , Cypr. wa-na-xe. Etym. un-
known.]
wa-na-ka-te, KN 101 = Ga675, PY 97=Un03,
1125 4-. Dat. sing.: wanaktei ‘to the king’.
[Cf. also Phryg. dat. vanakteil\
wa-na-ka-to, PY La622 rev. Gen. sing. :
wanaktos.
Xwa-na-ka- te-ro, KN X 976, PY 114=En02 + ,
120 = Eo03-f-, 152=Er01, Thebes 1. Nom.
sing. masc. and neuter: ivanakieros ‘of the
king, royal’. [dvaKTOpio? Od. xv. 397, and
dvdKTOpou ‘palace’, Soph.-f, are evidently
remodelled on dvdKTcop. Cf. Horn. paoiXeu-
Ttpos.]
wa-na-ka-te-ra, KN 209 = Lc525. Nom. plur.
neuter: wanaktera.
wa-na-se-wi-ja, PY 235 = Ta711. Nom. sing,
fern., adj. wanassewid ‘belonging to the queen
(or to her apartments)’? [dvaoCTa Homer -f
(no adj.). Adj. modelled on paaiAriios, etc.,
like Horn. TTOipuriios, ^Eivfii'os, Ion. yuvai-
Kfii'o;.]
wa-no-so-i, PY 1219 (1955, elsewhere wa-na-so-i).
Conceivably from dvaaaa (dual ?).
•wa-ra-wi-ta, KN So0433. Nom. plur. neuter,
describing wheels? Or a man’s name? [Cf.
(ap)paiaTOs ‘undamaged’, Schol. to Od. xiii,
259? Ion. pijicrros ‘easiest’ may be from
*wrdsistos.^
wa-o, PY 247=Ta716. Noun followed by axe-
shaped ideogram and numeral 2 : part of a
sword? [Probably not dop ‘sword’ (either
*nror= Lat. ensis, or *awor from dslpco).]
wa-to, KN 83 = Ch902 + , Thebes II + . Perhaps
wastes ‘citizen’; see p. 212. [duTo; 11. xi,
242 + .]
Xwa-tu, KN X 114, PY Eq887, 172 = Kn02.1.
wastu ‘ the town’. [doTU II. ii, 332 + . cf. Aic.
paaaxudxco. Skt. vdstu.}
Xwe-ao-no-i, PY 1225 (1955). Bennett: weanoi’i
‘for the fine robes’, [eovo? II. xxi, 507 + .]
we-a-re-ja, PY239 = Ta642. Nom. sing, fern., adj.
describing tables and chairs; [?'j-eid.see p. 340.
we-a-i-re-jo, PY 244 = Ta714. Nom. sing. masc. ;
{?)-eios.
we-je-ke-a.^, PY 286= Sa787. Nom. plur. neuter,
adj. in -es describing wheels; {?}-ea, see p. 373.
we-je-ke-e. PY 2S5 = Sa.02 + . Dual: [?]-ee.
we-je-we, KN 164 = Gv863, [PY 153 = Er02.5].
Nom. plur.: a kind of plant?
Xwe-ka-ta, KN [B 802?], 84= C 59 + . Nom.
plur., describing oxen : wergatai ‘ working oxen,
ox-teams’. [j3o0s IpydTT); .-Archil.. Soph.]
we-ka-ta-e, KN X 1044. Perhaps intended as
dual of the preceding, cf. e-qe-ta-e.
we-ke. PY 236 = Ta641 -f . See ke-r e-si-jo.
we-ke-i-ja, KN 35 = Am819. Furumark: wergeia
‘Tagewerke’ ?
we-ko-we-ka-te-[. KN .Nk630. Nom. plur., ap-
parently describing young craftswomen: wekd-
wergate- ? [Cf. ‘ExdEpyos II. v, 439 4- , probably
from *weknt- ‘working at will’; could also be
for *swekd- (wds) ‘secluded, far away’, or
weTgo-I\
we-pe-za. PY 240 = Ta713. Nom. sing, fern.,
describing a table, ''we^peza ‘with six feet’ (?y
see p. 342, and cf. e-ne-wo-pe-za.
we-re-ka-ra-ta, PY .\n08. Nom. plur., a man’s
trade: wergaldtai? [Cf. Cret. [^EpyaAElov ‘tool,
instrument’.]
we-re-ka-ra, PY 54 = An 19. Probably a de-
fective spelling of the preceding.
we-re-ke, PY 61 = Cn04-f. Perhaps 3rd sing,
pres. : wergei ‘ encloses, pens in ’ (of sheep > .
[Etpyco Od. X, 283 -f, -Att. Eipyco; cf. Skt.
vrajdh ‘paddock, stable’.] See p. 199.
Xwe-io, PY 178 = Mai 3, 43=Sn01. .Acc. sing,
neuter: wetos 'year', [etos II. xxrv', 7654-,
Cypr. fETOS.]
we-te-i-we-te-i. PA' 168=Es644. Reduplicated
dat.-loc. ; wete'i wete'i ‘from year to year,
eveiy year’. [ = class. dpoiETEi. Cf. Skt. loc.
vaTse-varse ‘every year’.]
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
we~we-e~a, KN Lel78, 220 = L 870. Nom. plur.
neuter, describing textiles; werweea ‘woollen’.
[.Att. EpEcc (*-esea) neuter plur., Ion. tipivEOS
Herodotus + ; from Horn. Eipo; ‘wool’, from
orig. *werwes-, cf. Lat. ueruex ‘sheep’.] Cf.
~\-we-we-a 2 , PY Xn878.
we-we-si-je-ja, PY Aa762, Ab26. Aom. plur. fern.,
a women’s trade; werwesieiai ‘wool-workers’?
[Cf. the preceding, and EipEaicovT) ‘olive-
branch wound with wool’.] We-we-si-jo is a
man’s name.
we-we-si-je-ja-o, PY .Ad 10. Gen. plur.; werwe-
sieiddn.
'.wi-ri-ni-jo, KN 266 = Sd0401. Dual? Palmer;
wrinio ‘made of leather’. [piv65 Od. i, io8-t-,
cf. Horn. TaAauptvos<TaAd-ppivo5.]
wi-ri-ne-o, KN Sd0408-p, 274 =Sf 0428 -p. .Al-
ternative spelling; wnned.
wi-ri-ne-jo, KN Sd0415. Third alternative;
wrlneio.
wi-ri-za, KN OdAI26, PY 104 = Un09. Ap-
parently = pi ja, Lesb. PpioSa ‘root’, but the
connexion with the wool (?) ideogram is
obscure.
wi-so-wo-pa-w, PY 292 = Sh740. Describing the
plates (?) on a corslet: u;iswo-{?)-a neuter
plural, ‘with equal somethings, evenly-
spaced ? symmetrical ? ’. [lao5, Iicto? Horn. + ,
Cret., Arc. fiapos.]
wo-do-we, PY 1203+ (1955)- Probably adj. in
-Owen, applied to oil.
Xwo-i-ko-de, KN .Asl519. woikon-de ‘to the house
(of . . .-neus; ’. [oIkovSe IL 1 , 606, also oiKa5E,
dial. folKOS, foiKa5E.]
Xwo-jo, PA' Eb07. Prob. gen. sing, '^woio ‘of his
(own)’, [olo gen. II. m, 333. also teto, etc.,
from rett'o-.]
wo-ka, PY 285 = Sa02 + . .An adverb? See
P- 373-
wo-ke, KN L 698, PY 296=Sh736. Perhaps
3rd sing, aorist: worge (from *worzdj ‘made’,
etc. [Horn, sp^ct from both EpScu ‘do’
and Epyco ‘shut in’; Horn. perf. Eopya
‘hav'e done’; Cypr. aor. KaT-epopyov ‘shut
in’.]
wo-na-si, KN 164=Gv863. Dat.-loc. plur.:
woinassi ‘in the vineyards’? [oivdSES" dptrE-
AcoSeis tottoi Hesyxh.]
wo-ne-we, PY Cnl4+. Dat. sing, -ewei, a title
or trade?
wo-no, PA’ 250 = \n01. Nom. sing.: probably
woinos ‘wine’, [olvog Homer -P, .Aeol. polvoy;
prob. of foreign origin.]
wo-ra-we-sa, KN Se880. Nom. sing. fem. de-
scribing a chariot, uold-icessa ‘scarred’?
[ouAf] ‘scar’, Od. xix, 391, from *woln-, cf.
Lat. uolnusi]
Xwo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo. PA’ 152=Er01. 171 = Un718.
Describing a tract of land: uorgioneio- ‘be-
longing to the worgiones’. [.Att. opysit. coves
.Aesch. + , dpyiovas acc. plur. h.Hom.', from
opyia ‘rites’. Apparently a college of priests,
see p. 265.]
wo-ro-ne-ja, MY 228 = Oelll. Nom. plur.
neuter? Adj. (?) describing tvool or woollen
garments. [A form wlon- ‘woollen’? Cf.
oOAos ‘woolly’, II. xvi, 224, from *wolnos;
Afjvos ‘wool’, Aesch. + , from *ii;ldnes-.]
Palmer: worneia ‘lambswool’. See p. 323.
Xwo-wo, PA' .An09 + , Cnll, 141 = Eb20, 128 =
Eo278, Nal2 + , Xa38 + . Nom. and acc.:
worwos -on, a topographical term. [Cf. oOpos
‘boundary stone’, II. xii, 421 + , Att. opos.
Core, oppos, from *p6ppos, cf. Lat. unios
‘ circuitus ciuitatis ’ ; also oOpov ‘ area of land
ploughed by a mule in a day'; range’, Od.
VIII, 124, etc.] Generally preceded by man’s
name in gen.; see p. Q50. The place-names
Ko-ro-jo-wo-wi-ja and Ru-ke-wo-wo-wi-ja may
preserve a plural worwia, cf. Att. opia
Eurip. + . Cf. also wo-wi-ja, 59 = An656.
Palmer; wolwos ‘sheep-pen’ (cf. Horn.
EiAapj.
Xwo-ze, PY Ea28, Eb24, 148 = Ep04+. 3rd sing,
pres.: worzei ‘works, performs’, possibly
‘ploughs’ (spya ‘ploughland’, Od. xvi, 140,
etc.). [spSco Homer + , also pEgco; both from
*wergjoj*wrgjd, cf. Av. V9rzy-, Goth, waurkjan,
Engl, work.'] See p. 254.
o-u-wo-ze, PY 135 = Ep704. ou worzei ‘she does
not perform’.
o-tvo-ze, PY 141 = Eb20. Incomplete spelling of
the preceding.
wo-ze-e, PY 135 = Ep704. Pres, inf.: worzeen ‘to
perform’.
wo-zo-e, PY 141 = Eb20. Defective spelling of
the preceding.
wo-zo, PA’ 57 = .An43, Eb38. Nom. sing, masc.,
pres. part, worzon ‘performing’, etc.
wo-zo-te, PY 149 = Eb33, Ep03. Dat. sing, and
nom. plur.: worzontei -ntes.
wo-zo-me-no, KN So0433. Dual, pass, part., of
wheels: worzomeno ‘being worked on’?
wo-zo-me-na, KN So0438. Nom. plur. neuter:
worzomena.
za-ku-si-ja, PY 286=Sa787+. Nom. plur.
neuter, describing wheels: zakunsia ‘Za-
kynthian’ ?
[za]-ku-si-io. PY Sa753. Dual; -sio. A man’s
name on MY Oel22?
za-ma-e-wi-ja, PA’ 257=Jn09, [175=MalO,
\ n03]. .A place, possibly derived from ka-
ma-e-u (q.v.) with z- for k-, see p. 44.
za-mi-jo. KN 39 = .Asl517 rev., PY .Anl5. Nom.
plur. masc., a class of men: zdmioi? [Cf.
gtiitia ‘punishment, deliberate damage’,
Epich., .Aesch. + , Dor. japia.]
Xze-so-me-no, PY 103 = Un08. Dat. sing., fut.
part. pass, zesomendi ‘ (aromatic oil) which is
to be boiled up’; see a-re-pa-zo-o . [Fut. act.
jEaco .Aesch.]
MYCENAEAN VOCABULARY
ze-u-ke-u-si, PY 91 = Fn02 +. Dat. plur., a class of
men: zeugeusi. [Cf. Att. 3euylTai, ‘men with
a pair of oxen’; Arc. jeOyos (Schwyzer, Dial.
654^) ‘yoke of oxen’.]
zo-a, KN Fh343 + . Describing the oil ideo-
gram : zod ‘ decoction ’ or similar ? [jot) ‘ scum
on milk’, to eirdvco toO peAito; Hesych. Cf.
ze-so-me-no.J
zo-wa, KN 163 =:X 984, X 766 + , [277 =
Sel028?]. zowa, ‘living’, possibly ‘animals’,
[jcbia, jcoa is post-Homeric and evidently
deriv'ative, cf. KEpaia for KEpa;.]
\\^ORDs WITH Untranscribed Initials
*85-de-we-sa, PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing. fern. :
(?j-wessa ‘decorated with *8^-de-pi’, see the
succeeding.
* 85-de-pi, PY 239 = Ta642 + . Instr. plural, a
decorative feature on furniture, see p. 338.
*85-ro, KN 270= Sd0402. Part of a chariot. See
P- 367-
*85-te, PY 237=Ta709. Nom. sing, masc.:
{?)-ler, a utensil.
*85-to-jo, PY Eb24. Gen. sing. : conceivably for
sitoio ‘grain’, cf. si-to.
Words with Missing Initials
^-de-wa-pi, KN 229 =K 434. Instr. plur. fern.,
adj. (?) describing a decorative feature on a
vessel; see p. 329.
?]ka-ra-to, MY 106=Ge603. In a list of herbs
and spices. [6x99x05 ‘ unmLxed’ Od. xxiv, 73,
Att. aKporros? Or cf. xaAaSos ‘basket’,
Aristoph. + ?]
'\-ke-te-ri-ja, PY 237 = Ta709. Nom. sing, fern.:
name of a kind of spoon, shovel or lamp. See
P- 337-
'\-ko-so-ni-ja, KN Pp(?)437. Nom. plur.: prob-
ably not the .4DZE ideogram, but ‘axle-
pins (?) ’. [d^ovia ‘small pins or bolts’,
Hero + .]
'\o-ta-pa-ro-te-wa-ro, MY 228 = Oelll. Probably
to be divided, see p. 323.
'\-ra-ka-te-ra, PY 248 = \’a01. Probably acc.
sing. Could be kharaktera ‘engraved mark,
etc.’ [.■\esch. + ]. .Andrews suggests alter-
native spelling of dual ai^?-ka-te-re in line 1
and reverse. See p. 348.
^-ta-ko-ro. KN Uf837. Probably a man’s title or
trade: -dgoros or -agros?
]-we ke- ke-tu-wo-e'. PY 40 = .An22. Probably
nom. plur. masc. of a perf part, in -t(k)woes,
describing a list of men. Erasure makes
reading difficult.
APPENDIX II
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
The personal names are discussed inch, iv (pp. 92-105). The following Index follows the
pattern of the Vocabulary. It contains all the sign-groups identified as personal names
in the tablets quoted in Part Two, and a wide selection of apparent names from other
tablets. For reasons of space about one-quarter of the complete catalogue has been
excluded; but an attempt has been made to include all names which have a possible
parallel in known Greek names or in vocabulary. It must be emphasized that the
identification of personal names is much less certain than that of vocabulary words,
being based entirely upon superficial resemblance.
If a Greek name equivalent or similar to a suggested interpretation is known to occur
this is given in brackets. If no reference is added this name will be found in Pape-
Benseler, Worterbuch der griechiscken Eigennamen^ . .All names found in Homer are given
one Homeric reference.
In most cases the derivation of suggested interpretations is sufficiently obvious;
etymological notes are only added to explain obscure or questionable points.
To save space two special conventions have been adopted; all entries should be
assumed to be in the nominative case, unless the contrary" is stated. Since the great
majority of the names are those of men, and in many cases there is nothing by which we
can prove the gender, only the names which are certainly those of women are dis-
tinguished (fern.).
a-da-ma-o, PY Eb747, 131 = Ep01. Admaos?
a-da-ma-o-jo, PY 116 = En659. Gen.; Admaoio.
a-t/a-/na-yo, PY 124= Eo351 (Ec02). Incomplete
spelling of genitive.
a-da-ra-ti-jo, PY 59 = .\n656. Patronymic ad-
jective: Adrdstios. [Cf. 'ASprioTos II. xrv,
a^rdi-je-u, PY 59 = .\.n656. Ardieusl [Cf. place-
name ‘Ap6ia; ’ApSiaTo?.]
a-di-je-wo. KN D\v747. Gen. ; Ardieuos.
a-di-nwa-ta. KN 39 = -'\sl317.
a-di-ri-jo, KN X 7613. Andrios? Andrian? ['Au-
5pi05 ethnic; ’AvSpicov.]
a-e-da-do-ro, KX .Sc237. -doros?
a-e-ri-qo, PY .\nl6. Jn03. Aeri-. [Homeric fjpi
‘early’, fiepio;; or cf. ’Atpoiros?]
a-e-ri-qo-ta, PY 44 = .\n29. 56 = .\n657-f. .Im-
g'‘ho{tds, -g“otds? [- 901 x 115 , -PaTTi 5 .]
Cj-e-ta, PY 40= .An22. Aetds. [’Aettis.]
ai-ke-u, PY 236 = Ta64 1 -I- . .ligeus : but possibly not
a man’s name. [Aiytus.]
ai-ke-na-to. KX Dbl295-f-. Aige- = Aigi-?
ai-ki-wa-to. KX Uf987. .Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
ai-ki-e-we, PY Vn04. Dat. : Aigiewe. [Cf. AiyiEU5
ethnic of Alyiov.]
ai-ki-po, KX U 0478. Aigipos.
ai-ki-si-jo, KN U 0478. Aixios?
ai-ki-wa-ro. PY 168 = Es644, 167 = Es650 4- . Aigi- ?
ai-ko-ta. KX 38 = , As 15 16, PY 44 = .An29 56 =
An657.
ai-ku-pi-ti-jo, KX Dbll05 (-1-1446). Aiguptios.
[Aiyu-rmos Od. 11, 15.]
ai-nu-me-no, PA 40 = .An22. Ainumenos', cf. a 2 -nu--
me-no. [Homeric alvupai ‘seize’.]
a-i-qe-u, PA 134=Eb895, 131 = Ep01. Aentris;
.Wqq'^eus? Palmer; = Aisseus [dtaaco] ; or cf.
Homeric fiiSEOS {pace Boisacq : ?
a-i-qe-wo, PA' 116=En659. Gen.; -ezi'os.
a-i-qe-we, PA’ 125 = Eo855 (Ec03i. Dat.; -ewe.
ai-so-ni-jo, PA" 40 = .An22. 253=Jn01, Jn706.
Aisonios. [Cf. Aicrcov Od. xi. 259 , AIctovIStis.]
ai-ta-ro. PA’JnOS. Aithalos. [A19aAo5.]
ai-ta-ro-we, KX 64= Da 1221, PY Cn05-f . Aitha-
lowens. [Cf. AlQaAoEis river in Mysia.]
ai-ti-jo-qo, PA’ 133 = Eb08-|-, 115 = En03, 121 =
E0O4, 131 = Ep01. Xom. and gen.: Aithioq“s.
Aithioq'‘os. [AlSioiTES 11. xxiii, 206-1-.]
414
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
ai-ti-jo-qe, PY 121 = Eo04. Dat.; Aithioq'‘ei.
ai-to, KN Da6061. Aithon. [AIScov Od. xix,
'^3;] _
ai-wa, KA' A"p973. Aiwans. [Aia; 11. i, 138+;
Corinth. AI[^a5 Schwyzer, Dial. 122. 3.]
ai-wa-ja, PY 115 = En63, 122 = Eo05. Fem.
Aiivaid. [Aiairi Od. xii, 268.]
at-H'a-ro, KN 38 = .Asl516. Aiwatos. [AictTos; orcf.
Homeric airiTOs lof uncertain meaning).]
a-ka-de, KN B 799. Arkadis? [Cf. ’ApKds.]
a-ka-i-jo, KA' \’d62, \'c68. Gi53, Del084+.
Georgiev: Agaios. [’Ayalo?.]
a-ka-ma-jo, PY Fn03. Dat.?: Alkmaiui. [dA-
Kpalos' vsaviaKos Hesych. ; cf. ’AAKpaicov.]
a-ka-ma-wo, PY 61 = Cn04 + , Jn706 + . Nom.
and dat.: Alkmawos, Alkmazt'di? [Cf. 'AAk-
pdcov 11. XII, 394. )
a-ka-re-u, KA' Ga416. Agalleus? Angareus?
a-ka-sa-no, KA’ As650, PY Jn08. Alxdnor.
['AAxcrfiuop Schwyzer, Dial. 761.]
a-ka-ta-jo, KN Dvl086 + , PY 127 = Eo269
(Eb26) edge. Nom. and dat.: Aktaios,
Aktaioi. [’AKTaToj] ; Georgiev : Agathaios
[’Aya6aIos].
a-ka-ta- jo-jo, PY 127=Eo269 (Eb26), [116 =
En659], Gen.: Aktaioio.
a-ka-to, KA' Sc256. Akanthos; Georgiev: Agathos,
Agathon? [”AKau6os; ‘'AyaSoj; ’AydOoov.]
a-ka-wo, KA’ .Ai738, PY 258 = Kn01. Alkdivon?
(not Akhaiwos in view of declension).
a-ka-wo-ne, PY Unll. Dat.: Alkdwonei?
a-ke-o, PY An 16, 63 = Cc660. Alkeos? Argeos?
Georgiev: Hdgeios?
a-ke-o-jo, PY Cnl 1 + . Gen. : -oio.
a-ke-ra-wo, KN \'c316, PY Cnl2. A'om. and
dat. : Ageldwos, Ageldwoi, or Arkhe-. [’AylAaos
11. VIII, 257, ’AysAetoj Od. xxii, 13 1; ’Apye-
Aao5.]
a-ke-re-wi-jo, AIY 106 = Ge603, 107 = Ge604. Nom.
and dat.: possibly connected with Pylos
place-name A-ke-re-wa; hardly Akhrewios =
dxptios. [*xPbFios Boisacq.]
a-ke-ta, KN B 798, PY Cn719. Agetds? Akestds?
[’AyfiTcs, ’Akeo-ttis.]
a-ke-ti-jo, PY Anl3. Akestios? Arkhetion? [’Ake-
aTio5, ’ApxETlcov.]
a-ke-u, KN V 151, Dwll33. Alkeus. [’AAkeus
father of Amphitryon.]
a-ke-wo, KN Ap628. Gen. ? ; Alkiivos.
a-ke-wa-to, PY 60 = .An661. Arkhewastos? or cf.
’ApyEdOai people of Arcadia.
a-ki-re-u, KN \’cl06. Akhilleus. [’AyiAAEUS 11.
I, 1-4.]
a-ki-re-we, PY Fn06. Dat. : Akhillewei.
a-ki-to-jo, PY 91 = Fn02 + ■ Gen. : Furumark Al-
kithoio. [”AAki 6 o 5 = ’AAk19oos?]
a-ki-to, PY Fnll92. Dat.: Alkithoi.
a-ki-wa-ta, KN B 801, 38 = . As 15 16.
a-ki-wo-ni-jo, PY 59 = An656. Arkhiwonios? [Cf.
’Apxicjv.]
a-ko-i-da, KN 73 = D1 943.
a-ko-mo-ni-jo . KN Del 112 -4. Akmomos. [Cf.
'Akpcov, ’AkpoviStis.]
a-ko-ra-jo, KA’ 38 = Asl516. Agoraios-, cf. a-ko-ra-jo
in vocabulary.
a-ko-ro-qo-ro, KN Dwl079. Agroq'^olos? [Cf.
Latin Agricola.^
a-ko-so-ta. PY 50=.Anl8 rev.. 154=Eq01. 103 =
L’n08, 249 = \’a02 + . Axotds? Arxotas?
a-ko-so-ta-o, P Y Cn 12-4. Gen.
a-ko-to. KN Sc239. Aktor. ['Aktcop 11. ii.
5133-.]
a-ko-to-wo, PY Cnl 3-)-, Jn03. A’om. and dat.:
.Arktoiwos. -di? Argothoiaos?
a^-ku-ni-jo, PY 59 = .Yn656.
a.^-ku-mi-jo, PY 196 = A'a70 [926].
a-ku-wo, KA' X 109. Muhlestein: Alkuon? [’AA-
KUCOV.]
a-ma-ru-ta, PY 119 = Eo02. Dat.: Amarunldi,
-unthdi? [Cf. ’ApapuyxEUj, 'ApapuvSio;.]
a-ma-ru-ta-o. PY 114=En02, 119 = Eo02. Gen.;
Amaruntdo.
a-ma-fo-H'o, PY .\n39. Amalhouvs? [Cf. ’Apa6o0s
eponymous hero of Cypriot town; or
'Apa6aovi5ai.]
a-me-no, PY Jn08. Arrnenos? Ainemon? Georgiev
also: Asmenos? [“AppEvos, ’Apsivcov, 'Actpevo;.]
a-mi-nu-wa-ta, PY Cn08.
a-mo-ta-jo, PY Jn06. Harmostaios. [Cf. ‘Ap-
pocrraj.]
a-miil-ta-wo, PY 183 = Nn831 (02i. .Amuthdu'dn.
[’ApuOdcov Od. .XI, 259.] ("So also Muhlestein. )
a-mu?-ta-wo-no, PY Jn03. Gen.: Amuthdwonos.
a-na-qo-ta, KN B 798. Anag^otds? Anaq^hoitds?
(Seep. 94.) [Cf. ’Ava|3qal-VEcos Od.wn, 113.]
a-na-te-u, PY Jn08.
a-ne-Oi, AIY 93 = FolOL Dat. Aineds? [Aivsia?.]
a-ne-o, PY 168 = Es644, 167 = Es650-4.
a-ni-ya-to, KN 70= Dgl 158. .Anidtos? [dvloTO^or
cf. Homeric ctvidco.]
a-no-ke-we, KN Dbl261, PY .An 16. Cf. a-no-ze-we.
a-no-me-de, PA’Jn706. Anomedes?
a-no-po, PY 61 = Cn04, 249 = \’a02 (not name
here?).
a-no-qo-ta. KA' A c 173, Dv440, .Ak615, .Ap633,
X 1051, Dal289. Anog'‘otds: cf. a-na-qo-ta.
a-no-qo-ta-q, KN E 847. Gen.: Ango'‘otdo.
a-no-ze-we, PY Cnll. Cf. a-no-ke-ii'e.
a-no-zo-jo, KA’ 19 = .Ak627. Gen.: Anozoio? [Cf.
Homeric 6305 ‘ companion ’ : Sojos ’ sert ant ’ ?]
a. 2 -nu-me-no, PA’ 254=Jn04. Cf. ai-nu-me-no.
Arnunienos. [apvupai "win’.]
a-mi-to, KN 38 = . As 15 16. theses x. Anutos.
I’Awtos.]
a-nu-to-jo, KA’ X 697. Gen. : .Imitoio.
a-pa-i-ti-jo, KN L 588. Hdphaistios, -ion. ['Hpai-
crrios, -ioav.]
a-pa-je-u, PA’ Jn845.
a-pa-re-u, KN B 804. Aphareus. [’ApapeO? 11.
-xm, 541.]
a-pa.,-to, KN 38 = As 15 16.
a-pa-u-ro, KN Mc0463. Aphauros? .Apaulos?
415
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-pe-ri-ta-wo, PY 56 = An657. Ampelitawonl
a-pe-te-u, PY Jn692.
a-pi-a^-ro, PY Anl6, Ea08 + , [Jn05], OnOl.
Amphialos. [’Aii9iaAos Od. viii, 1 14.]
a-pi-do-ra, MY Oel24. Fem.: Amphidord-, cf.
next.
a-pi-do-ro, KN X 146. Amphidoros. [’Au<pi6copo5.]
a-pi-ja-ko-ro-jo, KN B 812. Gen.; Amphiagroio,
Amphidgoroio.
a-pi-ja-re-HO, KN X 94, [X 7568]. Amphiarewos.
Possibly gen. [“Au9iapaos Od. xv, 244; Pindar
’AtKpiCtpTlOS.]
a-pi-je-ta, PY 56 = An657. [Not = “ApcptSTTis.]
a-pi-jo-to, PY 40 = An22. Gen.: Amphiontos?
[’Attpicov -ovos Od. xi, 262 + .]
a-pi-o-to, PY 40 = Am22 rev. + . Alternative
spelling of the preceding.
a-pi-ka-ra-do-jo, PY Ad 15. Gen.; Amphtkladoio?
a-pi-me-de, KN B 801, PY 146 = Eb34. .‘Imphi-
medes ; but possibly a title rather than a name.
[■Ap9ipp5Tis.]
a-pi-me-de-o, KN C 9 1 1 , PY 62 = Cn635, Ep03.
Gen. : Amphimedeos.
a-pi-o-to, see after a-pi-jo-to.
a-pi-qo-i-ta, KN 20=.Ak824. Amphiq“hoitds. See
P- 94-
a-pi-qo-o, PY An23. Gen.: incomplete spelling of
a-pi-qo-ta-o ; but cf. a-e-ri-qo: a-e-ri-qo-ta.
a-pi-qo-ta, KN C 915, PY Jn03. Nom. and dat. :
alternative spelling of a-pi-qo-i-ta ■, or =.4m-
phig^otds.
a-pi-qo-ta-o, KN [Dx45?], PY40 = .An22. Gen.:
-tdo.
a-pi-ra-wo, KN 38 = .\sl516. Amphildwos, Am-
phildit'on. [Cf. FleplAaos.]
a-pi-wa-to, KN 38 = . As 15 16. Amphiwastos?
a-qi-zo-we, PY 43 = Sn01.
a-ra-da-jo, KN 38 = Asl516.
a-ra-i-jo, PY40 = .An22. Palmer: .-iraios.
a-ra-ko. KN As607, C 911, Dbl236+. Arakos.
['ApOKOS.]
a-ra-na-ro, KN 38= As 15 16.
a-ra-si-jo, KN Fh369, X 1463. Aldsios? [’AAf|aio5
founder of ’AAtictiou in Elis.]
a-ra-ta, KN UflOll. Aldtds. [’AAfjTris. Pindar
’AAcTas.] V'entris reads i-ra-ta.
a-re-i-jo, PY 59 = An656, (KN21 3 = L 64 1 probably
man’s name'). Patronymic adjective; Areios?
[’Apijio?; but Aeol. ’Apeuios.]
a-re-fce-ve-u, KN Du 1 156. .ilexeus. [aAe^co.]
a-re-ki-si-to. KN .So0433, PY Vn865. .Alexitos,
Alexinthos?
a-re-ki-si-to-jo, KN .Se 1 053, 273 = Sf0420. Gen. :
-oio.
a-re-fa<-t«-ru-H'o,',KNFh364 ,PY 58=An654, 167=
Es650. .Alektrudn. [’AAsKTpucov II. xvii, 602.]
a-re-ku-tu-ru-[\vo\-ne. PY 170 = Es649. Dat.
a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo-no. PY 168 = Es644. Gen.;
.Alektruonos.
a-re-me-ne. Thebes hi. .Areimenes'^ (BJorck;
’Ap(£)pevris): but cf. a-re-zo-me-ne.
4
a-re-ta-wo, KN ,\p645. Aretdwon. ['ApsTctcov II.
VI, 3I-]
a-re-zo-me-ne, Thebes iv. \’entris: cf. ’AAe^a-
PEVTIS.
a-n'-/a-to, PY 55 = An724 (32;. Haliartos? ['AAlap-
Tos town in Boeotia {II. ii, 503) and its
eponymous hero; also town in Messenia.]
a-ri-ja-wo, KN 159=Uf990. -dwdn.
a-ri-ja-wo-ne, KN F 462. Dat.: -dwonei.
a-ri-ke-u, KN X 966. Halikeus? Haliskeus?
[Should be paA- from dAloKopat.]
a-ri-wo, PY 62=Cn655. Ariwon? [’Apicov; cf.
’Aplcov name of a horse II. xxiii, 346.]
a-ri-wo-ne, PY 61 = Cn04. Dat. : Ariwonei.
a-ro-je-u, PY 183 = Nn83 1(02). JAloieus? [Cf.
’AAcoeu 5 II. v, 386; but this may contain
medial -p- if from ctAoidco.]
a-sa-ro, KN As40. Cf. ja-sa-ro. Assarosl [Cf.
’AocrdpaKo? 11. xx, 232.]
n-si-K/-yo,^ KN Dfl469, PY Cn07, Eq02. Aswios?
[Cf. ’Acto; town in Crete?]
a-so-qi-Jo, KN B 803. Asoq'‘iosl [Cf. ’Aacotros?]
a-ta, P\’ 50 = .\nl8 rev. Anthas. ['AvOas.]
02- ta, PY An 13. .Alternative spelling of the
preceding ?
a-ta-ma-ne-u, PY 62=Cn655. Athmaneus? [Cf.
’ASpovsO; ethnic of Attic deme; or ’A9a-
pavES?]
a-ta-ma-ne-we. PY 61 = Cn04. Dat. : Athmanewei.
a-ta-no, KN Vc569, .As 1520. Antdnor. [’AvTfjvcop
II. m. 262 + .]
a-ta-no-ro, PY 91=Fn02. Gen.: Antdnoros.
a-ta-no-re, PA’ \'n04. Dat. ; Antdnorei.
a-ta-o, KN L 698, PA’ .An21, Fn03, Jn03. Nom.
and dat.: Antaos, -oil [Cf. ’AvTaio;.]
a-ta-o-jo, PY Vnll91. Gen.: Antaoio.
a-ta-ro, PY 41 = -Anl4. Cf ai-ta-ro?
a-ta-wo. KN X 324. PA’ .Anl6. .Anthdwon?
a-ta-ze-u, KN 38 = .\sl516.
a-te-mo, KN .As 1520, 68 = Del 648 + . Anthemos,
.Anthemdn? [Cf. 'AvOepIcov II. iv, 473.]
a-te-u-ke, KN \ cloO. Ateukhesl [dcTEuyf]^.]
a-te-wo-jo, PY Sa797. Gen.
a-ti-ja-wo, PA 58 = .An654, Jn845. Antidwdn.
[’Avticov ?]
a-ti-jo, KN 38 = .Asl516. .Anthios', Aluhlestein:
Antidn. ['AvQios.]
a-ti-ke-ne-ja, MY OellO. Fem.: Antigeneia.
[’AvTiyEVEia.]
a-ti-pa-mo, KN Od562, PA’Jn06 + . jAntiphdmos.
[■Avt 19 tipos.]
a-ti-ro. KN Dvl272, PA’ 60 = .An661 (?).
a-to, KN .As40. Anthos. ["Avdoj.]
a-to-me-ja, K.N .Ap639. Fem.; .Artomeial [Cf
dpTopos. ’ApTEpla.]
a-to-re-ii. KN Pp495.
a-tu-ko, KN X 1052, Dgll02, PA’ 114 = En02,
118 = Eo01, 131 = Ep01, 255=Jn658+.
Atukhos ?
a-tu-qo-ta, KN B 799. .Aluq’^hontdsl [Cf. ”Atus.]
a-u-po-no, KN I’ 0478. .A{h)upnos.
6
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
a-wa-fa, PY An21. Awdtdsl [ocnTri;.]
a-we-ke-se-u, PY Cn07 + . Awexeus. [de^u.]
a-we-ke-se-we, PY61 = Cn04. Dat. : Awexewei.
a-wi-to-do-tp, KN U 0478. Awistodotos? [Ho-
meric dioTOS.]
a-wo-i-jo, PY Cnl2. Dat.; Awdioi. [Hmos.]
a-wo-ro, KN B 800. Aworos. [Cf. Cypr. fiopov
. . .dupcopov Hesych.]
a-zul, MY Oel23.
a-* 64-jo. KN Sc261, PY Fn03.
da-i-qo-ta, KN D\vll64. Ddiq'^hontds. [Ar|i96v-
TTIS.]
[daj^-mo-ke-re-we-i, PY Fn03. Dat.: Ddmoklevcei.
[AapoKAfjs.]
da-na-jo, KN Dbl324, V 1631. Danaios? [Cf.
Aavaos.]
da-pu 2 ^-ra-zo, eleusisi. Cf. du-pu^J-ra-zo.
da-ra-mu^-ro, KN Dwl220. Muhlesteiii; Drds-
rnulos; Risch: Drdmulos. [*5paa'ip-uAo5 (5pd-
CTipo?).]
da-to-re-u, PY Cn05. Daitoreus?; cf. da-to-ro.
da-te-ne-ja, KN .\p639. Fern.: Dateneia'^ [Cf.
AaTpvds, ethnic of AAto^.]
da-to-ro, KN Dx964, DuI104. Daitros? [Cf.
AaiTOop II. VIII, 275.]
da-wa-no, KN Ga423 rev., 39 = As 151 7, Mc0454-i- .
\ entris : Dawanos [Save;] ; Chadwick : Dtt’anM.
[Sfjv, Aleman 6odv.]
lde?]-ke-se-ra-wo, KN 38 = Asl516. Dexeldwos?
[AsfiAao;.]
de-ke-se-u, KN 69=Dflll9, Dwl426. Dexeus ov
Derxeus. [SexoMctii SepKopai; cf. Aepfia;.]
de-ki-si-wo, KN C 908 [V 1524]. Nom. and dat.:
Dexiwos, Dexiwdi [As§i6s; *5£fifos Boisacq.]
de-ki-si-wo-jo, PY VnI194. Gen.; Dexiwoio.
de-ko-to, KN L 642 (probably not a name), PY
Cnll. Dektos or Dekotos. [Sektos; .\rcad.
6EKOTOS = 5£KaTOS.]
de-ko-to-jo, PY Cn07. Gen.; Dek{o)toio.
de-mo-qe, VY Cn\ 3 . Hat.'. Demoq'‘ei? [Etymology
of 5rip65 uncertain, but probably *ddjn-.^
de-u-ka-ri-jo, PY 58 = .\n654. Deukalidn, [Aeuku-
Aicov II. XIII, 45 1 -p .]
de-u-ki-jo, MY 46 = .-\ul02. Deukios, Deukidn?
de-we-ra, KN DwM19. Fern.?; cf. next.
dp-we-ro. PY Jn06. Deuelos. Dweilosl [6 £iA 6 s<
* 6p£i£Ao5 Boisacq.]
di-ko-na-ro, PY 59 = .An656.
di-mi-wa-to, PY Jn725. Dinwat[t]osl [Cf. .Nrcad.
Aivurras.]
di-so, KN Sc255. Dissos. [diacros.]
di-wi-je-u, PY 59 = .An656. Diivieus. [Cf. Aieus.]
di-wi-je-we, PY 76 = Cn22. 169 = Es646 -f . Dat. ;
Diwten-ei.
di-wo, KN Dxl503, PY An25. Diiton. [Aiotv.]
di-wo-pu-ka-ta, KN Fp363. Diwopuktds? [Cf.
IIuKTri?.]
do-qe-u. KN B 804. Dorq'^eus? [Cf *6poTr£US in
paAoSpoTtriES (Sappho) ; see do-qe-ja in \'oca-
bulary.]
do-qo-no, PY 61 = Cn04.
do-qo-ro, PY 58 = .An654.
do-qo-so, AFY .NuSOO.
dp-ri-ka-no, KN U 0478. Dolikhdnor.
do-ri-ka-o, KN V 958, PY 258 = Kn01. Do-
likhddn. [AcAiydcov.]
do-ro-jo, PY Jn06. Droios? [Cf. Cretan Spoiov
koAov (koAov?) Hesych.]
do-ro-jo-jo, PY Cnl3. Gen.: Droioio. (Error for
dat. ?)
do-ro-me-u, PY .\nl3. Dromeus.
du-ni-jo, ICN Og426, 38 = As 15 16, 39 = Asl517,
PY An 16, EaSll, Eb43, 143 = Ep705,
147=Eq03, Fn06, 96 = Un02. Nom. and
dat.
du-ni-jo-jo, PY .\eQ\ + . Gen.
du-pu 2 ^-ra-zo, KN 479, Dwll73. Cf. da-pud?-
ra-zo.
du-re-u, PYJn845.
t/w-ru-po, KN Fh345, 38 = Asl516. Drupos? [6p05
4--1T05 (ttous).]
du-to, KN 38= -Ml 5 16. 14, 16. Two men of the
same name?
du-wo-jo, PY Jn750. Divoios. [60165; cf. Aoias.]
e-do-mo-ne-u, PY(114 = En02). 119= Eo02, 254 =
Jn04.
e-do-mo-ne-we, P^ Cn03. Dat.: -ewe.
e-ka-no, PYJn725. Ekhdndr? [Cf ’EydvSpa.]
e-ke-da-mo, KN Ufl522, PY Cn07. Ekheddmos.
[’ExsSapos. ’Exs5qpo5.]
e-ke-i-jo-jo, PY Sa760. Gen.: Ekheioio. ['Ex£io5.]
■ e-ke-me-de, KN [Dd659], U 0478, PY 56 =
An657, 258 = Kn01. Ekhemedes. [Cf. fern.
’Ex6pil5a.]
e-ke-ne, MY 46 = .^0 102. Engenes? [£yyEvr|5; cf
’EyyEVETCop.]
e-ke-ra^-wo, PY [153 = Er02], 171=L’n718. Ekhe-
Idwdn? [Cf. ’ExeAaos.]
e-ke-ra.,-wo-no, PF 54 = -An 19. Gen.: Ekheld-
U'onos.
e-ke-ra^-wo-ne. PY 55 = .An724 (32). Dat.:
Ekheldwonei.
e-ke-ra-ne. PY Unll. Incomplete spelling of
the preceding?
e-ke-ro, PYJn832. Enkherosl [lyx^pot.]
e-ki-no, KN DaI078. Ekhinos?
e-ki-no-jo, PY 60 = -Yn661. Gen.: Ekhinoio.
e-ki-wo. PY Jn06. Ekhiwos, Ekhiwon. [’Eyios,
’Exicov.]
e-ko-me-na-ta-o, PA 44 = .An29, 60 = .An66 1 . Gen. :
Erkhomendtdo. [Cf. place-name ’EpyopEvos.]
e-ko-to. PA' Eb913, 115 = En03, 120=Eo03,
121 = Eo04, 143 = Ep705-i- . Hektdr. ['ExTcop
II. I, 242 + .]
e-ko-to-ri-jo, PA' Cnl3. Dat.: Hektorioi. ['Ek-
Topeos as adjective II. ii, 416.]
e-ne-ke-se-u. KN Da 1081. Enexeus. [evek-.]
e-ni-ja-u-si-jo, PA' 50 = -An 18. Eniausios.
e-no-wa-ro, PA’ 58 = -An654.
e-o-te-u, PY60 = An661.
417
27
\ A C
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-pa-sa-na-ti, PY 115 = En03, Ep02. Fern.; cf.
i-pa-sa-na-ti.
e-pe-ke-u, PY Jn03. Epeigeus? [’ETTEiyais 11. xvi,
57I-]
e-pi-ja-ta, PY An39. Ephialtas {Epihaltas?) .
[’E9iaATTis 11. V, 385.]
[el^-pi-qe-ra-wo, KN B 5025. Epiq^elawon? [Cf.
'ETnTeATi5.]
e-po-me-ne-u, PY 183 = Nn83 1(02). Heportwtuus?
[ettco ‘busy oneself with’.]
e-po-me-ne-we, PY Vn851. Dat. ; Hepomenewe.
e-ra-po, PY 56 = An657. Elaphos. [”8X0905; also
name of a river in Arcadia.]
e-ra-ta-ra, PY (114 = En02), 119 = Eo02. Fem.
e-re-pa-i-ro, KN X 212. Elephairos? [Cf. eAe-
9aipopai, ’EAE9fivcop.]
e-ri-ke-re-we, KN 155 = E’f981. Eriklewes.
e-ri-ko-wo, PY 59 = An656, Ep02, Jn845 + . Eri-
kowos, Erigowos? [Cf. ’Epipoia]; Georgiev
Erikowdn. [Cf. Aao-Kocov.]
e-ri-qi-ja, PY Ep03. Fem.; cf. next.
e-ri-qi-jo, PY EalO. Eriqq'‘iosl Georgiev: Eribios?
e-ri-ta. PY 135 = Ep704. Fem.: Erithd? [Cf.
”Epi9os, ’Epi6aK(5.]
e-ri-ta-ri-jo, KN X 304. Erithdlios. [Cf. ’Epi-
9iiAas.]
e-ri-we-ro, PY Vn04. Da.t. : Eriwerdi. [ipiripos.]
e-ro-pa-ke-ja, KN L 595. Fem. or vocabulary
word?; cf. e-ro-pa-ke-u.
e-ro-pa-ke-ta, MY 93 = Fol01. Dat.; or name of
an office or trade? See Vocabulary'.
e-ro-pa-ke-u, KN .As0493. Name or trade?
e-ro^-qo, PY Eal6 + . Eiroq'‘s? Erioq^s? Palmer:
cf. ■'EAAo'+i. [Etpo^i Boeot. = pEpo^/.]
e-ru-si-Jo, PY Vn04. Erussios. [’Epuo’ato5.]
e-ru-ti-ri-lJo?], KN X 297. Eruthrios? [’EpO-
epio5.]
e-ru-to-ro, KN 72 = Dkl074, 39 = .-\sl517. Eru-
thros. [’EpuQpos.]
e-sa-ro. PY O14=^En02), 119 = Eo02, 143 =
Ep705.
e-ta-}e-u,VY .\n2A:. Georgiev: E/airar. [Cf. place-
name ’EtoieTs.]
e-ta-wo-ne-u, PY 43 = Sn01. Etdwoneus. [’Eteco-
VEU5 Od. IV, 22 4-.]
e-ta-wo-ne-wo, KN K 695. Gen.: Etdwonewos.
e-ta-wo-ne-we, KN L 584, [L 695]. Dat.:
Etdwoneivei.
e-te-wa, PY 56 = An657, [Cn 1 1 , Cn 1 5 ?] . Etewds ?
e-te-wa-o, KN X 5785. Gen.; Etewdo; or nom.
Etewdon? [’Erdoov.]
e-te-wa-jo, PY Xa639. Etezoaios?
e-te-wa-jo-jo, PY Sa769. Gen.: Etewaioio.
e-fe-wa-no. KN 80= C 913. Dai.: Eteivainoi? [Cf.
ETotvoy.]
e-te-wa-tu-u. KN C 912. Gen.: Etewasluos?
e-te-we. PY Cn03, Dat.; Eteweil
e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo. PY 58 = .-\n654, 43 = Sn01.
Patronymic adjective; Eteicokleweios. [Cf.
|3iri 'EteokAtieiti II. iv, 386.]
e-ti-me-de-i, PY Fn03. Dat.; Etimedei?
e-ti-ra-wo, PY 61 = Cn04, 62 = Cn655. Nom. and
dat.: Etildwos, Etildwoi?
e-ti-wa-ja, KN Ap639. Fem.; cf. e-te-wa-jo.
e-u-da-mo, KN X 57, B 799, theses u. Euddmos;
less likely Eudaimon. [Eu6apo5; EuSaipcov.]
e-u-do-no, PY 253=Jn01. Ventris, Andrews:
Euzdnos.
e-u-ka-ro, PY An723, Jn750. Eukdlos. [euktiAos,
Dor. euKoAog.]
e-u-ko-me-no, PY Jn725. Eukhomenos. Cf. e-u-
ko-me-[ KN X 7748.
e-u-ko-ro, KN Ap482, Ddll49, Dal299, Dwl389.
Eukolos, Eukhoros or Euklos? [EUK0A05;
Euyopos; EOkAos.]
e-ii-me-de, PY Ea773-t-. Eumedes. [EupriBris II. x,
314-]
e-u-me-de-i, PY Gnll84 (see p. 217). Dat.;
Eumedei.
e-M-me-ne, PY Ea822, Jn725. Eumenes. [EupEvf];.]
e-u-me-ta, KN D1 1388. Eumetds. [EupfiTrjS.]
e-u-mo-[, KN X 1390. Wntris: Eumo\lpos]l
[EupoArrog.]
e-u-na-wo, KN B 799, Dwl206, Asl520. Eundwos.
[EOvrios II. \ui, 468.]
e-u-o-mo[?, KN X 127. Euormos? [Cf. Euop-
piStis.]
e-u-po-ro, MY 46 = Aul02. Euporos or Euphoros:
Georgiev; Eupolos. [Euiropos; EU90P05 ; EO-
ttwAos.]
e-u-po-ro-wo, KN V 510.3. PYJn02-|-. Euplowos.
[EuttAous.]
e-u-ru-da-mo, KN X 166. Euruddmos. [Eupu-
5apo5.]
[e-u1-ru-po-to-re-mo-jo, PY Fn03. Gen.: Eurupto-
lemoio. [EOpuitToAEpos.]
e-u-ru-qo-ta, KN V 147. Eurug'^olds. [EOpupdrris
Od. XIX, 247; or cf. EOpupoo[i]Tai Gortyn,
Collitz-Bechtel iii 2, 5019, 3.]
e-u-ru-wo-ta, PY Eb24, [148= Ep04], 253=Jn0 1 .
Eurwdtds? Carratelli: Euruwotds. [EupcoTas.]
e-u-tp-rp-qo, PY Jn05. Eutroq'‘os? [Cf EOtpottos;
but TpoTTos may have original tt; cf to-ro-qo
in Vocabulary.]
e-it-wa-ko-ro, PY Jn03. Eudgoros or Euagros.
[Eudyopos (Cypriot king: Schvvyzer, Dial.
681®); Euaypo5.]
e-wa-ko-ro, KN 1005, theses v. Alter-
native spelling of the preceding.
e-ii-wa-re, PY Jn693. Eudres. [Euijprig.]
e-u-we-to, PY Jn750. Euetor, Etieildr? [Cf
EuECTTriS.]
e-u-we-to-ro. PY Jn750. Gen.; -tons,
e-wa-ko-ro, see after e-u-wa-ko-ro.
e-wi-te-u, PY Cnl7. Cf. the place -name e-wi-le-
wijo. Eld Y'' teas? Ewitheus? [Cf riiesos.]
e-wi-te-we. PY Cal 4. Dat.: -ewei.
e-*65-to. PY 114 = En02, 115 = En03, 118 = Eo01,
120 = Eo03.
i-da-i-jo, KN 232 = K 875, PY 60 = An661.
Idaiosl [Cretan "ISa has initial f.]
418
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
i-do-me-ne-ja, PY Eb28, Ep02. Fern. : Idomeneia.
[Cf. ’ISopiEveus II. I, 145 + .]
i-^o-me-ni-jo, PY GnOl. Dat. : Idomenioi?
i-ja-me-i, PY Fn03. Dat.: lamet? [Cf. “lapos,
’Idusvos.]
i-ja-wo-ne, KN X 146. Dat.: Idwonei', or nom.
plur. Idwones'i [Cf. Idove? II. xm, 685 + .]
i-jo, MY 46 = Aul02. Apparently not Ion (con-
tracted from Idwon); cf. place-name “los?
i-ke-se-ra, KN Dkl077. Ixelds? [Cf. 'l^aXo;; or
i^ccAfj (iaasAa, etc. ) ‘goat-skin’.]
i-ke-ta, KN B 799. Hiketds. [Cf. 'iKCTdcov II. in,
147 + ■]
i-ma-di-ja, P\ Ea816. Alasc., or fern, of next.
i-ma-di-jo, PY Cn08, Eal6, 253=Jn01. Nom. and
dat. [Cf. 'EppaSicov.]
KN Dbl 186. Himirios? ['lpEpio5.]
i-mo-ro-ne-u, KN \’c55.
i-na, PY Ep03. [Cf. 'Iva, "luva.]
i-na-o, PY Anl3, MY 106 = Ge603-r. Inaon.
i-na-o-te, MY 107 = Ge604. Dat.: Inaontei.
i-ne-u, KN Da 13 79.
i-ni-ja, PY 114 = En02, 118 = Eo01. Fern.
i-pa-sa-na-ti, PY 121 = Eo04. Fern.; =e-pa-sa-
na-ti. (i written over e erased.)
i-pe-se-wa, PY Gnll84 (see p. 217). Dat.
i~ra-ta, KNUflOll?, PY 116=En659. Masc. or
fern.?
i-su-ku-wo-do-to, KN Fh348. Iskhuodotos? [Ict^us
‘ strength’ seems to have initial f in view of
Lacon, PiCTyuv and yiaxw (Hesych.); from
ifO? ‘loins’ (< ’“iaxus Boisacq) ?]
i-te-u, KN 38 = .Asl516. Histeus? (cf. i-te-ja-o in
Vocabulary), Itheus?
i-to, KN Asl519. [Cf. place-name "Itcov.]
i-wa-ka, KN V 60, Ufl20, PY 253=Jn01.
Iicakhas? [Cf. iaxp (if not < ’'‘f^ipaxd).]
i-wa-ka-o, PY 253=Jn01. Gen.: Iicakhdo.
i-wa-ko, KN 38 = Asl516. Iwakkhos?
i-wa-so, PY 62=Cn655. Iwasos. [Cf place-
name.]
ja-sa-no. KN 38 = . -As 15 16.
ja-sa-ro, KN \' 832. Cf. a-sa-ro.
ka-da-no, KN Dkl065, X 5567. Khaldanos?
[XaASavos.]
ka-da-si-jo, PY 57 = -A.n43. [Cf XaBqaiai name
of the .Amazons.]
ka-do-wo, PY 43 = Sn01, Cn719.
ka-e-sa-me-no, PY 59 = -An656. Cf. next and
ke-sa-me-no. [Cf. KacaapEvds (Thracian).]
ka-e-sa-me-no-jo, PY Vnll91. Gen.
ka-e-se-u, MY Ge605.
ka-e-se-we, MY 105 = Ge602. Dat.: -eoue.
ka-ka-po, PYJn06. Kakkabos?
ka-ke. KN B 799, 38 = . As 15 16.
ka-ke-u, PA'Jn750. Khalkeus? (,A smith by trade!)
ka-mo, KN Dv440, -As604, Dbl263. Skamon,
Kamon'i [SKdpcov; Kdpcov.]
ka-mo-ni-jo, KN Da 1293. Skamonios?
ka-na-to-po, KN Ap639. Fern.
ka-pa^^.-na-to, KN 38 = -Asl516.
ka-pa^-no, KN Dfl219. Palmer: Karbdnos.
[Kdppauoj.]
ka-pa-ra^, PA^ Jn706. [Cf. ka-pa-ra^-de in Place-
names.]
ka-pa-ri-jo, KN \ c72, A" 77, U 0478. Karpalion.
[Kap-rraAicov.]
ka-pa-ri-jo-ne, KN Fh344. Dat. : Karpalionei.
ka-pa-ti-ja, PA’ i41 = Eb20, 135 = Ep704-r, UnOl.
Fern.: Karpathid. [Cf. Kaptiddio; ethnic of
KdpTTCcOos; Homeric KpdTraSos II. ii, 676.]
ka-ra-i, PA’ [168 = Es644], 167=Es650-r. Fern.?
[Cf. woman’s name KASi's (Sappho), if not
= xAafis.]
ka-ra-pa-so, PA’ 254=Jn04.
ka-ra-pa^2-so, PA’ 127 = Eo269 (Eb26i edge,
[116=En659]. Alternative spelling of the
preceding? Probably not the same person as
one is a smith, the other te-o-jo do-e-ro.
ka-ra-pi, PA’ Ea808. Krambis? [KpdpPig.]
ka-ra-su-no, PA’ 63 = Cc660. Dat.
ka-ra-u-du-ro, PA’ 143 = Ep705-r.
ka-ra-M-ko, PA’ Cn07, Jn706-r . Glaukos. [FAauKos
II. II, 876 -r .]
ka-ra-u-ro, PA’ .Anl6, Jn750. Kalauros? [Kd-
Aaupos eponymous hero of KaAaupia.]
ka-ra-wa-ni-ta, PA’ Cnl3.
ka-ra-wi-ko, PA' 254=Jn04. Kldwikos?
ka-ri-se-u, KN 38 = .Asl516-|-, PA’ Jn03, MA’
46 = .Aul02. Khariseus. [Cf. next entry.]
ka-ri-si-jo. PA’Jn706. Kharisios. [Xapioios.]
ka-ro. KN Fh340. Kharonl Khairdn? Georgiev:
Kalian. [Xdpcov, Xaipcov, KdAAcov.]
ka-ro-qo, KN Sc257, X 7634, PA’ \’n865. Kharo-
g“os or Kharoq“s. [Xapotros II. ii, 672 ; Xdpovf
II. XI. 426.]
ka-sa-to. PY 50 = .An 1 8, Jn06, .AIY G06IO. (Ci'.
ka-sa-rp KN C 912 misreading?; Xanthos.
[IdvOos II. V, 152.]
ka-so, KN Ddl593 (V 684 possibly not a name ,
PA’ Cnl2. Nom. and dat.: Kaios? [Cf.
Kdoos place-name II. ii, 676.]
ka-ta-no. KN X 795, PA’ Eb890, 143 = Ep705.
[Cf place-name KaTdvq; or Katdndr?]
ka-te-u, KN 71 = Dkl072.
ka-to, KN Dgll69, X 5287. Kastdr. [KdoTcop
Od. XIV, 204.]
ka-to-ro, KN Da438, X 489 4-. Gen.: Kastoros.
ka-H-no, THEBES I. Bjorck: ATidiirior. [Cf Xauvri.]
ke-do-jo, PA' La04. Gen.? A'entris: nom. Ker-
doiosl
ke-e-pe. MA' 107 = Ge604. Dat. Cf. ke-po.
ke-ka-to. KN 39 = As 15 17, PA' PnOl.
ke-ki. PA' Jn692. Cf ke-ki in A'ocabulary. [Cf
woman’s name KepKig.]
ke-ki-jo. PA’ 44 = -An29, 56 = -An657. Kerkios.
[KepKio?.]
ke-ko-jo, PA'91 = Fn02. Gen.: Kerkotol
ke-ku-ro. PA’ Mn02. Dat.: Kerkuldi? [Cf. Ksp-
KuAas.]
419
27-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ke-me-u, KN Dxl427. Kelmeus?
ke-po, MY 105 = Ge602, 106=Ge603 + .
ke-pu, KN Ap639. Fem.
ke-pu-ke-ne-ja, PY Fn06. Fem.: 1-gemia.
ke-ra-me-ja, KN Ap639. Fem.: Kerameia. [Fem.
to KEpapEu;.]
ke-ra-so, MY 93 = Fol01. Kerasos? [Kspaaos?]
ke-ra-u-Jo, PY Eb04, 131 = Ep01.
ke-re, KN B 805, 38 = Asl516. Kris? (cf. ke-re-le in
Place-names) ; Georgiev: Kelis. [Kpp5 , KeXtis],
ke-re-no, PY Cnl2, MY 46 = Aul02. Nom. and
dat. : Gerinos? [Cf. fEpfivioj epithet of Nestor
n. II, 336-1-.]
ke-re-te-u, PY EaOl, 110 = Ea800 + , 147 = Eq03.
Kritheus. [KpriOtu; Od. xi, 237.]
ke-re-u, KN Ag91, PY Ea827? (Eq03 error for
ke-re-te-u ? ) . Georgiev : Keleus.
ke-ro-ke-re-we-o, PY 285 = Sa02 . Gen. : Palmer :
Kherokleweos.
ke-ro-u-te-u, PY Gnl 1, [Fn03]. Ventris: Keloutheus.
[Cf. keAeuSos, dn<6Aou0o5.]
ke-ro-wo, PY 31 = Ae04, 61 = Cn04. Nom. and
dat. : Ventris: Kerowos? [Kcpaos < *ferwo-.]
ke-ro-wo-jo, PY 62=Cn655. Gen.
ke-sa-da-ra, PY FgOl, Ea828. Fem.? Kessandra?
[For Kaaooa'Spa.]
ke-sa-do-ro, KN B 798, .\sl520, PY Vn04.
Kessandros?
lke]-sa-do-ro-jo, KN B 809. Gen.: Kessandroio.
ke-sa-me-no, PY 61 = Cn04, Fn03 rev. Nom. and
dat.
ke-ti-ro, KN U 172 (?), PY Jn08.
ke-to, KN Dall34-|-, PY Cn08. Ketos or Keton?
[KfjTos, KqTCdv.]
ke-we-to, PY 253=Jn01.
ke-we-to-jo, PY 253=Jn01. Gen.
ke-wo-no-jo, PY 57 = An43. Gen.
ki-e-u, PY 55 = An724(32). Skieus, Khieus?
[Zkieus, X 1EO5 ethnic adjectives.] ’
/ti-e-ivo, PY 43 = SnO 1 . Gen.
ki-je-u, KN X 94. .'Alternative spelling of nom.
ki-ri-ja-i-jo, PY 57 = An43. Killaios? [KiAAaios
epithet of Apollo and name of a riv'er.]
ki-ra 2 -i-jo, KN Sc 103. .Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
ki-ri-ja-si, KN B 801. [Cf. Kplaao;.]
ki-ta-ne-to, KN29 = .As821, Dal 108.
ko-Ui-ta, PY Jn706. [Cf. woman’s name Kodna.]
ko-do, KN 161 = Uf839, PY 113 = Ea824, 112 =
Ea825-t-, Vn04. Nom. and dat. Koldos?
[KActSos < *kld- ?]
ko-do-jo, PY ill = Ea23 (error for nom. or
another name?), Ea734. Gen. Koldoio.
ko-do-ro, PA'Jn706. Kodros. [KoBpoj.]
ko-ka-ro, PA^ Fg02, Gnl 184 (see p. 217:. Cf.
ko-za-ro. Kdkalos. [ KcokoAos.]
Ao-fa'-fo, PA' 56 = An657. Kokkion? [KokkIcov.]
ko-ku, KN D1 1240. Kokkux?
ko-ma-ta, AFA’ 93 = Fol01. Komdids. [Kopdras.]
ko-ma-we, PA' 57 = .An43, Jn7.50. Komduens.
[KOpflElJ.]
ko-ma-we-to, KN DwOSI, Dvl272. Gen.:
Komdwentos.
ko-ma-we-te, KN 80= G 913, Dxl049, PY
Cn03. DaX.'. Komdwentei.
ko-ma-we-te-Ja, PY 172=Kn02. Possibly a
derivative; see p. 288.
ko-ma-we-ta, KN B 798. Komdwentds?
ko-ne-wa-ta, PY Jn03. [Cf. ZxoivdTa? name of
-Asklepios, Z)(oivfiio5.]
ko-ni-da-jo, KN 38 = Asl516. [Cf. Kovvl6as.]
ko-no-pu 2 ?-du-ro, MY 46 = .Aul02.
ko-pe-re-u, KN 29 = .As821, PY 169 = Es646,
167 = Es650. Kopreus. [KoirpEus /(. xv, 639.]
ko-pe-re-wo, PY 168 = Es644. Gen.: Kopriwos.
ko-pe-re-we, KN X 5486. Dat. : Koprewei.
ko-pi-na, PY 148 = Ep04. Fem.: Kophind? [Gf
Koqjivo?.]
ko-ri-si-ja, PA' Eb29, 115 = En03, 121 = Eo04,
[122 = Eo05], Ep02. Fem.: Korinsid. [Fem.
of ethnic ko-ri-si-jo, see ko-ri-to in Place-
names.]
ko-ro, KN Del 152, PY 61 = Gn04. Nom. and
dat.: Khoiros, Khdlos? [Xolpoj, XwAos.]
ko-ro-tu-no, PY Jn05. Gortunos?
ko-ru-da-ro-jo, PY 33 = Ae07. Gen.: Korudalloio.
[Cf. KopuSaAAos name of an Attic deme.]
ko-ru-no, PY 61=:Cn04, Cn719. Nom. and dat.
ko-ru-to, KN DxlSlO. Koruthos. [KopuSo;.]
ko-sa-ma-to, KN Ga685, PY Ep02. Konsmdtos?
[Cf. KoaptiTijs title of Zeus.]
ko-so-u-to, PY 254=Jn04. Xouthos. (Also the
name of an ox; see .Appendix to this index.)
[I0O605.]
ko-tu-ro 2 , PY Cn08, Eb23, Jn03. Kotulos, Ko-
tulios? [KotuAo;.]
ko-za-ro, PY Jn03. Cf. ko-ka-ro. Kdkalos?
ku-da-jo, KN A^ 1004. Kudaios, Khudaios?
ku-da-ma-ro, PY 168 = Es644, 167 = Es650.
ku-ka-ro, KN V 653, Dal238, 262 = Ral548.
Kukalos ? [Cf. KuKaAa name of an .Attic deme.]
ku-ke-re-u, PA' Jn845. Kukleus. [KukAeOs.]
ku-ne-u, KN Dw 1396. Cf. ku-[.'] -u, PY 40 = .An22 .
Kimeus?
ku-pe-se-ro, KN 260 = 0g0467. Kupselos. [Ku>p£-
Aos.]
ku-pi-ri-jo, PY 61 = Cn04-|-, Jn06. Un01(?). Nom.
and dat. : Kuprios. [Kurtpios ethnic of Kuirpos.]
^«-ra-no, KN 39 = Asl5 1 7. KuUdnos. [KuAAqvo^.]
ku-ri-sa-to, KN X 0494. PA' .An24, Cn09, Jn706.
ku-r 02 , KN U 0478, PA Ea814. Nom. and dat.:
Kurios, Kuridi?
ku-ro 2 -jo, KN B 822. Gen.: Kurioio?
ku-ro-nu-we-to, KN 39 = Asl517.
ku-ru-me-ni-jo, KN Dwll73 edge. Klumenies.
[Derivative of ne.xt.]
ku-ru-me-no, KN Sc236, PY 43 = Sn01. Klumenos.
[KAOuevos Od. Ill, 452.]
ka-rii-me-no-jo, PA' 58 = .An654. Gen.: Klu-
menoio.
ku-ru-no-jo, PA' EaSOl. Gen.: error for ku-ru-me-
no-jo ?
420
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
ku-sa-me-ni-jo, PY 44 = An29, 57 = An43. Pa-
tronymic adjective: Kusamenios?
ku-so, PY 131 = Ep01, Eb893.
ku-ta-i-jo, KN 39 — Asl517. Kuiaios? [Cf. Cretan
place-name Kutoiov.]
ku-te-ro, KN B 822. Furumark: Kuiheros. [KO-
Stipos.]
ku-to, KN 38 = Asl516. Kurtos, -on, Kutos, -on?
[KupT05, KupTcov, Kutos, Kutcou.]
ku-tu-pa^-no, KN Ap639, Dxll61. Fern.
ku-*63-so, PY 115 = En03, 121 = Eo04.
ma-du-ro, PY 62 = Cn655. [Cf. Mdv6aAos (Ly-
dian), Mav6upiov town in lapygia.]
ma-ka-ta, PY Jn725. \lakhdtds, Alakhaitds?
[MaxctTas, MaxaiTas.]
/na-Ara-wo, PY 255 =Jn658. Alakhdwon. [Maxdcov
//. 11,732 + .]
ma-ma-ro, PY 62=Cn655. Marmaros. [Mdp-
papos.]
ma-na-si-we-ko, PY Jn03. Mndsiwergos. [Mvri-
CTiEpyos.]
ma-«o, MY 93=:Fol01. Aldnos. [Mfivos.]
ma-ra-ni-jo, PY Cn643 + . Malanias. [Cf. place-
names MaAdvios, MaAavla (Cyprus).]
/na-ra-/>i-/0) KN Dwl296. Alaraphios. [Mapd9ios.]
ma-ra-si-jo, PYJn706.
ma-ra^-wa, PY 144=Eb866, 143 = Ep705. Fern.:
Alarraiivd. [Cf. Mappalos.]
ma-re-ku-na, PY 115 = En03, 120 = Eo03. Masc.
in one place, fem. in the other; one pre-
sumably an error.
ma-r(-u, PY 60=An661. Aldleus? [Cf. MoAos.]
ma-re-wo, PY 56 = An657. Gen.: Aldlewos.
ma-ri-ta, PY Jn832. Alalitds. [MaAlT-qs.]
ma-ri-ti-wi-jo, KN X 1461, PY .An04, Cnl4.
/nn-m-ko, PY Jn845. Alalthakos?
ma-ti-ko, KN Vc295, V 831. Aldtikhos? [Mf|-
Tiyos.]
ma-u-ti-jo, PY Cnl4, 254=Jn04.
ma-zu?, PY 115 = En03, 120 = Eo03. Fem.
me-de-i-jo, KN B 800. Aledeios. [MfiSeios.]
me-nu-wa, KN V 60, Sc238, PY 55 = .An724(32).
Menuas. [ = M ivuas ?]
me-nu-a 2 , PY 44 = .\n29. Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
me-re-u, PY Ep03. Aleleus?
me-ta-no, PY Cn719. Aletdndr. [Cf. fem. Meto-
VEipa.]
me-ta-no-re, KN Ufl522. Dat. : Aletdnorei.
^me-ta-ra-wo[, KN B 799 rev. Aletaldwos.
me-te-we, PY 61 = Cn04. Dat. : Aletewei. Alentewei ?
me-ti-ja-no-ro, PY Vnll91. Gen.: Aletidnoros. Cf.
ne-ti-ja-no.
me-to-qe-u, PY An 16. Aletdq'^eus. [Cf. Metcottos.]
me-wi. PY 43 = Sn01.
me-za-wo, KN297=Sc222. Alezdwdn?
me-za-wo-ni, PY 96 = Un02. Dat.: Alezdwoni.
mi-ja-ra-ro, KN 38 = . As 15 16.
mi-jo-pa^, PY [91 = Fn02], Fn867. Fem. gen. (or
masc. nom. ?).
mi-ka-ri-jo, VY Cnll, [Jn605]. Alikkalidn? [Mik-
KaAicov.]
mi-ra, PY Eb905, 115 = En03, 120=Eo03, 148 =
Ep04. Fem. : Smild? [Cf. EpiAris; place-name
ZpiAa.]
mi-ru-ro, KN Ap482, 83 = Ch902, Dal 127, 38 =
Asl516.
mo-da, KN \’ 7525, PY Jn02. Cf. mo-i-da, mu-da?
mo-i-da, MY 46 = Aul02.
mo-ni-ko, KN Dal288. AIonik{h)os. [Movikos.
Movixos.]
mo-qo-so. KN X 1497. Aloq^sos? [M6+05; cf.
Flittite Aluksas.J
mo-qo-so-jo, PY Sa774. Gen.: Aloq“soio?
mo-re-n, PY 254= Jn04+ . Aldleus?
mo-ro-qo-ro, PY Eal9, 110=Ea800. Dat.: AIolo-
g‘‘rdi. [MoAoPpos; cf. poAoPpds Od. xvn,
219 + .]
mo-ro-qo-ro-jo, PY 109 = Ea782, 108=Ea81/.
Gen.: AIolog"roio.
mu? -da, KN D.k 1331. Cf. mo-da.
mu?-ka-ra, KN Pp498. Fem. Alukald. [MuKdAri.]
mu?-ko. PY An25. Alukon, Aluskhon? [Mukcov,
Muoxcov.]
mu?-ti, PY Eb858. Bennett: =mu-ti-ri. Fem.:
Alurtis. [MupTis.]
mu?-ti-ri, PY Ep02. Fem.: Alurtilis. [Cf. place-
name MupTiAis.]
mu?-to-na, PYJn706. [Cf. Mutcov.]
na-e-si-jo, KN V 147, PY Jn750.
na-pu-ti-Jo, KN 65 = Dbl232, PYJn845. .Ydputios.
[Cf. VT17TUT10S.]
na-si-jo, KN B 800. Georgiev: \dsios.
na-su-to, MY 46 = Aul02.
na-ta-ra-ma. MY 93 = Fol01. Dat.
na-u-si-ke-re-\\ve?^, KN X 214. jXatisiklewes?
[NocuaiKAfjs,]
ne-da-wa-ta, PY 258 = Kn01. A'edwdtds? [Cf.
NeSo Arcadian nymph.]
ne-da-wa-ta-o. PY 56 = An657. Gen.: A'edwdtdo.
«e-e-ra-»fo, PY Fn06. Dat. : AWoKoi? [NeiAecos.]
ne-o-ta, KN 38 = As 15 16.
ne-qe-u. PY Jn725, 43 = Sn01. Afeq'‘eus? [Cf.
Nf|TTEia.]
ne-qe-wo, PY Eb833. Gen. : .Xeq^iwos.
ne-ri-to. PY 61 = Cn04. A'eritos. [Nf)piTos Od.
xvn, 207.]
ne-ri-wa-to, KN 260 = 0g0467.
ne-ti-ja-no. PY Cnl2. Cf. '\-ti-ja-no. KN Np273.
.Xeslidndr?
ne-ti-ja-no-re. PY Cnl4. Dat.: .Xestidnorei.
ne-wo-ki-to, PY 44 = An29. 59=An656. Afewo-?
Palmer: .Xewokhitdn.
no-e-u, PY Jn03. Georgiev: .Xoeus.
o-ai 2 ?-ta. PY 57 = .\n43, 58 = .\n654.
o-du-pa 3 ?-ro. PY 40 = An22.
o-ka. PY [168 = Es644], 167=Es650 rev., Es727.
Cf. o-ka in A'ocabulary: here apparently a
man’s name.
421
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
o-fca-nVo, PY 62 = Cn655. Oikhalios. [Cf. OlxotAiTj
11. II, 730.]
o-ke-te-u, PY Jn693. Okhetezis? [Cf. oxeteuco.]
o-ke-u, PY 145 = Ea05 + . Georgiev : Okeus.
o-ko, PY Cn08. Horkos?
o-ko-me-ne-u, PY Ea780. Orkhomeneus. [Cf. 'Opxo-
psvos; as names of places li. ii, 51 1, 605.]
o-ku, KN Dal 170, X 7619. Okus.
o-ku-ka, PY 61 = Cn04+. Xom. and dat. :
Ogugds, -di? [Cf. 'OOyuyos; place-name
’OOyuylri Od. i, 85.]
o-ku-na-wo, KN 60. Okundwos.
o-ku-no, KN Da 1082.
o-na-se-u, KN 1523, PY 255 =Jn658-i- . Orid-
seiis. [Cf. Cypr. ’Ovaai-.]
o-ne-u, KN Ddl207. Oriieus. ['OpvEus.]
o-pa,, PY Jn02. Opas? ['OOiras.]
o-pa. 2 -wo-ni, PY Fn03. Dat.; Opdwoni. [Cf.
oirdcov 11. X, 58 + .]
o-pe-ra-no, PY 255 =Jn6j8-f- . Opheldndr. [Cf.
'0<peAav5pos.]
o-pe-ra-no-re, MY Oel26. Dat.: Opheldnorei.
o-pe-re-ta. PY .\nl3, 62 = Cn655. \'entris: Hop-
letds? Palmer: Ophelesids. Possibly an alter-
native spelling of the next?
o-pe-ta, KN B 799. Ophelias. [’096ATas.]
o-pe-te-re-u, PY 136 = Eb31, Ea805.
o-pe-to-re-u, PY 135 = Ep704. Incorrect spelling
of the preceding?
o-pi-ri-mi-ni-jo, KN Sc230. Opilimnios. [Cf. ’Em-
Aiiivios title of Poseidon.]
o-pi-si-jo, KN 38 = .Asl516-(- . Opsios. [“Otpio;
IG II, 868, ii. 20.]
o-po-ro-me-no, PY 168=Es644, 167= Es650-i- .
Hoplomenos?
o-re-a,, PY 143 = Ep70.5. Oreds. [’Optris.]
o-re-ta, PY 56 = An657. Orestds. [’OpeoTri? Ii. v.
703 + ■]
o-ri-ko, MY 46 = Aul02. Oligos? [Or cf. place-
name "'(bpIKOS.]
o-ta-ki, MY 93 = Fol01. Dat.?
o-tao-we-o, PY 40=.An22. Gen.: =o-to-ivo-o.
o-ti-na-wo, PY Cn07. Ortindwos.
o-tu, PY An24. Otus. ['Otus ( Paphlagonian ■.]
o-tu-wo-we, PA 255=Jn658 + .
o-to-wo-we-i, PA" Vn851. Dat.
o-to-wo-o, PA' An23. Alternative spelling of
gen. [.Alternation tu to points to -tw--. -wo-o
for -wo-wo by dissimilation, cf. go-o in
A’ocabulaiy'?]
o-wa-ko, PY 61 = Cn04. Jn725. Nom. and dat.
o-wi-da. PY Jn725. [Cf. 015as f-avT05)?]
o-wi-ro. KN Ddl218. Ou-ilos? [Cf. ’OtAEU5 II.
xni, 697 -f .]
o-wo-to. PY 40 = -An22, \'n04. Nom. and dat.
pa-da-/e-«, PA’ .\nl6, Eb23 -1- . Pandaieus. Bennett;
= pa-de-we-u.
pa-da-je-we, PA' 123 = E0O6. Dat. : Pandaieiiei.
pa2-da-ro. KN \' 831. Sittlg : Pandaros. [TlccvSapos
II. IV, 88 + .]
pa^-da-so, KN Dbl297. Pddasos? [flfjSaCTOS 11. vi,
21 + .]
pa-de-we-u, PY 148 = Ep04. Cf. pa-da-je-u.
pa-rff-fo, KN Sc224. Pandwn. [TForvSlcov //.xn,372.]
pa-ja-ni-jo, KN Fp354. Nom. or dat.?: Paianios,
-loi. [Flaidvios; cf. TTaiavite name of an Attic
deme.]
pa-ku-ro^, PY 44=.An29, Jn750. Palmer: Bai-
kulos. [BocIkuAos.]
pa^-me-si-jo, KN 38 = Asl516. Cf. next. Parnesios.
[Cf. ndpicro? river in Messenia.]
pa^-mi-si-jo, KN Sc 135. Alternative spelling of
the preceding; Pamisios.
pa-na-ki, MA^ 93 = Fol01. Dat. Phainaki? [Oai-
va^.]
pa-na-re-jo, KN \' 1004, 38 = .Asl516, 39 = Asl517,
U 0478, PA’ Fn867. Panareios. -on. [Cf.
riavdpris (a Cretan").]
pa-i-ni-ko, KN Ddl283. Pdnikos? Palmer: Pha-
niskos.
pa^-nu-wa-so, KN 38 = Asl516. Ventris; cf.
ITauuaai;, FfavOao-o?; Chadwick: Parnwasos?
pa^-nwa-so, KN Dl 943. .Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
PA’ 254=Jn04, Pamphaios. [fldpqjaios.]
pa-pa-ro, KN X 206, Dx207, PY Cn643 (?)
[Cn719]. Ventris; Barbaras', Chadwick: Par-
paros? [BdpPapos; cf. place-name ndpirapos.]
pa^-pa^-ro, KN .As604. .Alternative spelling of the
preceding ?
pa-qo-si-jo, [KN Dx441, Dx988], PY 253=Jn01.
Pang^osios. [Cf. flappcoTaSai name of an
-Attic deme, ftappcSTis title of Demeter.]
pa-qo-si-jo-fo, PY 253=Jn01. Gen.: Pang^d-
sioio.
pa-qo-ta, PY 255=Jn658-t- . Pang^dtds. [Cf. the
preceding.]
pa^-ra^. PA' .An 16. Pallans?
pav-ra^-te. PY 50 = .Anl8 rev., .An30. Dat.;
Pallantei.
pa^-ra-i-so, KN A 466. Perhaps a place-name
= Praisos. Palmer: Blaisos. [BAaiaos.]
pao-ra-jo, KN 39 = .Asl517. Pharaios? [Here ap-
parently not ethnic; cf pa^-ra-jo in Place-
names.]
pa-ra-ke-se-we, PA’ Fn03. Dat.; Prdxewei.
pa-ra-ko, KN Sc258, PA’ Eb03, 119 = Eo02,
131 = Ep01, 148 = Ep04. Nom. and dat.
Phalaikos, -oil Georgiev: Plakos. [thdAaiKO?;
riAdKOS mountain II. vi, 396.]
pa 2 -ra.,-ro, KN Dl 932. Phalaros. [dtdAapos.]
pa-ra-ti-jo, KN’78 = C 914. Pallantios.
pa^-rav-ti-jo, KN Dgl235. .Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
pa-ra-to, KN Dbl373. Platon? Georgiev also;
Phalanthos. [FlAdTcov, OdAovSo^.]
pa-re, KN Sc247, Sc249. Phales. [chaAfjS.]
poz^-ro^, KN E>wl422. Balios, Phalios? [BaAios,
OdAio;.]
pa,-sa-re-wp, PA’ Sa755. Gen.: Bassarewos?
[Cf. BaaaapEus title of Dionysus.]
422
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
pa-ta, PY C11I4. Dat. ; Phantdi? [OavT-qj.]
pa-ti, KN Ddl281, 38 = Asl516. Georgiev: Bath.
[BaTis.]
pa-wa-wo., KN Sc254, PY Cn07, \’n03.
pa-wi-no, KN B 799. B 805. Georgiev; Phawimios
or Phaulnos. \ Oaswo;, OaTvo;.]
pe-i/a-j-o, KN Fh341. Pedaios? [TlTiSaios //. v, 69.]
pe-ke-u, ^lY 105 = Ge602, 106 = Ge603 + . Phegeus ?
[CtiqyEus II. V, II.]
pe-ki-ta, PY I15 = En03, [120 = Eo03], 122 = Eo05.
pe-po-ro, KN De6060, PY Jn02. Peplos. [TTetiXos.]
pe-qe-ro-jo, PY Sa768. Gen. [Cf. nev9iAo5 or
rTEVTsAri ?]
pe-qe-u, KN \'dl37Air, PY Jn693. [Cf. ttevte,
TTETTCOV?]
pe-qe-we, PY Cnl3, Fn06. Dat.
pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka, PY 248 = Va01. Presguwanax.
pe-re-qo-ni-jo. PY 59 = An656, Presg‘‘6nios? [Cf.
npEopoiu, np£CTpcovid6q5.]
[pe]-r^-qo-no. PY Jn725. 3. Presg'^onos. [Cf. the
preceding.]
pe-re-qo-no-jo, PY Eal2. Cen. ; Presg^onoio.
pe-re-qo-ta, PY 116 = En659. Dat.; possibly the
same name as qe-re-qo-ta-o.
pe-re-ta, PY 255=Jn658 + . Pleistds. [Cf. flAsT-
CTTOSj TTAEiaTias, etc.]
pe-re-wa-ta. KN X 183. PY An 15. Plewdlds?
[Cf. TtAect).]
pe-ri-me-de, PY 59 = An656. Perimedes. [TTEpi-
pq6qs II. XV, 515.]
pe-ri-me-de-o, PY43 = Sn01. Cen.: Perimedeos.
p^-ri-mo, PY 43 = Sn01. Perirnos. [TTspipos II. xvi,
695.]
pe-ri-no, PY 58 = .-An654, Jn706. Pelinos? [FleAivos
founder of flEAivva.]
pe-ri-qo-ta, PY Jn693. Perig^otds, etc. (see p. 94) ;
Ceorgiev compares flEpipoTaSas.
pe-Tx-qo-ta-o, KN Dw42, Dx46. Cen.: Peri-
g'^otdo.
pe-ri-ra-wo,PY 58 = An654. Perildwos. [TTEpiAaos.]
pc-ri-fa, KN V 60, 232= K 875. Peritds. [ntpiTas.]
pe-ri-te-u. KN C 954, B 5025, PY 58 = An654.
Perintheus? [Cf. place-name n£piv9os.]
pe-ri-to-wo, KN [\Y171], \’cl95. Perithozvos.
[flEipieoos (TTei- metrical lengthening) II. xii.
1 29-]
pe-s'e-ro, MY 105 = Ce602. : Pselloi. [YeAAos
only late as name; as adjective from .Aesch.]
pe-se-ro-jo, KN 24 = .Ai63. Cen.: Pselloio.
pe-ta~ro, PY 253=Jn01. Pelalos. [flETaAos.]
pe-te-ki-ja, KN 38 = . As 15 16.
pe-te~u, KN .As603. [Not FFevSeOs if this is derived
from 7 tev 9 o 5.]
pe-we-ri-jo, KN 39 = An 15 17.
pi-ja-se-me, KN 38 = Asl516.
pi-ja-si-ro, KN 38 = Asl516.
pi-ke-re-ii, PY Eb05. 131 = Ep01. Pigreus, Pxkreus.
[Cf. C^-pr. gen. pi-ki-re-vo Schvvyzer, Dial.
684, 5.]
pi-ke-re-wo,PY 115 = En03, 122 = Eo05. Cen.:
Pigrewos.
pi-ke-re-we, PY 122=Eo05. Dat.: Pigrewei.
pi-me-ta, PY 61 = Cn04. Dat.
pi-ra-jo, PY 30 = Ae03, 104 = Un09. Philaios.
[OlAaiog.]
pi-ra-ka-ra, KN Ap639. Fern.: Philagrd. [Cf.
OlAaypos.]
pi-ra-me-no, KN E 36, PY 254=Jn04. Phila-
menos? [Cf. (pTAaro It. v, 6i-(-, piAdusuos
xrv,_i549.]
pi-ra-gt>, KN Vcl81. Phildg^os? [OiAqjSo?; but this
is doubtful in view of Dor. fi|3a.]
pi-re-se-[u?], PY Fn03. Philiseus?
pi-ri-ja-me-ja, PA^ 50 = An 18 rev'. Priameids? [Cf.
flpiano; II. I. I9 + -]
pi-ri-no, KN 38 = Asl516. Philinos. [OiAIvo;.]
pi-ri-sa-ta, KN U 0478. Philistdi. [OiAio-Tqs.]
pi-ri-ta, PY Vnll91. Fem. : Philistd. [CPiAioTa.]
pi-ri-ta-wo-no, PA' 117=En01. Cen.: Bjorck:
Bhtkdwonos. [Cf. Bpi9o;y6pa?.]
pi-ri-to-jo, KN C 911. Cen.: Philistoio. [Ol-
Aioto?.]
pi-ro-i-ta, KN A' 1523. Philoitds. [cPiAoiTps; cf.
cPiAoiTios Od. XX. 183-f.]
pi-ro-na, PA' Ep03. Fem.: Philond.
pi-ro-ne-ta, PA’ 255=Jn658. Phtlonetds?
pi-ro-pa-ta-ra, PY \'nI191. Fem.: Philopatrd.
pi-ro-pa^-wo, KN .As609. Philoppdwdn [cf. <PiAo-
KTqpcov] or Phil-opdwdn [cf. o-pa.,-:co-ni].
pi-ro-ta-no, PA’ 168=Es644, 167=Es650-r. Phild-
tawos? [= OiAwTas?]
pi-ro-te-ko-to.PY 167=Es650rev. Philotektdn (oris
the correct reading pi-ro te-ko-to Phxlon tekton ?) .
pi-ro-we-ko, PY 254=Jn04. Philotvergos. [CPiAoOp-
yo?-]
pi-ta-ke-u, PA’ 254=Jn04. A’entris: Pithdkeus;
Chadwick; Pittakeus. [Cf. TTiTTaKos.]
pi-we-ri-ja-ta, PA’ 254=Jn04. Cf. pi-we-ri-si (dat.
plur.) MA’ 93 = Fol01. Pizieridtdx. [Cf.
fliepiti II. XIV, 226.]
po-i-te-u, KN Da 1083. Phoiteus. [Cf. ne.xt.]
po-i-ti-jo, KN Da 13 14. Phoiiios. [Cf. place-name
OoiTiat.]
po-ke-we, PA' 61 = Cn04. Dat. : Phokeivei, Phor-
kewsi ?
po-ki-ro-qo, PA' 258=Kn01, 43 = Sn01, 58 =
-An654. Poikiloq'‘s, -oq’‘os'i
po-ki-te, KN B 806.
po-Ato-ro, PA’ 61 = Cn04-r . Dat.
po-ma-ko. PA' Cnl3. Ceorgiev: Poimarkhos, -dgos.
po-mi-ni-jo. KN A’ 503, Cal019. Poimnion or
Poiminios? [TToiuvicov. floitiEvios.]
po-no-pa.,-ta, PA' Fn03. Pornopdtds? [Cf. Aeol.
tropvop = Att. irdpvoy.]
po-ri-ko, PY Cn05. Potikhos? [floAixos-]
po-ri-wo, KN C 911.3. Poliuos. [ttoAio;, cf.
po-ri-wa in A’ocabulary.]
/70-ro, KN 67 = Dd 1 1 7 1 . Ceorgiev : Po/oj-. [flcoAos.]
po-ro-paj-ta-fo, PA’ 62= Cn655. Prospaltaios? [Cf.
flpoairaATa name of an .Attic deme.]
po-ro-qe-re-je-wo, KN B 822. Cen.: Furumark:
Proq^eleiewos.
423
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
po-ro-u-jo, PY 255 = Jn658 + .
po-ro-u-te-u, KN 66=Dcll29, PY 253=Jn01,
[Vn03]. Plouteus. [TIAouteus.]
po-ro-u-te-wo, PY 253=Jn01. Gen.: Ploutewos.
po-ro-u-te-ne, PY 61 = Cn04. Dat. : Ploutewei.
po-ro-te-u, PY Eq02. Incomplete spelling of
nom.; or = Proteus?
po-ru-da-si-jo, PY An29. Cf. po-ru-da-si-l, KN
X 7561.
po-ru-e-ro, PY 255=Jn658. Polu-.
po-ru-ka-to, KN 'V’c74. Polukastos? [Cf. floAu-
KaoTTi Od. Ill, 464.]
po-ru-go-ta,PY Cnl4,Jn845. Nom. and dat. : Polu-
q'^hontds, -di. [floAucpovTtis II. iv, 395] ; Geor-
giev : Polug“dtds. [floAupcoTtis.]
po-ru-to, PY An24. Georgiev: Poluios.
po-ru-we-wo, PY Sa796. Gen.
po-so-pe-re-i, PY Cnl4. Dat.: Posophelei? [Cf.
Trpoao9£lA&i, flpoaotrEAla.]
po-so-re-ja, PY 119 = Eo02, Ep03. Fem. : Psoleia?
po-so-ri-jo, PY 258 = Kn01 edge. Psolidn?
po-so-ri-jo-no, PY 43 = SnO 1 . Gen. : Psolionos.
po-so-ro, PYJn02 + . Psolon? [YoAcov.]
po-te-u, PY 57 = .An43, Cnl3. Cf. po-i-te-u; or
Ponteus. [flovTEus Od. viii, 1 1 3.]
po-te-wo, PY 129 = Eo268 (Ea20), 117=En01.
po-ti-jo, KN B 804. Pontios. [TToutios.]
po-to, KN 38 = Asl516. Pantos? Georgiev: Potos.
[TTovto;, TToto;.]
po-to-re-ma-ta, PY Jn02. Ptolemdtds. [Cf. floAs-
pdras.]
po-to-ri-jOi KN 39 = Asl517. Ptalidn?
po-to-ri-ka-ta, KN 162=Uf983. Ptolikhdtds?
pte-jo-Ti, PY 50 = -An 18 rev.
pu-ka-ro, MY 93 = Fol01. Dat.
pui?-ke, MY 105 = Ge602 + . Puges, Phuskes?
pu-ke-o, MY 106 = Ge603. [107 = Ge604.]
pu2?-ke-qi-ri, PY 235 = Ta711. Fem.?
pu-ko-ro, PY 50 = . An 18 rev., Fn864; cf. pu-ko-
ro-[?] Jn05. Purkolos. [m/piroAos; cf. ttup-
ttoAeco Od. X, 30.]
pu-ito-H’o, PA’ 143 = Ep705. Purkowos. [Cf. Delph.
riupKOOl.]
pu-ra-ko, KN X 141. Phulakos. [tPuAoncos II. vi,
35-]
pu-ra-so, KN Dv5677. Purasos. [TTupaaos IL xi,
491-]
pu-re-wa, KN U 0478. [Cf. iDuAeus.]
pu-ri, KN F 452, V 479, B 799. Puris. [TOp.s
II. XVI, 416.]
pu-te, KN 38 = .Asl516. Puthes. [TOOtis-]
pu-te-u, PY Jn03. Phuteus. [CPuteus.]
pu-ti-ja, PY .An21. Puthids. [fluOias.]
pu 2 ?-ti-ja, PA’ Jn02, 59 = .An656. .Alternative
spelling of the preceding?
pu 2 ?-to, KN Ufl522. Dat.? [Cf. Outoov.]
pu-to-ro, KN 38 = .Asl516, Da 1333 (PA’ 251 =
\'n02 not name I .
pn-wa, KN .Ap639. Pern..'. Purwd. [flOppa.]
pu-wi-no, PY 61 = Cn04, 62=Cn655. Nom. and
dat.: Punvinos, -di. [nuppivo5.]
pu-wo, KN C 912, 38 = Asl516, MY 106 = Ge603
Purwos. [TTuppos; cf. Corinth. TTuppo; (name
of a horse), Schvvyzer, Dial. 123, 15.]
pu-za-ko, PY Cn05.
qe-ra-di-ri-jo, KN Sc246. Q^elandrios. [Cf. TpAav-
6pos.]
qe-ra-jo, KN Ap482, X 5523. Georgiev; Qphe-
raios. [Cf. GripaTo; ethnic of 01) pa; 69 p<
*ghuer-.'\
qe-re-me-ne-u, PA’ Jn845. Qpelemeneus, Qphere-
meneus? [TpAE-; cf. ©ripipEvris.]
qe-re-qo-ta-o, PA’ 116 = En659. Gen. : Qpele-
q^ho{n)tdo, etc. (see pp. 94, 245).
qe-re-wa, KN X 122, X 296. Q^eleit'ds? Geor-
giev'; Q^elewds. [Cf. TeAecou; TriAtes.]
qe-re-wa-Q^ PY 62=Cn655. Gen.: Qpeleiido.
qe-ri-jo, KN 23 = Agl654. Nom. or gen.?
Georgiev: Qpheridn. [0r|picov.]
qe-ri-ta, PA’ [148=Ep04], Eb900. Fem.
qe-ta-ra-je-u, PY Jn845.
qe-ta-se-u, KN .As5869.
qe-ta-wo, PY 253=Jn01. Qphestdwon? [Cf.
©Ecrrcop II. XVI, 401.]
qe-te-se-u, KN .As5866.
qi-ja-to, KN Dbll40. [Cf. Tiotos.]
qi-qe-ro, KN 39 = .Asl517.
qi-ri-ta-ko, PY 62=Cn655.
qi-si-fa-ko, PY Jn706.
qi-to-no-ro, KN 38 = Asl516.
qo-ja-ni, KN Ap639. Fem. [Cf. flolas?]
qo-ta-wo, PY 50=.Anl8 (in PA’ Na 24 place-
name) .
qo-te-ro, KN X 1495, 38 = .Asl516, PY 32 = .Ae05,
40=An22.
qo-wa-ke-se-u, KN As602. G^oiva.xeus. [Bo0s +
ay CO.]
ra-ke-da-no, MY 106 = Ge603. ?-dnor. [Cf. Aoke-
Scripcov?]
ra-ke-da-no-re, MY 107 = Ge604. Dat. : -dnorei.
ra-ku-ro, PY Eb02, 126 = Eo281 (Ec04), 131 =
EpOl. Nom. and dat.
ra-ku-ro-jo, PA' 116 = En659. Gen.
ra-pa-do, PY EcOl. Lampadon? [Cf. AapTtaSicov.]
ra-pa-sa-ko, PA' 61 = Cn04. Dat.; Lampsakoi?
[Cf. place-name Aapyaxos.]
ra-pa-sa-ko-jo, PY 62=Cn655. Gen.; Lampsa-
koio.
ra-pe-do, PA' 58 = An654.
ra-su-ro, PY 116 = En659, Ep02.
ra-u-ra-ta, KN DdlSOO. Laurdtds?
ra-wa-ra-ta, PA’ .An723. .Alternative spelling of
the preceding?
ra-wo-do-ko, PA’ Ea802. Ldwodokos. [AaoSoKo?
II. IV, 87 -I- .]
ra-wo-ke-ta, [KN .As5869], PA’ Jn05. Ldwoskhetds?
ra-wo-po-qo, KN .As0493. A’entris: Ldwopoq'‘os ;
Georgiev; Ldwophog^os. [Cf. Appo-KOTros;
Api-9oPo5.]
ra-wo-qo-no, KN B 798. Ldwoq“honos. [Cf. next.].
424
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
ra-wo-qo-no-jo, KN D1928, Da 1650. Gen.:
Ldwoq'‘honoio.
ra-wo-qo-ta, PY Jn750. Ldwoq“honlds? [Aeco-
(pOVTTlS.]
ra-wo-ti-jo, KX Ce61, X 203.
re-ka, PY Eb886, Ep02. Fem. [Cf. masc. AeIxocs
or 'PeKag.]
re-pi-ri-jo, PY Eq02. Leprios? [Cf. AETrpEU5;
AsnpEov town in Triphylia.]
re-u-ka-so, PY PaOl. Dat.; Leitkasdi? [Cf. Aeu-
Koaia Messenian stream.]
re-u-ka-ta. KN Ce61, PY 255=Jn658. LeukdtdsJ
re-u-ko-jo, theses hi. iv. Gen.: Leukoio. [AeOko;
//. i\', 491.]
re-u-ko-ro-o-pu 2 ^-ru, PY Jn08. Palmer: error for
Leukophrus.
re-H’a-/o, KN 216 = Ld871. Dat.
re-wa-o, PY Fn03. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
re-H’o, KX’ X 7663. Levcon. [Aecov.]
ri-me-ne, PY 56 = An657.
ri-so-wa, KX’ X 7756, PY 44 — .\n29.
ri-zo. KN B 800, 39 = As15174-, PY 40 = .\n22.
Rizon? ['Pijwv.]
ro-ko, PY Cnl4. Dat.: Logoi', Georgiev: Lokhdi.
[Aoyos, Aoxos.]
ro-qo-ta, PY 60 = .\n661.
ro-u-ko, PY [44 = .\n29], 57 = .'\n43. Georgiev:
Loukon. [But Aoukcou is merely Boeotian
spelling for Aukoov.]
ro-wo, PY Jn750. Rhowos? [Cf. 'Polos?]
ru-ki-jo, PY Gn720, Jn08. Lukios. Lurkios?
[AuKlOS, AupKlOS.]
ru-ko, PY PnOl. Lukos, Lukdn? [Aukos; Aukcov
II. XVT, 335.]
ru-ko-ro, PY Ea09, 109 = Ea782T. Ltigros?
ru-ko-ro-jo, PY Ea823. Gen. : Lugroio.
ru-ko-wo-ro, PY [168 = Es644], 167 = Es650 rev.
Lukoworos, Lukouros. [Cf. place-name Au-
Koupla (.Arcadia).]
ru-ko-u-ro, PY Es729. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
ru-na, KN 38 = . As 15 16. [Cf. place-name Aupvas.]
ru-na-so, KX’ X 1439-1- . Lumassos? [Cf. place-
name AupvriCTCTos II. II, 6go + .]
ru-ro, KN V 832, PY 258 = Kn01, 43 = Sn01.
Luros? [Aupos-]
ru-ta^, KN Dx5294. [Cf. place-name 'Putios
(C rete) II. ii, 648.]
ru-ta^-no, KN .Ap639. Fem.
ru-*5i-o. PAM15 = En03. Gen.
ru-*83-e, PY 120 = Eo03. Dat.
5a-fce-re-«, PA’ Ea776. Jn03. Georgiev: =ZaypEvs?
sa-ke-re-wo, PY Ea736. Gen.
sa-ke-re-we, PA’ EaOl, Eal8. Dat.
sa-ma-ti-ja, KN Ap639. Fem. : Sarmatid?
sa-me-ti-jo, KX’ 232 = K 875.
sa-mi, KN Ap639. Fem.
sa-mu?-ta-jo. KN 225 = L 520, PA’ 254=Jn04.
\’n865. Samuthaios? [Cf. fem. Zapu0a.]
sa-ni-jo. PA’ .An24, Cn09. Sanmdn. [Eauvlcou.]
sa-pi-ti-nu-wo, KX' 38 = . As 15 16.
sa-ra-pe-do, PA’ 153=:Er02. Sittig: Sarpedon: but
possibly not a man’s name: see \’ocabulary^
KX’ 38 = Asl516. Saurios? [Cf 2!o:0pos,
Sotuplas.]
se-no, PA’ 61 = Cn04, 62=Cn655, 168 = Es644,
167 = Es650 + . Nom. and dat.
se-ri-na-ta, KX U 0478. Selindtds. [oeAivov; cf.
se-n-no in A’oca'bulary.]
si-da-jo, KN Od562, X 7626. Sidaios. [Cf. place-
name 25ai.]
si-ja-pu.^-ro. KX 38 = As 15 16.
si-ma. PA’ 114=En02. 118 = Eo01. Fem.: Sima.
[apiij^
si-mo. KX Sc263. Siinos, Svtidn. [Siaos, SIpcov.]
si-ne-e-ja, KX’ .Ap639. Fem.
si-nu-ke, KX .Ap639. Fem.
si-pu,?. KX 38 = As 15 16.
si-ra-no, KN A’ 466. Sildnos. [EiAavos. ZiArivos.]
si-ri-jo. PA’ 148=Ep04. Sirios?
si-[ri]-jo-jo. PA’ Eb22. Gen.: Sirioio.
si-za. KX .As 1520.
so-u-ro. PA’ 119= E0O2 .
su-ke-re. KX .As40.
su-ke-re-o, KX 38 = .Asl516. Gen.
sn-ki-ri-to, KN 38 = .Asl516. Georgiev: Sunkritos.
[ovyKpiTOs; but the usual Myc. form is fyjv-,
see A’ocabular)'.] Cf. place-name su-ki-ri-ta.
su-mi, KN 38 = .Asl516.
ta-de-so, KN Dfl285. Del409. theses vni.
ta-mi-de-so. KX D1 944.
ta-mi-e-u, PA’ 253=Jn01. Tamieus. [Cf. Taplaj.]
ta-na-wo, PA’ Jn693. Taria-xosl [Cf. ta-na-wa in
\'ocabular%-.]
ta-ra-rna-ta, PY Eal3, 112=Ea825 + , \’n851.
Thalamdtds. [Cf. ©aAapctTas inhabitant of
©aAdpai.]
ta-ra-ma-ta-o. PA’ {31 = .Ae04), 32 = .Ae05-l-.
Ea82 1 . Gen. : Thalamdtdo.
ta-ra-mi-ka. PA' Eb27, 143 = Ep705. Fem.:
Thalamikd, -iskd.
ta-ra-to, PA’ .Anl6, 121 = Eo04. Straton? [Srpa-
Tcov; but cf. .Aeol. Boeot. axpoT-.]
ta-ra^-to. PA’ Eb45, 124=Eo351 (Ee02 . 115 =
En03. 116=En659. .Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
ta-re-u. PA’ Jn693. Thaleus? [©aAEU5= ©aAfjs:
not =TripEVj5?]
ta-so, KX C 911. X 5200. Stasdn? [ZTdaoov.]
ta-ta-ke-u. PA’ 62 = Cn655. Startdgens ? [Cret.
crTapTOS= CTTpaTos.]
ta-ta-ro, PA’ 119 = Eo02, 131 = Ep01. Xom. and
dat.: Tantalos. -di. [TavraAos Od. xi. 582.]
ta-ti-qo-we-u, PA’ 55 = .An724(32 >. Stdlig'‘oweus?
ta-ti-qo-we-wo, PA’ 58 = .An654. Gen.
ta-to. KX .As602. PA’ Cn09(?;. Statos?
ta-ii-ro. KX A’ 832. Tauros. [Taupo; mythical
king of Crete.]
ta-we-si-jo, KX Dwl332.
425
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ta-we-si-jo-jo, PY 40 = An22 + . Gen.
ta-za-ro, KN V 503, 85 = Ch896, Dbl097 + .
te-o-po-[, PY 50 = An 18 rev. Theo-?
te-pa^-ja, KN Ap5864, PY Ep03. Fem. Thebaid?
te-pe-u, PY An21.
te-po-se-u, PY 258 = Kn01, OnOl. [Cf. place-
name TeA90UCTa (Arcadia).]
re-ra-wo, MY 4^ = Aul02. Teldwdn? [Cf. TsAeoov.]
te-ra-wo-ne, PY Fnll92. Dat Teldwonei?
te-re-ja-wo, KN Vcl88. Teleidwon? [Cf. te-re-ja
in Vocabulary.]
te-se-u, PY 115 = En03, 120 = Eo03. Theseus.
[0ria£us II. I, 265.]
te-te-re-u, PY Ep03, 254=Jn04. Tethreus?
te-te-u, KN V 958. Tentheus, Tertheus? [TtpeEus-]
te-u-to, KN X 292, PY Jn02 + . Teuthos?
te-wa-jo, KN Cel56, PY Fn03. Palmer: = te-wa-ro.
te-wa-ro, MY 228 = Oelll. Dat.: Palmer:
Thewaloi.
ti-ma-wo, PY 62 = Cn655. Bennett reads ti-ke-wo.
ti-pa^-jo, KN 39 = -As 1 5 1 7, PY 128 = Eo278 (EbO 1 ),
253=Jn01. Stilbaios? Andrews: Thisbaios.
[STiXpaios, ©lapalo;.]
ti-pa^-jo-jo, PY 117 = EnO 1 . Gen. : -oio.
ti-r!-da-ro,PYEal4. Triddlos? [Cf. ’Api-6riXos, etc.]
ti-ri-jo, PY Cn09. [Cf. place-name ©pioOs-j
ti~ri-jo~paz> KN 298 = Sc226, Vc303-{-. Triopds.
[Tpiotras; cf. TpioTto; h. Horn, iii, Q13.]
ti-ri-po-di-ko, PY Cnl2. Dat.: Tripodiskdi. [Cf.
place-name TptTT051<jKO5 and ti-ri-po-di-ko in
Vocabulary.]
fi-ta-[.]-HCi, PY 254=Jn04.
to-ke-u, PY Anl3. Tokens? Stoikheus? [ZTOiyeus.]
to-ko-so-ta, KN X 7624. Toxoids-, perhaps not a
name.
fo-nVo, PY Jn605. Stolios?
to-ro-ja, PY 143 = Ep703. Fem.: Troid?
to-ro-o, PY 57 = .An43. Gen.: Troos. [Tpw5 IL v,
265 + .]
to-ro-wi, PY 61 = Cn04, Jn02.
to-ro-wi-ko, PY 62=Cn655. Gen.?
to-ro-wi-ka, PY -An24.
to-ru-ko-ro, PY 62 = Cn655.
to-ti-ja. MY 93 = Fol01. Fem.?
to-wi-no, KN Do923. [Cf. ©otuos?]
tu-ka-na, KN .Ap639. 10, 11. (Two women of the
same name?) 'Sem..-. Stugnd?
tu-ke-ne-ii, PY 253=Jn01. Stugneus?
tu-poi-ni-ja-so, KN [I>v\'920], Dbl279-r. [Cf.
place-name Tu[ti]Trav£ai: Tutitrotvlas ?]
tu-ri-ja-jo, PY Jn03. Thuriaios? [Cf. place-name
©uptai.]
tu-r!-/a-f!. PY 116= En659. ¥em.:Thuridtis? [Cf.
©upsaTi; (yfi,!.]
tu-ri-jo, PY Jn693. Turios?
tu-ri-si-jo-jo, PY Sa758. Gen. : Tulisioio. [Cf.
tu-ri-so in Place-names.]
tu-ri-ta, PY Cnl4. Dat.
tu-ru-we-u, PY 40=-An22, Cnl5. Tkrueus. [Cf.
place-name ©puov (PNdos: II. ii, 592.]
tu-si-je-u. PY 57 = -An43. [Cf. next.]
tu-ti-je-u, PY Cn09. [Cf. place-names ©uaraov,
©i/Tiov.]
tu-we-ta, PY 103 = Un08. Palmer: dat.: Thuestdi.
[©utoTpS II. II, 107.]
tu-wi-no, KN 102 = Ga517. Tivinon? [Cf. Svcov,
aivopai < *twin-.']
tu-wi-no-no, KN Ga676. Gen.: Twinonos?
tu-zo, KN Ap639. Fem.
tu-*49-mi, KN Ap639. Fem.
u-pa^-mo, KN Mc0454. Ventris: Hupamos?
[ = UTr(iT 05 .]
u-ra-jo, KN B 799, Dwll99-H. Hulaios, Huraios?
[‘YXaios, 'Ypatos.]
u-ra-mo-no, KN 38 = Asl516. Hulamnos?
u-re-u, PY Vn865. Huleus, Hulleus? ['YXeus,
*YXXeus.]
u-ro 2 , KN Db5367. Hullos. ["YXXos; as name of
a river II. xx, 392.]
u--wa-mi-ja, PY 137 = Eb30, 135 = Ep704. Fem.:
Huamid? [Cf. place-name ‘Ydpsia (Mes-
senia).]
u-wa-ta, KN Ddl286. Huantds? [Cf. ‘Yovts?:
Georgiev: cf. 'Yorai.]
u-wa-si-jo, KN Ail 15. Adjective from the
preceding? {pa-ro u-wa-si-jo ko-wo ‘from the
son of H.’;.
»va-ao-fa, MY 46 = .Aul02.
wa-de-o, PY Sa766. Gen.: Wddeos (from nom.
-«?). [Cf. ‘H6 u5.]
-n-a-di-re-we, PY Fn06. Dat.? Wddilewei? [Cf.
•H6OX0S.]
wa-do-me-no, PY Vn04. Wddomenos. [pSopai.]
wa-du-ka-sa-rd, KN Da 1445. Wddu-?
tva-du-na, KN V 503 -I- . IVddwids?
wa-du-na-ro, KN C 912, Del 118, Dbl242-t--
IVddu-?
wa-du-na-to, KN 38 = -Asl516. (Erroneous spelling
of the preceding?)
wa-du-ri-jo, PY Jn725. Wddulios. [Cf. 'HSuXo;.]
wa-ka-ta. PY 255=Jn658.
wa-na-ta-jo, KN V 466, PY (114=En02), 118 =
EoOl, il9 = Eo02, 131 = Ep01. Nom. and dat.
Warnataios, -di? [Cf. ’Apvalos Od. xviii, 5.]
wa-na-ta-jo-jo, PY 114=En02, 118 = Eo01.
Gen. : Wamataioio.
wg-ni-ko, PY Jn05. Georgiev: Warniskos. [’Ap-
viaKo;.]
wa-no-jo. PY Cnl2, Cnl4.Gen. : Warnoio? ['Apvos.]
wa-pa-ro-jo, PY 59 = .\n656. Gen.: Wapaloio?
[’ATraXo; Boisacq j.c. cerraXo;.]
wa-ra-pi-si-ro. MY 46 = -Aul02, [PY Cn08].
Wrapsilos ?
wa-ru-wo-qo, KN38 = .\sl516.
wa-tu-o-ko. PY Ea03. XVastuokhos. [Cf. ’Aoruoxtl
11,513-]
wa-tu-wa-o-ko, PY57 = -\n43. .Apparently alter-
native spelling of the preceding; influenced
by ^TroXidoyo;, Epic TroXipoxo?; Lacon.
TToXiaxoi ?
426
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
wa-u-do-no, PY 254=Jn04. lVaud(o)nos? [Cf.
AuSovalo;, A06vaTos name of Macedonian
month.]
we-da-ne-wo. PY 54=Anl9, Cnll, 168 = Es644-J- .
Gen. [Ventris: cf. Eu8av6no;.]
we-da-ne-we, PY 169=Es646 + . Dat.
we-u-da-ne-we, PY 77=Cn23. Alternative
spelling of the preceding?
we-i-we-sa, MY 93 = Fol01. Dat.; fern.?
we-ka-di-jo, KN \ 831, U 0478. Wergadios,
Wekadiosl [Cf. ’Epyd6si5, FhEKa5ati06 (Boeot.)
Schwyzer, Dial. 452, 5.]
we-ke-i-jo, PY Jn937 (joined). Ekkeion? [Cf.
’Exicov.]
we-ro-ta, PY Anl5. IVelotds? [ = dXcoTris?
(Boisacq *£feAco-,.]
^,e-te-re-u, PY 142=Eb32 + . 115 = En03, 116 =
En659, 121 = Eo04, Ep03. IlMhtiw? (Pos-
sibly a title).
we-we-si-Jo, KN^ L 654, 70 = Dgll584-, PY 255 =
Jn658-I-. Werwesios? Palmer: XVelwesioi.
[Cf. EipEai-cbvTi.]
we-we-si-jo-jo, KN 68 = Del648-I- . Gen. -oio.
wi-da-jo, KN A' 60. Widaios. [’ISalo?.]
wi-da-ma-ta^, KN .\p639, L 1568. Fem.
wi-do-wo-i-jo, PY -\dl7, .Vn24. Widwoios. [Cf.
i6uToi, Lacon. pi5uoi, Messen. plSuioi.]
wi-du-wo-i-jo, PY Jn08. .-Vlternative spelling of
the preceding.
wi-wo-wo-i-jo, PY Ep03. Erroneous spelling?
wi-du-ro, KN B 799. [Cf "ISupo; name of a
river.]
V(-du-wa-ko, PY 253=Jn01.
m-ja-ma-ro, KN Dal378, 38 = Asl516.
wi-ja-na-tu, KN Ap769. Fem.
wi-ja-ni-jo, PYJn03. [Cf. ’lavvios.]
wi-ja-te-wo, PY Jn03. Gen.
wi-ja-te-we, YY Cnll + . Dat.
wi-jo-qo-ta, KN Dbl305. lViog'‘otds? [’lopdTris.]
wi-jo-ro-jo, PYJn725. [Cf. 'ioAaoj.]
wi-na-jo, KN 232 = K 875. Fhl059, Dal 197-1- .
wi-pi-no-o. KN \' 958. M'lphinoos. [’Ipivoos II.
wi-pi-o, KN X 5103. Wiphion. [’Ipiwv.]
wi-ra-ne-to . KN 38 = .\sl516.
wi-ri-ja-no, PY Ea06. IVrianos. [‘Piavo;.]
wi-ro. KN 38 = .\sl516. XVilos or Wiros. [’IA05
II. XX, 232; ’’Ipo; Od. XVIII, I,]
wi-tu-ri-jo, KN X 770, ll'itulios? [Cf. ’ItuAo;
Od. XIX, 522.]
Ko-di-je-ja. KN .\p639, PY VnI19I. Fem.
Ho-di-jo, KN \' 60, PY Jn02,
wo-ki-to. PY 61 = Cn04.
wo-ne-wa, PY 58 = An654. Xi'oineiL’ds?
wo-ro-ko-jo, PY Sa763. Gen.: Wroikoiol [but cf.
ro-i-ko in A'ocabulary].
wo-ro-ti-ja. PY Es728, [168 = Es644]. WorthidsI
wo-ro-ti-ja-o, PY 167 = Es650. Gen.
Ho-ro-tu-mi-ni-jq. PY 60=.\n661. [Cf. place-
name ‘PiSupvia?]
Ho-tu-ko, PY Xn03. XX'ortiigon. [’OpThycov; cf.
yopTuI Hesych.]
uo-wi-Ja-ta. PY .\n25. 255=Jn6584-.
za-kii-si-jo. MY Oel22. i^akunsios. [Cf. ethnic
ZaKuvdios: ZdKUvOo; II. 11. 634; cf za-ku-si-jo
in list of Pylos place-names.]
ze-pu«^-ro. PY EaI8. Palmer: I^ephuros.
zo-wi-jo. KN \' 1523. PY Cnl4. Nom. and dat.:
ZoiL-ios, -oil
Names with Untranscribed Initi.^ls
*18-to-no, KN Ap639. Fem. *85-ke-na. PY Anl6. 258=Kn01. 235 = Ta711.
*85-ja-to, M\" 46 = .\ul02. *85-ta-mo. PY 255=Jn658 + .
Names with
^-ke-se-ra-wo, see de-ke-se-ra-iro.
^-mo-ke-re-we-i. see da-nw-ke-re-we-i.
^-pi-qe-ra-wo, see e-pi-qe-ra-wo.
Missing I.niti.als
^-re-qo-no. see pe-re-qo-no.
\-ru-po-to-re-mo-jo. see e-u-ru-po-to-re-mo-jo.
^-sa-do-ro-jo. see ke-sa-do-ro-Jo.
Names of Oxen
The following names are given to yokes of oxen on Knossos tablets. They were first identified and inter-
preted byFurumark ( 1 954, pp. 28-9), who, however, took the ideogram to mean horse, not ox (seep. 105).
ai-wo-ro, KN Ch896, [X 5754 (?)]. Aiwolos. [Cf.
AioAo5 Od. X, 2.]
ke-ra-no, KN 85 = Ch896. Kelainos.
ko-so-u-to, KN Ch900. Xouthos. [Cf. ko-so-u-to in
Index of Personal Names.]
po-da-ko, KN Ch899. Chl029, [Ch5728]. Pod-
argos. [n66apyos name of two horses II. viii.
185, XXIII. 295.]
to-ma-ko. KN Ch897. Ch898. Chl015. Stomargos.
wo-no-qo-so. KN Ch897, Chl015, Woinoq'^s.
[OIvoip as man’s name Od. xxi, 144: cf | 36 e
oivoire II. xiii. 7034-.]
427
BIBLIOGRAPHY
This does not pretend to be an exhaustive list on the subject of Aegean archaeology, linguistics and
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DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
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Shipp, G. P. (1953) : Studies in the language of Homer. Cambridge.
SiTTiG, E. (1951) : Entzifferung der altesten Silbcnschrift Europas. Nouielle Clio, 3 , i.
SiTTiG, E. (1955 a) : Sprachen die Mincer griechisch? Mims, 3 , 2, 87-99.
SiTTiG, E. (1955^'): Hellenische Urkunde des 2. vorchr. Jahrtausends von Cypern (Dikaios’ minoisch-
kyprische Tafel von Enkomi). Nouvelle Clio. 6, 7-10, 470-90.
St.awell, F. M. (1931) : -I olue to the Cretan scripts. Bell, London.
Stoltenberg, H. L. i'i955); Die termilische Sprache Lykiens. Gottschalk, Leverkusen.
SuNDW-ALL, J. (193211); Zu dem minoischen Wahrungssystem. Melanges Glotz H, pp. 827 ff.
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SuNDvvALL, J. (1936): -Mtkretische Urkundenstudien. Acta Acad. Abo., Humaniora, 10 , 2, 1-45.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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28
433
VAC
GENERAL INDEX
‘Achaean’ dialect, 7, 108
Achaeans
allegedly non-Greek, 71
in Crete, 4, 137, 138, 141, 209
in Cyprus, 6a
in Hittite records, 138, 209
Achilles, 104
addition and subtraction, 1 18
adjectives, 85-9
‘adjuncts’
to animals, 197
to ideograms, 35, 53
to women and children, 162-3
‘Aegean’ loan-words, 13, 27, 70-1
Aeohc dialect, 7, 74-5, 81-2, 89, 108
Agia Triada
Boxer Vase, 377
LM III sarcophagus, 281-2, 314
tablets, 10, 31-6, 313, 323, 327
agrimi goats, 1 31, 301-3
Aigaleon, mountain, 144, 301
Aipy, town, 143
alabastra, xxiii
Alalakh (A9ana) tablets, 106, 113, 133-6, 237,
305. 3i4> 333. 335. 34°. 352
Alektry-on, 132, 192, 276-80
‘All the Gods’, cult, 127, 303
almonds, 129
alphabet
Greek, xxviii, 3, 42, 60, 70
Phoenician, 3, 29, 60, 70
-kmnisoa, town, 141, 170, 310
Amphigeneia, 143
amphorae, 49, 309, 328
Amythaon, 104, 137
Andrews, P. B. S., 25, 46, 68, 71-2, 80, i6i, 167,
168, 177, 300
aniseed, 129
Ano Englianos, 14
Apollo, 126, 312
apples, 130
Aptara, town, 141, 180
Arcadian dialect, 7, 22, 68-9, 73-5, 81-2, 89, 90
calendar, 114
.\res, 126, 307, 312
arithmetic, 1 1 7- 1 9
armour
Mycenaean, 42, 329, 375-81
on Egyptian monuments, 375-6, 378
arrows, 352, 356, 358, 361
art, Mycenaean and Classical, xxvii
Artemis, 127, 278
Asea, town, 145
Asine, town, 142, 186
aspirates
notation, 43
phonology, 80, 81
asses, 130, 131, 210— II
assimilation of consonants, 82-3, 334
Athena, 126, 31 1
Attic-Ionic dialect, 68-9, 73-5, 84
augment, verbal, 88
bakers, no, 123, 130, 179
Bamboula (Kourion), 63
barley, 129, 130, 215, 308
basileus ‘feudal lord’, 121-2, 171, 172, 175, 296,
353; 359
bath attendants, 123, 156, 160
bathrooms, 339
bathtubs, 338-9
beans, 129
beds, 349
beehive tombs (tholoi), xxiii
beekeepers, 134
beer, 131
beeswax, 290, 302
beetroots, 131, 247
Bennett, E. L., Jr., 14, 17-21, 24, 26, 37, 51, 54-5,
58, no, 130, 153, 160, 245, 289, 303, 306,
323. 327, 332, 351. 359. 376
bits, 365
Bjorck, G., 24, 313, 318, 352
Blegen, C. W., xviii, xix, 14, 25, 137, 141, 332, 339
bow, composite, 302
bowmakers, 123, 183
box-wood, 135, 342
bread, 130
bronze, 49, 135, 351-8, 365, 371, 375
as unit of value? 320, 351
Buck, C. D., 14
bulls’ heads, 335, 344
rhytons, 330
Byblos script, 29
‘Cadmeian’ letters, 3
calendars, 286, 3 1 1
captives, from pirate raids, 156
434
GENERAL INDEX
carders, 123, 156, 158
carpenters, 123, 179, 182
Carratelli, G. Pugliese, 32, 72, 106, 122, 125, 169,
174, 181, 186, 195, 196, 210, 213, 215, 232,
237, 242, 246, 250, 251, 254, 255, 260, 264,
284, 289, 293
Catalogue of Ships, 107, 141, 143, 184
cattle, 129, 131, 195, 205-8, 211-13, 281-2
celery, 131, 227
chairs, 333-4, 342-4
chariots, 42, 54, 135, 350, 361-9, 379-8o
cheese, 52-3, 130, 132, 283
children, lists, 155-65
chronolog>', Minoan and Mycenaean, xvii, xxi,
7, 9, 28, 32, 38
classifiers, 48-9
cloth and clothes, 49, 313-23
cocks, 132
colour, adjectives, 208, 226, 319, 321
Columella, 237, 270
columns, fluted, xxiv
comparatives, formation, 86
condiments, 52, 131, 221-9
conjunctions, 18, 91
consonants
notation, 44-6
phonology, 79-82
contract verbs, 89
Corcyra, 145
coriander, 129, 131, 222, 227, 309
corslets, 329, 375-81
Cos, sacrificial calendar, 281
cowherds, 134, 179, 182
Cowley, A. E., 12
cumin, 131, 136, 227
cyperus, 131, 136, 223-4
cypress-wood, 135, 373
Cyprian dialect, 7, 68— g, 74-5, 78, 81, 91
Cypriot syllabary, 12, 20, 27, 42, 63-7
‘ Cypro-Minoan ’ script, xxviii, 60-3
Cyprus, on tablets, 136, 223
Daidaleion, 128, 307
ddmos ‘village’, 121, 233-5, 265, 280
Daniel, J. F., 63, 66
‘ Dark Age ’, xxviii, 60
dating formulae, 114, 286, 303-5
dative endings, notation, 44, 84-6
decorativ'e motifs, Mycenaean, 333-46
deer, 131, 132, 195
Delos, ivories, 333, 344, 345
Demeter, 127, 242, 289
Dendra, 328, 329, 330, 335, 346, 376
digamma, 45, 73, 79
Dikaios, P., 61
Diktaian Zeus, 306
Dikte, cave, 14 1, 306
Dimini, xviii
Dionysus, 127
Dioscorides, 226, 227
diphthongs
notation, 43
phonology, 77-8
Diuja, goddess, 125, 168, 288
dogs, 130, 132
Dorian invasion, xxx, 6, 60, 68, 76, no, 138
Doric dialects, 68, 73
dosmos ‘offering’, 275, 283
Dove-goddesses, 127, 288
Dow, S., 24, 30, 32, 37, 38, 48, 53, 1 10, 1 18
drinking cups, Mycenaean, 327, 33 1
dual number, notation, 84, 86, 334, 342, 370
Dunbabin, T. J., 22
ebony, 135, 341
Egypt
armour, 375-6, 378
chariots, 363, 370
furniture, 343
land tenure, 233, 236, 239, 260
name, 136
synchronisms, 9
writing system, 29
Eileithyia, 127, 310
elm-wood, 135, 370
Enkomi, xxviii, 62-3, 1 1 2, 340, 344, 375
Enyalios, 126, 312
Ephyraean pottery, xxii-xxiii
Epic dialect, 7, 70, 79, 83, 84, 89, 90, 91, 107
Erinys, 127, 306
Erymanthus, 145, 184, 190
Eteocretan language, 4, 1 1
Eteocyyorian language, 63
ethnic adjectives, 22, 139, 145, 156
Etruscan language, 13, 17, 19-20
Eutresis, site, xx
Evans, A. J., 8-1 1, 29, 30, 31, 37, 40, 54, 57, 60,
66, 1 10, 1 12, 1 15, 1 16, 130, 196, 197, 210, 272,
306, 321, 328, 329, 360, 361, 363, 365, 370,
371. 375 > 380
fennel, 1 31, 227, 309
figs, 31, 52, 129, 130, 218, 220, 308
fig-trees, 133, 267, 272-4
flax, 13 1, 159, 295
flour, 130, 220-1, 284, 308
foodstuffs, 129-32
footstools, 332-3, 343-6
fractions
hieroglyphic, 30
435
2S-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
fractions (cont.)
Linear A, 36
Mycenaean, 53
Franz, A., 14
frescoes, Cretan and Mainland, xxiv
Friedrich, J., 25, 71
fullers, 123, 243
furniture, 332-3, 339-46
Furumark, A., 24, 72, 105, 106, 122, 126, 127, 130,
162, 163, 164, 170, 174, 177, 195, 207, 213,
215, 220, 224, 232-3, 242, 250, 260, 264, 284,
289, 291, 292, 298, 303, 304, 307, 308, 313,
316, 324, 361, 367, 380
Gelb, I. J., 24, 29
gender, notation, 17-18, 196
Georgiev, V., 13, 71, 162, 165, 167, 207
‘ council of elders ’, 122, 172
goat-herds, 123, 169
goats, 129, 131, 195-8, 208-10
gold, 135, 136, 166, 284, 343, 346, 358-9
rings from Mycenae, 359
goldsmiths, 123, 183
Golgi, Cypriot inscription, 27
grapes, 129
Greek alphabet, xxviii, 3, 42, 60, 70
Greek dialects
development and distribution, 5, 68-9, 73-5
entry into Greece, xix, 5, 14
‘grid’, syllabic, 16, 20
griffins, 136, 344
Halbherr, F., 10
handwriting analysis, 109, 157
Hattusilis III, 120
‘hecatombs’, 119
Hector, 104, 258
Helladic periods, chronology, xvii, xxii, 28
helmets, 52, 107, 341, 356, 375-9. 381
Helos, town, 143
Henle, J., 24
Hephaistos, 127
heq‘elds, ‘follower’, 121, 124, 185, 257, 317, 374
Hera, 126, 169, 289
heralds, 123
Hermes, 126, 288
Herodotus, 3-5, 59, 75, 269, 283, 304
Hesiod, 306
hexameter, 108
‘hieroglyphs’, Minoan, 8-9, 28-31
Hittites
languages, 13, 17
society and laws, 120, 129, 131, 134, 233, 255,
293. 358
writing systems, 29, 69
436
Homer
dialect, 7, 70, 79, 83, 89, 90, 91, 107
Iliad and Odyssey: see end of General Index
personal names, 103-5
relevance of cultural evidence, 107, 120, 133
homophones in syllabary, 39, 46-7, 69-70, 75, 80-1
honey, 52, 128, 131, 220, 283, 308-10
Hood, M. S. F., 375, 377
horn, material, 135, 365-7
horns, wild goat, 119, 301-2
horse bits, Bronze Age, 365
horses, 42, 48, 130, 13 1, 132, 195, 210, 260, 345,
379-80
Hrozny, B., 12-13, 268
huntsmen, 123, 132, 299
lalysos, XXV, 377
lasos, 145, I go
ideograms
‘ hierogl>-phic ’, 30
Linear A, 34-6
Mycenaean, ii, 12, 15, 27, 42, 48-53, ui, 130,
etc.
Inatos, town, 141
Indo-European
institutions, 234
lan^ages, 5, 385
infinitives, formation, 88-9
inflectional patterns
Linear A, 32
Linear B, 15, 19, 22, 83-9
ingots, 57, 351, 355, 380
instrumental endings, notation, 44, 85-7, 334
Iphimedeia, 128, 288
Itanos, 141, 306, 308
ivory, 135, 333-4, 340-6, 348, 366, 367
Kakovatos, LH II pottery, xxiii
Kalokairinos, M., 8
Kerameikos excavations, xxix
Keramopoullos, A., 10
Khios, 145, 156
khiton ‘tunic’, 136, 319-20
kings, 120, 264-7, 280, 300
kldwiphoros ‘key-bearer’, 128, 254, 257, 357
Knidos, 145, 156, 159, 166
Knossos
cause of destruction, xxvi
‘hieroglyphic archives’, 9, 31
Linear A inscriptions, 31-2
name recorded, 22, 141, 171
site, xvii, 7—10
status in Palace Period (LM II), xxii-xxvi, 24,
38-9
warrior graves, xxv, 325, 335, 376
GENERAL INDEX
Knossos tablets
circumstances of finding, 9, 1 14-1 7, 303, 360, 379
date, 38, 1 16
editing, 10, 21, 26
Kober, A. E., 15-19, 196
Korakou, site, xviii, xx, xxii
Kouklia (Old Paphos), 65
krdter, 331
Krokeai, xxiv
Krokyleia, island, 145
Ktistopoulos, K. D., 18
ktoina ‘field’, 132, 175, 232-6
size, 237-8
kyanos, 135, 340
Kydonia, town, 141, 213
Kyparissia, town, 143, 189, 297
Kythera, 145, 156, 167
labio-velars
notation, 45
phonology, 81-2, 245
labour, division of, 123, 133-5, ^5®, '8°
Labyrinthos, 310
Lagas, tablets, 59, 164, 238, 280
land tenure
Egyptian, 233, 236, 239, 260
Hittite, 233-4
Mycenaean, 120-1, 132-3, 232-72
Lapatos, Arcadian month, 305, 307
lapis lacedaemonius, xxiv
lapis lazuli, 340
Lato, town, 141
Idwdgetds, ‘army leader’, 120, 124, 171, 188,
264-6, 280, 283
lead, 135, 359
Leaf, W., 7
Lejeune, M., 81
Lemnos, 145, 156
inscriptions, 5, 13
lentils, 129
Leuktron, town, 139, 144, 297
Lianokladi, site, xx
libation tables, 9, 32
libations, 282
ligatures, ideographic
Linear A, 35-6
Mycenaean, 49
Linear Script A, xxvii, 10, 31-40
Linear Script B
date of extinction, xxGii, 60, 1 10
origin, 37-40, 69-70, 72
linen, 13 1, 295, 319
lions, 344, 346
literacy, Minoan and Mycenaean, xxviii-xxix, 30,
109-10
literature in Mycenaean age, xxLx, 108
Lorimer, H. L., xxx, 107-8, 375-8
Lousoi, town, 145, 159, 350
Lyktos, town, 14 1, 306
Mallia tablets, 31
Marinatos, S., 32, no, 310
masons, 123, 174
masons’ marks, 29, 40
Masson, O., 61, 65
mathematics, 1 17—19
‘mayors’, ko-re-te-re, 122, 175, 212, 296, 357
measurement of area, 236, 270
measures and weights, Mycenaean, 17, 42, 54-60.
1 18, 321, 359
Meriggi, P., 89, 18 1, 207, 264, 284, 303, 307, 309,
311
Merlingen, \V., 68-9, 71
messengers, 123
Metapa, town, 143, 167, 186, 191
Methoni strait, 145
Miletus, 138, 145, 156, 365
military organization, 124-5, 183-94
millet, 129-30
miltos ‘red ochre’, 366
Minoan : archaeological term, xvii, xxi-xxii, 9
Minoan language, evidence for, xxvii, 1 3, 32, 43,
69-70, 80, 323
mint, 131, 227
Mitford, T. B., 65
money, absence, 1 1 3, 198
monograms, ideographic
Linear A, 35
Mycenaean, 52
month names. 113-14, 278, 286, 303-5
Muhlestein, H., 140, 177, 184, 190, 207, 340, 341
Muller, K., xxiii
Mycenae
Acropolis treasure, 57, 359
House of Sphinxes, 25, 38, 225, 331
House of the Oil Merchant, 25, 38, 60, 109, 217
ivories, 333, 335, 336, 341, 344, 346
relations with Crete, xxv, 10, 14, 24, 37-8
shaft graves, 328, 330, 377
site, xvii, xx, xxx, 6-7
Warrior vase, 378
Mycenae tablets
circunnstances of finding, 25, 117, 217, 225, 331
date, 38
editing, 25, 225
\Iycenaean dialect
characteristics of vocabulary, 68, 75. 90-t, 385
foreign elements in, 70-3, 91, 93
morphology, 83-9
name, xiv
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Mycenaean dialect {cont.)
phonology, 76-83
relationships, 22, 67-8, 73-5, 90-1
syntax, 89—90
uniformity, 75-6
Mycenaean literature, xxix, 108
Mycenaean script
date of extinction, xxviii, 60, no
origin, 37-40, 69-70, 72
Myxes, J. L., 9, 15, 21, 24, 32, 35, 39, 116, 130,
272, 273
Names of persons, 92-1 05 > 414-27
of months, 1 13-14, 278, 286, 303-5
of oxen, 105, 213, 427
of places, 139-50
Nedon, river, 144, 194
Nestor, 104, 137, 142
Nestor’s cup, 107, 326
Nilsson, M. P., 14, 15, 281, 31 1
‘ nine towns ’ of Pylos, 1 1 9, 142-3, 205, 29 1 , 348, 357
noun declension, 83-7, 94-9
numerals
‘hieroglyphic’, 30
Mesopotamian, 1 1 7
Mycenaean, ii, 42, 53, 118
Linear A, 36
pronunciation, 87
nurses, 158
Nuzi (Kirkuk) tablets, 59, 106, 117, 132, 133, 225,
236, 237, 238, 273, 322, 330, 342, 343, 359,
366, 376, 378
oats, 129
octopus, 132, 345
offerings, ritual, 128, 275, 280-3, 303-12
Oikhalia, town, 184, i8g
olive-oU, 3 1 , 35> 49. 1 28, 1 29, 1 30, 1 32, 2 1 7, 303, 308
olives, 31, 129, 130, 218-21
olive-trees, 133, 272-3
Olympia, 145, 184, 190
orchards, 133, 272-4
orgeones, 265, 280
Orkhomenos, 139, 145
oxen, 129, 131, 195, 205-8, 211-13
names, 105, 213, 427
oxhides, 49, 132, 289-go
Paian, 126, 312
pairs, notation, 54, 1 75, 370
Palace Style at Knossos, xxii-xxiii, xxv
palatalized consonants, notation, 46, 69, 80—1
Palmer, L. R., 24, 46, 69, 74, 81, 120, 121, 122,
125, 127, 134, 144, 161, 168, 169, 174, 184,
185, 190, 193, 195, 206, 207, 224, 228, 232,
233, 234, 257, 264, 269, 271, 284, 285, 286,
288, 299, 323, 327, 336, 364, 365, 381
‘palm-leaf’ tablets, iii
Pantheon, cult, 127-8, 303
Papademetriou, J., xx
participles, formation, 88—9
particles, grammatical, 91
patronymics, 75, 92, 94, 12 1
Pausanias, xxx, 138, 303, 307, 310
pears, 129
peas, 129
‘Pelasgian’ language, 4, 13
Pelasgians, 4-5
pennyroyal, 13 1, 226
Perachora, xxix, 301
Personal names, Mycenaean
compound, 97-8
declension types, 19, 94-9
distribution, 102-3, 352
feminine, 10 1-2
identification, 18, 92-3
index, 414-27
non-Greek elements, 71, 93, 171
of oxen, 105, 213, 427
recurring in Homer, 103-5
Persson, A. W., 12, 42
Phaistos
‘hieroglyphic’ tablets, 30-1
on tablets, 32, 141
Tombe dei Nobili, 375
Phaistos disk, 10
Pheai, town, 143
phiald, 32 j, 337, 338
Phoenician alphabet, 3, 29, 60, 70
Phoenicians, 3, 7, 136
phonetic signs
Cypriot, 63-6
Cypro-Minoan, 61
‘hieroglyphic’, 29
Linear A, 32-3
Mycenaean, 15, 23, 39-48, 69, 76-82
Phylakopi, site, xviii, xxi, xxiv
physicians, 123
pigs, 49, 130, 13 1, 132, 195, 198, 205-6
pithoi, 60, 327
place-names
attempts at location, 139-45
list, 146-50
pre-Hellenic, xix, 13-14, 140
series named on tablets, 22, 139-50, 155, 183-94,
199, 202, 209, 214, 291, 301, 304, 315, 355-9
Platon, N., 24, 381
Pleuron, town, 138, 145, 183, 186, 193
Pliny, 109
polyphonic signs, 46
438
GENERAL INDEX
polysyllabic signs, 46
pomegranates, 130, 338
poppy-seed, 35, 130
Poseidon, 126, 276, 279-80, 287-8, 309, 312
Ennosidas, 309
Potnia ‘mistress’, 126-7, 289, 310, 311-12, 354
potters, 123, 134, 250
potters’ marks, 29, 40, 63
Praisos, 141
pre-Hellenic loan-words, 13, 27, 70-1
prepositions, 90
priests and priestesses, 128-9, 166, 168, 252-8,
275, 281-2, 304, 321
pronouns, 87
proportion, calculation, 118-19, t57j 203-4, 275,
276, 290-1, 302-3, 316
proto-Elamite tablets, 48
psilosis, 80
Pylos (Ano Englianos)
in Homer, 143
name, 141
name of king, 71, 120, 137, 187, 265, 280
site, xix, 14, 1 17, 140, 141
size of kingdom, 139-40, 184
social organization, 120-5, 234-6, 280
traditional genealogy, 137
Pylos tablets
circumstances of finding, 14, 25, 117, 332
date, 38
editing, 17, 26
ration scales, 59, 119, 157-8, 170, 215
reduplication, verbal, 88
Rekhmara, tomb of, 38
religion, 125-9, 275, 279-89, 303-12
Rhion, town, 142
Risch, E., 68, 75, 196, 207
ritual offerings, 128, 275, 280-3, 303-10
rowers, 125, 145, 161, 183-8
Ruiperez, M. S., 87, 160
rye, 129
safflower, 52, 58, 13 1, 226
saffron, 35, 130
salt, 13 1
saws, 329
Schaeffer, C., 62, 69
Schliemann, H., v, xvii, xxvii, 6-8, 359
scribes
as poets? 108
numbers, 109
procedure, 1 10-14
race, 71
scriptio plena, 48, 196, 199, 207
seal-stones, Minoan, 8, 28
sealings, no, 1 14, 331
seamstresses, 123
seed corn, rates of sowing, 132-3, 237
Semitic loan-words, 91, 131, 135-6, 319, 343, 346
semi-vowels
notation, 44-5
phonologN', 78-9
Senmut, tomb of, 330, 335
sesame, 131, 135, 227
Setaia, town, 14 1
sex notation for animals, 196, 211
sheep, 49, 1 19, 129, 131, 195-205, 209-10
sheep tablets, purpose, 197-8
sheepskins, 49, 131, 282
shepherds, 123, 169, 200-1, 240
ship, Mycenaean, 138, 183
shipbuilders, 123, 298
sQver, 135, 323, 340, 351, 374
Sittig, E., 25, 62, 305
Sklavokampos, site, 1 1 o
‘slave of the god’, 124, 236
slaves, 123-4, 156, 164, 166-7, 353
Smith, G., 63
smiths, 123, 135, 292, 298, 352-6
social organization, 1 19-25
spears, 256-8, 361
spelling rules, 19, 22, 42-8
implications, 67, 69
inconsistencies and errors, 19, 47, 71-2
Sphakteria, 143
spices, 52, 131, 221-9
spinners, 123, 156, 159
statistical methods, 18
Stillman, W. J., 8
stirrup-jars, 60, 109, 328
Strabo, 5, 144, 306, 310
Sundwall, J., ii, iz, 17, 25, 35, 57, 58, 128, 130,
196, 197, 289, 316
swineherds, 134
swords, 346-8, 356, 360
Sybrita, town, 141
syllabary
G>-priot, 63-6
G^^pro-Minoan, 61
‘hieroglyphic’, 29
Linear A, 32-3
Mycenaean, 15, 23, 39-48, 69, 76-82
syntax, 89-90
tables, 31 1, 333-4, 339-42
tablets, shape and use, 29, 34, no- 14
Tacitus, 120
tailors, 123, 183
talent weight, 57
tallying, 1 18
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Tawakalawas, 138
Teiresias, 303
telestai ‘fief-holders’, 120-1, 234, 277, 280
temenos, 120, 132, 264-6
textiles, 135, 290, 295, 313-23
Thebes, inscriptions, 10, 38, 75, 109, 212
Theophrastus, 227
thorax ‘corslet’, 375, 379
throne rooms, xxiii-xxiv, 39
Thucydides, xxix, 5, 6, 59, 156, 235
timbers used, 135
Tiryns
chariot fresco, 362-3, 370, 371
excavations, xviii, xx, xxxi
gold ring, 333
inscribed jars, 38
totalling formulae
Linear A, 36
Mycenaean, 17, 22, 263-4
trade, 135-6
trades, 18, 22, 123, 133
guilds, 134
training, 163
transcriptions, conventions, xiv-xv, 153-4
tribute lists, 118-19, 135, 198, 205, 289-303
tripods, 25, 135, 325, 336-7
Tritopatores, 289
Tritta, name of Knossos, 271
Trojan War, date, 142
Trojans, 104
Troy, 6
Tsountas, Ch., xviii, 7
Turner, E. G., 25, 139, 142, 301
Tutankhamen’s tomb, 342, 343, 363, 366, 369
Tylissos, 141
Ugarit (Ras Shamra)
alphabet, 29
C>’pro-Minoan tablet, 61
tablets, 106, 113, 133. 136, 156, 233, 314-5, 385
weights and measures, 56, 60
unguent, 123, 132, 224, 283-4
Ur, tablets, 59, 106, 133-4, 182, 352
User-Amon, tomb of, 330
Vaphio, xxiii, 329, 330, 344
Veda, 127
verb conjugation, 87-9, 253, 285
vessels, metal, 284, 323-30, 335-8
vetches, 129
Vickery, K. F., 129
vowels
elision and contraction, 78
notation, 43
phonology, 76-8
Wace, A. J. B., 14, 24, 60, 108, 109, 112, 134, 217,
333, 340
weavers, 123
Webster, T. B. L., 25, 108, 157, 175, 232, 237.
242, 251, 254, 298, 336, 352, 358, 359
weights and measures, Mycenaean, 17, 42, 54-60,
118, 321, 359
wheat, 31, 129, 130, 157-8, 213, 219, 232, 236,
269, 275, 281-3
wheels, chariot, 54, 369-75
Wilbour papyrus, 238-9, 260
willow-wood, 135, 370
winds, cult, 127, 304
wine, 35, 128, 130, 282, 308, 348
women
lists, 155-68
status, 124, 134, 156, 162
wood-cutters, 123, 350
wool, 36, 52, 55, 57, 1 19, 131, 203-5, 313-16,
322-3
word division, 47—8
word formation, 89
word order, 90
writing materials, 109-14
Zafer Papoura, graves, 325, 328
Zakynthos, 145, 186, 374
Zeus, 125-6, 287, 306
440
GENERAL INDEX
HOMERIC REFERENCES
Iliad
page
I
^5
343
I
246
368
II
88
302
n
591-4
■43
II
645-9
J41
n
867
4
in
448
369
rv
105-7
302
IV
141-2
364
145
361
V
722
361
V
743
378
V'l
155-70
3
VI
194-5
267
VI
300
335
VIII
441
361
DC
85-6
185
DC
149-52
■45
DC
270
163
DC
578-80
267
XI
24
340, 369
XI
33
340
XI
4 '
378
XI
629
340
XII
260
34 ■
XIII
■39
341
xin
407
329
xrv
121-3
267
XIV
410
341
XVIII
346
325
X\^II
595
320
XXI
38
350
XXII
315
378
xxni
270
325
XXIU
170
309
XXIII
512-13
285
xxni
832-5
352
Odyssey
page
in
7
■ 9 . H3> 235
III
55-9
280
nr
429-63
282
IV
3'8
269
IV'
411-12
268
i\'
615-16
330
V'
234-5
108
\i
69-70
108
VI
266
288
VI
293-4
267
v'n
87
340
\TI
1 14-16
273
Vlll
392
320
DC
130
232
DC
■55
302
X
353
3^8
xrv
50
302
XIV'
62-7
235
XV
80
269
XV
297
■43
xvni
340
373
XDC
53-62
334
XIX
172-7
4
XDC
188-90
310
XDC
■97
282
XDC
225
321
XX
■05
158
xxn
422
163
xxni
24
235
xxrv’
205-7
233
xxrv
226
232
xxrv
523
376
441
TABLET CONCORDANCES
Concordance A lists the tablets quoted in this book in serial order with their numbers
in the original publication by Evans and Bennett. Concordance B is the reverse of this
hst, with the tablets in the order of publication and with the dates of excavation.
References in round brackets are to tablets which have since been joined or reclassified
under another number. Evans’ numbers have now been labelled on the originals in
Iraklion by Bennett in addition to the Museum’s own register numbers. While this
book was in the press Bennett republished the 1939 Pylos tablets in a completely revised
numbering, corresponding to the original dig inventory numbers. In Concordances
A and B these numbers have been added where appropriate in square brackets.
Concordance C consists of a hst derived from PT II, pp. xvii~xx, of ah the 1939 Pylos
tablets in their new serial order irrespective of prefix, with the old number in round
brackets ; the first number, in heavy type, is that given to the tablet in this book.
TABLET CONCORDANCE A
Ch. VI :
Lists of personnel
Pylos: l=.\a01 [62]
2 = Aa815
3=.'\d694
4 = .\a04 [240]
5=.\a792
6 = Ab02 [379]
7=Aa7I7
8 = .Ad670
9 = .Ab27 [553]
10 = -^d676
ll=.'\d690
12 = Ad671
13=.‘^d691
14 = Ad697
15=.'\d684
16 = -Ad686
Knossos: 17=Ai739
18=.tk611
19=Ak627
20=.W824
21=.W624
22 = .-\k78I
Pylos:
26 = An02
[292]
27 = Ae08
[303]
28=An42
[607]
Knossos:
29 = As821
Pylos:
30 = .\e03
[264]
31=Ae04
[134]
32=.\e05
[108]
33=Ae07
[26]
Knossos:
34 = .\m601
35=Am819
36 = B 817
37 = B 823
38 = .'\sl316
39 = .M1517
Pylos:
40 = .An22
[261]
41=.\nl4
[35]
42 = .\nl7
[37]
43 = Sn01
[64]
44 = .\n29
45 = .\n830
[218]
23=Agl654 Mycenae: 46 = .\u102
24 = Ai63
Knossos: 47 = Am826
25=Ap694 48 = B 101
442
TABLET CONCORDANCES
Pylos:
49=An07
[427]
Knossos
; 94 = F 841
50=Anl8
[39]
95 =F 852
51=-\n20
[18]
52=An26
[207]
Pylos:
96 = Un02
[138]
97 = Un03
[2]
53=Anl2
[1]
54=Anl9
[610]
Knossos
: 98 = Ga415
55=An724
99 = Ga418
56 = An657
100 = Og424
57 = An43
[519]
101 =Ga675
58=An654
102 = Ga517
59 = An656
60 = An66 1
Pylos:
103 = Un08
[267]
104 = Un09
[249]
Mycenae: 105 = Ge602
Ch. VII :
106 = Ge603
107 = Ge604
Livestock and
agricultural produce
Pylos:
61 =Cn04
[131]
62 = Cn655
Ch. vin:
63=Cc660
Land ownership
and land use
Knossos:
64 = Da 1221
65=Dbl232
Pylos:
108 = Ea817
66=Dcll29
109 = Ea782
67 = Ddll71
110 = Ea800
68= Del 648
lll=Ea23
[71]
69 = Dflll9
112 = Ea825
70 = Dgll58
113 = Ea824
71=Dkl072
114 = En02
[609]
72 = Dkl074
115 = En03
[74]
73 = D1943
116 = En659
74 = D11061
117 = En01
[467]
118 = Eo01
[211]
Pylos:
75 = Cn02
[608]
119 = Eo02
[224]
76 = Cn22
[3]
120 = Eo03
[276]
77 = Cn23
[418]
121=Eo04
[247]
122 = Eo05
[160]
Knossos:
78=C 914
123 = Eo06
[444]
79=Dnl094
124 = Eo351
80 = C 913
*
125 = Eo471
81=Dmll80
126 = Eo281
82 = Ca895
127 = Eo269
83 = Ch902
128 = Eo278
84 = C 59
129 = Eo268
85 = Ch896
130 = Eo371
86 = Co907
131=Ep01
[301]
87 = E 668
132 = Eb818
88 = E 749
133 = Eb08
[846]
89 =E 777
134 = Eb895
90 = G 820
135 = Ep704
Pylos:
91=Fn02
[50]
136 = Eb31
[294]
137 = Eb30
[416]
Knossos:
92 = Fh349
138 = Ebl0
[409]
139 = Eb21
[321]
Mycenae:
93=Fol01
140 = Eb35
[297]
443
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Pylos; [cont.)
187=Na49
[514]
141=Eb20
[338]
188=Na928
142=Eb32
[317]
189 = Na65
[568]
190 =Na55
[3951
143=Ep705
191 =Na56
[248]
144 = Eb866
192=Na50
[252]
145 = Ea05
[259]
193=Na57
[520]
146 = Eb34
[473]
194=Na58
[334]
147 = Eq03
[59]
195=Xa67
[245]
148 = Ep04
[617]
196 = Na70
[926]
149 = Eb33
[236]
197=Na69
[1088]
150 = Ec07
[411]
198=Ng02
[319]
151=Eb36
[901]
199 = Ng01
[332]
152 = Er01
[312]
Knossos:
200 = Fpl
153=Er02
[880]
201 =Fpl4
154 = Eq01
[213]
202 = Fpl3
Knossos: 155 = Uf981
203 = F 953 + 955
156=Ufl031
204 = Gg704
157 = Uf835
205=Gg702
158 = Uf836
206=Gg705
159 = Uf990
207 =V 280
160 = Uf970
208 =V 52
161=Uf839
162 = Uf983
163 = X 984
164 = Gv863
Ch. x:
165 = Gv862
Textiles, vessels
166 = Ov864
and furniture
Knossos:
209 = Lc525
210=Lc526
Ch. ix:
211=Lc532
212 = Lc535
Proportional tribute
213=L 641
and ritual offerings
214=Ld571
Pylos: 167 = Es650
215=Ld573
168 = Es644
216 = Ld871
169 = Es646
217 =L 587
170 = Es649
218 = L 598
219 = L 594
171 =Un718
220 = L 870
172 = Kn02
[Tn316]
221 =L 647
222 =J 693
173 = Ma06
[992]
223 = L 471
174 = Ma08
[346]
224 = L 474
175=MalO
[393]
225 =L 520
176 = Mai 2
[123]
177 = Ma02
[90]
Mycenae:
226=Oel29
178 = Mai 3
[365]
227 = Oel27
179 = Ma09
[193]
228 = Oelll
180 = Ma01
[225]
181=Mal4
[378]
Knossos:
229 = K 434
182 = Mai 8
[126]
230 = K 740
231 =K 872
183 = Nn831
232 = K 875
184 = Nn01
[228]
233 = Uc 160
rev.
185=Na32
[419]
186 = Na46
[543]
Mycenae:
234 = Ue611
rev.
444
TABLET CONCORDANCES
Pylos: {cont.)
235=Ta71 '
236=Ta641
237=Ta709
238=Tn996
239=Ta642
240 = Ta713
241=Ta715
242=Ta707
243=Ta708
244 = Ta714
245=Ta721
246=Ta722
247 = Ta716
248=Va01
[15]
249=Va02
[482]
250 = Vn01
[20]
251=Vn02
[46]
252=Vn06
[10]
Ch. XI :
Metals and
military equipment
Pylos: 253=Jn01
[310]
254=Jn04
[389]
255 =Jn658
256 =Ja749
257=Jn09
[829]
258 = Kn01
[Jo438]
Knossos: 259 = Ogl527
260 = 0g0467
261=Ral540
262 =Ra 1548
263 =R 0481 bis
264 = WsI704
265 = Sd0403
266 = Sd0401
267 = Sd0409
268 = Sd0413
269 = Sd0404
270 = Sd0402
271=Sd0422
272 = Sf 0421
273 = Sf0420
274 = Sf0428
275 = Se879
276 = Se 1006
277 = Sel028
278 = So894
279 = So0437
280 = So0439
281 =So0440
282 = So0430
283 = So0442
Pylos: 284 = Sa01 [488]
285 = Sa02 [487]
286 = Sa787
287 = Sa793
288 = Sa790
289 = Sa682
290 = Sa03 [287]
291=Sa794
292 = Sh740
293=Sh737
294 = Sh733
295 = Sh734
296 = Sh736
Knossos: 297 = Sc222
298 = Sc226
299 = V 789
300 = G 5670
TABLET CONCORDANCE B
1900-03:
Knossos
92 = Fh
349
98 = Ga
415
200 = Fp
1
99 = Ga
418
202 = Fp
13
100 = Og
424
201 =Fp
14
229 = K
434
201 =
(27)
223 = L
471
201 =
(28)
224 = L
474
208 = V
52
102 = Ga
517
84 = C
59
225 = L
520
24 = Ai
63
209 = Lc
525
48 = B
101
210 = Lc
526
233 =Uc
160 rev.
211 =Lc
532
297 = Sc
222
212 = Lc
535
298 = Sc
226
212 =
(538)
207 =V
280
211 =
(554)
445
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Knossos; {cont.)
163 = X
984
214 = Ld
571
159 =Uf
990
215 =Ld
573
276 = Se
1006
217=L
587
277 = Se
1028
217 =
(589)
156 = Uf
1031
219 = L
594
276 =
(10421
217 =
(596'-
74 = D1
1061
218 = L
598
71=Dk
1072
34 = Am
601
72 = Dk
1074
18 = Ak
611
79 = Dn
1094
21=Ak
624
69 = Df
1119
19 = Ak
627 •
66 = Dc
1129
213=L
641
70 = Dg
1158
221 =L
647
67 = Dd
1171
87 = E
668
81 =Dm
1180
101 =Ga
675
64 = Da
1221
222 =J
693
65=Db
1232
25=Ap
694
79 =
(1311)
205 = Gg
702
38 = .\s
1516
204 = Gg
704
39 = *\s
1517
^ ^ 206 = Gg
705
259 = Og
1527
» 17=Ai
739
261 =Ra
1540
230 = K
740
262 = Ra
1548
88 = E
749
68 = De
1648
89 = E
777
23=Ag
1654
22 = Ak
781
264 = Ws
1704
299 =V
789
221 =
(M 12)
36 = B
817
35= Am
819
1904 : 266 = Sd
0401
90 = G
820
270 = Sd
0402
29 = .As
821
265 = Sd
0403
37 = B
823
269 = Sd
0404
20 = Ak
824
267 = Sd
0409
47 = -\m
826
268 = Sd
0413
157 = Uf
835
273 = Sf
0420
158 =Uf
836
272 = Sf
0421
161 =Uf
839
271 =Sf
0422
94 = F
841
274 = Sf
0428
95 = F
852
282 = So
0430
165 =Gv
862
279 = So
0437
164 = Gv
863
280 = So
0439
166 = Gv
864
281= So
0440
94 =
(867)
283 = So
0442
220 = L
870
260 = Og
0467
216 = Ld
871
267 =
(0481)
231=K
872
263 =R
0481 bis
232 = K
875
275 = Se
879
Fragments : 300 = G
5670
278 = So
894
221 =
(5943)
82 = Ca
895
221 =
(5974)
85 = Ch
896
83 = Ch
902
86 = Co
907
80 = C
78 = C
913
914
Pylos
73 = D1
943
1939: l=Aa01 [62]
203 = F
953
4 = Aa04 [240]
203 =
(955)
160 = Uf
970
1952; 7 = Aa717
155 = Uf
981
5=Aa792
162 = Uf
983
2=Aa815
446
TABLET CONCORDANCES
Pylos:
(cent.)
1939 :
6 = Ab02
[379]
9 = Ab27
[553]
1952 :
8 = Ad670
12 = Ad671
10 = Ad676
15=Ad684
16=Ad686
ll=Ad690
13=Ad691
3=Ad694
14=Ad697
1939 :
30 = Ae03
[264]
31=Ae04
[134]
32 = Ae05
[108]
33=Ae07
[26]
27 = Ae08
[303]
1939 :
26 = An02
[292]
49=An07
[427]
53 = An 12
[1]
41=Anl4
[35]
42 = Anl7
[37]
50=Anl8
[39]
54 = Anl9
[610]
51=An20
[18]
40=An22
[261]
52 = An26
[207]
44 = An29
[218]
55 = (An32)
[724]
28 = An42
[607]
57 = An43
[519]
1952 :
58=An654
59 = An656
56 = An657
60 = An661
55 = An724
45=An830
1952 :
63 = Cc660
1939 :
75 = Cn02
[608]
61=Cn04
[131]
76 = Cn22
[3]
77 = Cn23
[418]
1952 :
62 = Cn655
1939 :
145 = Ea05
[259]
129 = (Ea201
[Eo268]
132 = (Ea21)
[Eb818]
lll=Ea23
[71]
130 = (Ea24)
[Eo371]
1952 :
109 = Ea782
110 = Ea800
108 = Ea817
113 = Ea824
112 = Ea825
1939 :
133 = Eb08
[846]
138=EblO
[409]
139 = (Ebl4)
[Eb321]
141=Eb20
[338]
139 = Eb21
[321]
127 = 'Eb26)
[Eo269]
137 = Eb30
[416]
136 = Eb31
[294]
142 = Eb32
[317]
149=Eb33
[236]
146=Eb34
[473]
140 = Eb35
[297]
151=Eb36
[901]
195 a:
132 = Eb818
144 = Eb866
134 = Eb895
' 939 :
124 = iEc02)
[Eo351]
125 = (Ec03)
[Eo471]
126 = (Ec04)
[Eo281]
150 = Ec07
[411]
1939 :
117=En01
[467]
114 = En02
[609]
115 = En03
[74]
1952 ;
116=En659
1939 :
118 = Eo01
[211]
119 = Eo02
[224]
120 = Eo03
[276]
121=Eo04
[247]
122 = Eo05
[160]
123 = Eo06
[444]
> 939 :
129 = Eo268
( reclassified")
127 = Eo269
128 = Eo278
126 = Eo281
124 = Eo351
130 = Eo371
125=Eo471
1939 ;
131=Ep01
[301]
148 = Ep04
[617]
• 952 :
135 = Ep704
143 = Ep705
1939 :
154 = Eq01
[213]
147 = Eq03
[59]
1939 ;
152 = Er01
[312]
153 = Er02
[880]
>952;
168 = Es644
169 = Es646
170 = Es649
167 = Es650
447
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Pylos:
(coni.)
288 = Sa790
1939 :
91=Fn02
[50]
287 = Sa793
291=Sa794
1952 :
256=Ja749
294 = Sh733
1939 :
253=Jn01
[310]
295 = Sh734
254=Jn04
[389]
296 = Sh736
257=Jn09
[829]
293=Sh737
292 = Sh740
1952 :
255 = Jn658
1939 :
43=Sn01
[64]
1939 :
258 = Kn01
[Jo438]
172 = Kn02
[Tn316]
' 952 ;
236 = Ta641
239=Ta642
1939 :
180 = Ma01
[225]
242=Ta707
177 = Ma02
[90]
243=Ta708
173 = Ma06
[222]
237 = Ta709
174 = Ma08
[346]
235=Ta711
179 = Ma09
[193]
240=Ta713
175 = MalO
[393]
244=Ta714
176 = Mai 2
[123]
241=Ta715
178 = Mai 3
[365]
247=Ta716
181=Mal4
[378]
245=Ta721
182 = Mal8
[126]
246 = Ta722
1939 ;
185=Na32
[419]
1953 :
238=Tn996
186 = Na46
[543]
187 = Na49
[514]
• 939 :
96 = Un02
[138]
192 = Na50
[252]
97 = Un03
[2]
190 = Na55
[395]
103=Un08
[267]
191=Na56
[248]
104 = Un09
[249]
193 = Na57
[520]
194 = Na58
[334]
' 952 :
171=Un718
189 = Na65
[568]
195 = Na67
[245]
1939 :
248=Va01
[15]
197=Na69
[1088]
249=Va02
[482]
196 = Na70
[926]
1939 :
250=Vn01
[20]
1952 :
188=Na928
251=Vn02
252=Vn06
[46]
[10]
1939 :
199 = Ng01
[332]
198 = Ng02
[319]
1939 :
184 = Nn01
[228]
Mycenae
183 = (Nn02)
[Nn831]
1952 :
93=Fol01
46=Aul02
1952:
183 = Nn831
228 = Oelll
227 = Oel27
1939 :
284 = Sa01
[488]
228 = (136)
285 = Sa02
[487]
290 = Sa03
[287]
1954 :
105=Ge602
106 = Ge603
1952 :
289 = Sa682
107 = Ge604
286 = Sa787
234 = Ue611 rev.
448
TABLET CONCORDANCES
TABLET CONCORDANCE C
53 = -\nl
(12)
Aa85
(08)
Xal91
(32)
97 = Un2
l03)
Aa89
(03)
An 192
(16)
76 = Cn3
(22)
177 = Ma90
(02)
179 = Mai 93
t09)
Cn4
(09)
Aa93
(10)
Abl94
(30)
An5
(24j
Aa94
(07)
Nal95
(77;
L'n6
(06)
Aa95
(09)
Xal97
1,59)
An 7
(30)
Aa96
(19)
Xal98
' 33)
Ae8
(02)
Aa98
(13)
.\nl99
(01)
Ua9
(01)
AnlOl
(06;
Xb200
(02)
252 = VnlO
(06)
Xal02
;06)
Cn201
(24)
Mnll
(03)
Nal03
(75;
Cn202
i06)
Xnl4
(39)
Xal04
(Xb04)
52 = An207
26)
248 = Val5
(01)
Nal05
(18;
Ea208
;04)
Fal6
(01)
Nal06
(51)
An209
(13)
Ual7
(02)
Eal07
(27)
Ab210
(03)
51=Anl8
(20)
32 = Ael08
(05)
118=Eo211
(On
Vnl9
(05)
Eal09
(08)
Ep212
(02)
250 = Vn20
(01)
AellO
(09)
154 = Eq213
lOl)
Sa22
(04)
Xcll3
(01)
Ma216
(16)
Ua25
(03)
\Vall4
(01)
.\b2I7
1,26)
33=Ae26
(07)
Anll5
(39)
44=.\n218
(29)
Ae27
(10)
Mal20
(03)
Un219
(11)
Ea28
(14)
176 = Mal23
(12)
Ma221
(04)
Ea29
(16)
Mal24
(05)
173=.Ma222
(06)
Pn30
(01)
182 = . Mai 26
(18)
119 = Eo224
(02)
Xn31
(40)
Anl28
(31)
180 = Ma225
lOl)
Xn34
(41)
An 129
(15)
184 = .\n228
(01)
41 = An35
(14)
Vnl30
(04)
An233
(10)
42 = An37
(17)
61=Cnl31
(04)
149 = Eb236
(33)
50 = An39
(18)
Eal32
(09)
4=.-\a240
(04)
Cn40
(14)
31=.\el34
(04)
Xn244
(16)
Fn41
(05)
Eal36
(03)
195=Na245
(67)
Cn43
(13)
Xal37
(02)
.\a246
1 16)
251=Vn46
(02)
96 = Unl38
(02)
121=Eo247
(04)
Un47
(04)
.A.dl42
(02)
191 =Xa248
(56)
Vn48
(07)
Eql46
(02)
104 = Un249
(09)
Pa49
(02)
Ebl49
(37)
Xn250
(95)
91=Fn50
(02)
Ebl52
(11)
192 = Na252
(50i
Ea52
(06)
Cnl55
(26)
Fg253
(03)
Pa53
(01)
Ebl56
(24)
Cn254
(.Xnl5, 89)
Ea56
(18)
Eel 57
(06)
Ea258
(07)
Ea57
(02)
Ual58
(04)
145 = Ea259
(05)
Xa58
(03)
Ebl59
(22)
An261
1 Xnl4)
147 = Eq59
(03)
122 = Eol60
(05)
Xa262
(06)
Aa60
(06)
Mnl62
(02)
30 = Ae264
(03)
Aa61
(15-)
Xnl67
(37)
103 = Un267
(08)
l=Aa62
(01)
Ebl69
(43)
129 = Eo268
(Ea20)
Aa63
(12)
An 172
(25, 40)
127 = Eo269
iEb26)
43 = Sn64
(01)
Eol73
(Ec05)
Ea270
T2)
Na66
(64)
Xbl76
(01)
Cn272
i25)
Na69
(68)
Ebl77
(25)
120 = Eo276
(03)
Xa70
(07)
Xal84
(30)
Ab277
(01)
lll=Ea71
(23)
NaI85
(66)
Eo278
(EbOl)
Ae72
(01)
Abl86
(17)
Xn279
1 46)
115 = En74
(03)
Fnl87
(01)
126 = Eo281
(Ec04)
Aa76
(11)
Abl89
(12)
An283
(Xn47)
Fn79
(06)
Abl90
(14)
Xa284
(60)
449
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Cn285
(07)
52 = An360
(26)
123 = Eo444
(06)
Cn286
(Xb03)
Na361
(03)
Xn449
(60)
290 = Sa287
(03)
Wa362
(07)
Cn453
(16)
Xa289
(33)
Eb364
(Xb08)
Mn456
(01)
A(i290
(04)
178=Ma365
(13)
Ea460
(15)
26=An292
(02)
Eb366
(42)
Xn463
(Xa36)
136=Eb294
(31)
Fg368
(01)
Eb464
(27)
Aci295
(06)
Eb369
(09)
Na466
(37)
Na296
(01)
130=Eo371
(Ea24)
117 = En467
(01)
140=Eb297
(35)
Ab372
(07)
Ab468
(40)
An298
(08)
Fg374
(02)
125 = Eo471
(Eb45)
An299
(05)
On375
(03)
Eb472
(07)
OnSOO
(01)
Eb377
(03)
146 = Eb473
(34)
131=Ep301
(01)
181=Ma378
(14)
Eb477
(06)
27=Ae303
(08)
6 = Ab379
(02)
Jn478
(05)
Ea304
(01)
Ad380
(09)
Ea480
(10)
Ea305
(11)
Ab382
(28)
Ec481
(01)
Ad308
(05)
Na384
(07)
249 = Va482
(02)
Ea309
(28)
Ab388
(06)
Sa483
(05)
253=Jn310
(01)
254=Jn389
(04)
Cn485
(Xn06)
152 = Er312
(01)
Ad390
(13)
285 = Sa487
(02)
Aa313
(05)
175 = Ma393
(10)
284 = Sa488
(01)
Cn314
(21, Eb21b,
Na394
(Xall)
Ae489
(06)
Xn20)
190=Na395
(55)
Xn490
(63)
Ad315
(08)
Na396
(45)
Cn491
(08 a)
172 = Tn316
(Kn02)
Ma397
(17)
Vn493
(03)
142 = Eb317
(32)
Ae398
(Ad 15)
Eb495
(40)
Ad318
(20)
Xa400
(13)
Eb496
(05)
198=Ng319
(02)
Wa401
(06)
Eb498
(28)
Jn320
(06)
Na405
(47)
Eb499
(13)
139 = Eb321
(21a)
Na406
(72)
Eb501
(04)
Na322
(05)
Xb407
(06)
Eb502
(12)
Fn324
(03)
138 = Eb409
(10)
Xn503
(26)
Ea325
(17)
Jn410
(Xb07)
Xa504
(44)
Ad326
(03)
150 = Ec4Il
(07)
Aa506
(14)
139 = Eb327
(14)
Xa412
(09)
Xa507
(31)
Cn328
(03)
Jn413
(07)
Na512
(22)
Na329
(30)
Jn41o
(08)
Na513
(08)
Ma330
(15)
137 = Eb416
(30, 44;
187=Na514
(49)
199 = Ng332
(01)
Ab417
(11;
Ab515
(10)
Ma333
(07)
77 = Cn418
(23)
Xa516
(48)
194 = Na334
(58)
185=Xa419
(32)
57 = An519
(43)
Ma335
(11)
Ad420
(10)
193=Xa520
(57)
Ea336
(13)
Ea421
125)
Xa522
(24)
Na337
(04)
An424
(09 i
Xa523
(33)
141 = Eb338
(20)
Xa425
(52;
Xa525
(38)
Eb339
(17)
49 = An427
(07,
Ma526
(07)
An340
(21)
Gn428
{01, Xn51)
Xa527
(73)
Na342
(80)
Jn431
(03)
Xa529
(62)
Xa343
(01;
Xn432
!Xa08;
Xa530
(17)
Ae344
(Adi 7)
Jn433
;03'.
Xa531
{15;
Xa345
(61)
Un434
( Xn07)
Xa532
(23)
(25'
174 = Ma346
(08)
An435
(Xn52)
Xa533
Eb347
(29)
Cn436
!08i
Eb534
(19)
124 = Eo351
(Ec02)
Cn437
i'17i
Xa537
(74)
Un352
(10)
258 =Jo438
fKnOli
Ep539
(03)
Aa354
(02)
Ea439
(19!
Xa540
flO)
Ab355
(05)
Cn440
(30)
Xa541
(Xa41)
Ab356
(18i
Cn441
(32)
Xb542
(10)
Ad357
(Oil
Xn442
('57 i
186 = Xa543
(46)
Xn358
(10)
Un443
(01)
Xa544
(40)
450
TABLET CONCORDANCES
Na547
(09)
Ab746
(41)
Eal042
(26)
Na549
(36)
Aa762
(20)
Xal044
(12)
Na551
(27)
Ab789
(31)
Ebl047
(41)
9 = Ab553
(27)
Aa798
(17)
Mai 048
(19)
Ab554
(04)
132 = Eb818
(Ea21, 321
Abl049
(37)
Ab555
(09)
257=Jn829
(09)
Abl050
(35)
Ab558
(19)
Aii830
(Xn04)
Xal053
(35)
Ab559
(34)
183=Nn831
(02, 03)
Xal054
(14)
Ab560
(20)
Cn836
(16)
Xnl055
(49)
Na561
(11)
Eb842
(Ea33)
An 1060
(Cn29, Xnll
Ab562
(22)
133=Eb846
(08)
53)
Ab563
(21)
Vn851
(Xn67)
Xnl062
(54)
Ab564
(Aal6)
An852
(38)
Cnl063
(18)
Xa565
(26)
125=Eo855
(Ec03)
Xnl064
(55)
Eb566
(02)
40 = An857
(22)
Jnl065
(Xn56)
Xa567
(23)
Eb862
(38)
Cnl066
(31)
189 = Na568
(65)
153 = Er880
(02)
Cnl069
(33)
Cn570
(20)
Ae889
(Ad 16, 18)
Cnl071
(Xn58)
Na571
(12)
Eb892
(23)
Xnl072
(59)
Ab573
(13)
Ab899
(15)
Onl074
(02)
Ae574
(Ad 19)
151=Eb901
(36)
Cnl075
(28)
Ab575
(08)
Eb906
(Ea37)
Xnl076
(61)
Na576
(Xal6)
Ad921
(07)
Xnl077
(62)
Na577
(29)
Ea922
(22)
Xnl078
(65)
Ab578
(16)
Na923
(21, 53)
Sal 079
(05)
Ab580
(39)
Na924
(71)
Ebl082
(Xn66)
Ab581
(42)
Cn925
(03)
Ebl083
(18)
Ab582
(44)
196=Na926
(70)
Xnl084
(21)
Ab584
(38)
Eb940
(39)
Xal085
(Xa20)
Ab585
(Xal7)
Na941
(54)
Nal086
(78)
Ab586
(25)
An943
(11)
Wal087
(03)
Na588
(34)
Un998
(01)
197 = Na 1088
(69)
Xn590
(75)
EalOOO
(Xa31)
Xal089
(43)
Cn591
(01)
Pa 1002
(Xa04)
Xal090
(Xn71)
Un592
(07)
Cniooe
(XnOl)
Xal091
(38)
Xn593
(03)
Eal007
(29)
Xal092
(39)
An594
(04)
^Val008 (04)
\Val093
(05)
Cn595
(10, Xb05)
Nal009
(19)
Xal094
(21)
Cn599
(12)
EblOlO
(25)
Xnl095
(681
Cn600
(11)
XnlOll
(43)
Xnl096
(69)
Jn601
(02)
Xnl012
(38)
Cnl097
(Xn70)
Na604
(20)
NalOlS
(76)
Xnl098
(72)
Jn605
(Xn22)
Adl014
(11)
-•\bl099
(29)
Na606
(28)
Xnl015
(19)
AbllOO
(23)
28=An607
(42)
Nal016
(79)
AnllOl
(Xn92)
75 = Cn608
(02)
Eal0i7
(35)
.\bll02
(32)
114 = En609
(02)
EblOI8
(Ea31)
Abll03
(45)
54 = An610
(19)
Nal021
(XaI9)
Xnll04
(23)
Un6I2
(05)
Eal023
(36)
Abll05
(Xa28)
Xn613
(77)
Nal025
(63)
Nall 06
(Ea30)
An614
(33, 34)
Xnl026
(08)
Xall07
(29)
An615
(35)
Nal027
(02)
Xall08
(24)
An616
(23)
Xnl028
(09)
AbllOO
(43)
148 = Ep617
(04)
Fnl031
(04)
XalllO
(18)
Na621
(42)
.\nl033
(Xn48)
Xnllll
(13)
Aa662
(21)
Ebl034
(15)
Ablll2
(Xn73)
Ad667
(14)
Xal037
(14)
Ablll3
(Xn74)
Ad696
(13)
Nal038
(13)
Xnlll4
(12)
143 = Ep705
(05)
Nal039
(41)
Ealll5
(34)
55=An724
(32)
Nal040
(26)
Xnlll7
(78)
Ab745
(Aal8)
Nal041
(Xal5)
Xnlll8
(79)
451
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Xnlll9 (81)
148 = Epll21 (Xn24)
Xnll22 (84)
Xnll23 (85)
Anll24 (Xn86)
Xnll25 (87)
Xnll26 (88)
X11II27 (90)
Xnll28 (91)
Xnll29 (93)
Xnll30 (94)
148 = Epll31 (04)
Xnll32 (25)
X11II33 (32)
Xnll34 (34)
Xnll35 (35)
Xnll36 (96)
Xnll39 (97)
Wall48 (02)
Xnll49 (44)
Xnll50 (45)
Xnll51 (31)
Xnll62 (02)
Xnll63 (27)
X11II67 (64)
452
^SJ.Vinoy!D
Ceotral Archaeological Library,
NEW DELHI. ,
Call No.
,^.ce..Ao<c^
Title— 3 \v^
Boirowot No. 1
1
1 Date of Iisue
Date of Return
**Aiooh ^ i& dmt ia buf a Uock^*
v*^
^ . GOVT. OF INDIA
Department of Archaeology
0 NEW DELHI.
Please help -bb to fee^ the booh
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